When Whittier was asked how the stroke felt, he said, "It was like a

blow from a pile-driver,--and I would not like to have it repeated." The

hole which the lightning made in the side of the house, could scarcely

be distinguished from that of a large rifle bullet. A few days

afterwards I saw a small house set on fire by the lightning, and it was

consumed in a very few minutes, so one may infer how narrowly the

Whittier family escaped a double danger.

He was a tall, and rather slender man, measuring almost exactly six

feet, with sloping shoulders, and he stood so straight, as almost to be

the personification of uprightness. No soldier was ever more erect, and

this without the least stiffness or conventionality. His head was not

large at the base, but high-crowned and finely arched. His eyes were

magnificent, and can only be compared to Hawthorne's eyes, though not so

clear. Marshal von Moltke had eyes like two brilliant lights; even the

Emperor dared not look into them. Whittier's were not like this, but

seemed to be lighted by hidden fires; very large, dark, and powerful. He

had a sensitive and refined mouth, which was closed, as if by an effort

of the will. In general appearance he resembled men of the Revolutionary

period, as if a cotemporary of Washington had luckily been dropped out

of the eighteenth century. He looked like Copley's portrait of Samuel

Adams, but with a more intellectual, and less stubborn expression. From

boyhood he was always fragile and ailing, could not sleep well at night,

and would repeat poetry to himself (for he knew any quantity of it,

without making an effort to memorize it) until he fell asleep again: yet

to what an age he lived, and how much work he accomplished!

I am tempted here to quote from an essay by David A. Wasson, written

nearly thirty years ago:--

"God gave Whittier a deep, hot, simple, strenuous and yet ripe and

spherical, nature, whose twin necessities were, first that it

_must_ lay an intense grasp upon the elements of its experience,

and, secondly, that it _must_ work these up into some form of

melodious completeness. History and the world gave him Quakerism,

America, and Rural Solitude; and through this solitude went winding the

sweet, old Merrimac Stream, the river that we would not wish to forget,

even by the waters of the river of life! And it is into these elements

that his genius, with its peculiar vital simplicity and intensity,

strikes root. Historic reality, the great _facts_ of his time, are

the soil in which he grows, as they are with all natures of depth and

energy." "We did not wish," said Goethe, "to learn, but to live."

The anti-slavery movement originated with the Quakers. It seems to have

been their mission in America. Benjamin Lundy was a Quaker: Garrison and

his friends were non-resistants, which is political Quakerism. Whittier

was one of the first to join them, and none of them afterwards, except

Wendell Phillips, had such influence with the public. Neither was he

content with writing poetry for the cause, controversial lyrics and

war-songs of freedom, but he took a lively interest in the affairs of

the New England Society, went to its meetings and served on committees.

Phillips said that once, when the socialistic element in the movement

was threatening to come to open rupture with the more moderate

Garrisonian party, Whittier by his tact and good sense, and a few timely

remarks, did more than any other to harmonize matters, and prevent a

dissolution. When Emerson was informed of this, he remarked, "I have

always held Mr. Whittier in great respect; but this is the finest flower

in the poet's wreath."

It is astonishing enough now to reflect what the early abolitionists

attempted to do, and the manner in which they expected to do it. The

empire of Christianity, and of true civilization, was to be established

here in America for the first time and finally; the slaves were to be

emancipated, intemperance prevented, and all warfare ended. This was to

happen in a world where the Malthusian theory of population is a

dominant reality, where millions are fighting every day for the bread of

life, and thousands are dying from the lack of proper food, raiment and

shelter. One of their number whose name will not appear in history,

published a book, entitled "True Civilization an Immediate Necessity."

Surely enough true civilization is and always has been an immediate

necessity: a necessity like the feast of Tantalus: but how is it to be

realized? The purest saints and noblest statesmen have struggled and

died in despair in the attempt to elevate humanity a single inch above

the condition in which they found it.

Of course such a chimera as that of the abolitionists could only be

entertained by young, inexperienced and slightly educated men. Their

effort was a noble one, a blunder in the right direction; but they had

no conception of the explosive material which was contained in the

doctrine of non-resistance. Instead of moral persuasion and an era of

peace, there followed a desolating war in itself worse than fifty years

of African Slavery. The abolitionists were blamed for that calamity very

much as the Protestants have been blamed for the Massacre of St.

Bartholomew; and yet without doubt they were responsible for a portion

of it. Gunpowder cannot be made of sulphur and carbon alone, but

saltpetre also must be added.

Those who remain in this immature condition of fixed ideas throughout

life, purchase their experience at too high a rate. Whittier's poetic

art saved him from this and separated him finally from his Garrisonian

allies. With Garrison himself he always remained the best of friends;

but after the Kansas troubles began he did not continue to look upon him

as a leader, and in 1872 they were in political antagonism, Whittier

endorsing Sumner, and Garrison supporting Grant.

Perhaps the writing of "Ichabod" and Webster's subsequent death gave an

indication to Whittier of deeper life currents than he had known before;

for about that time, it seems to have dawned on him that didactic poetry

was not after all the best kind of poetry, and a work of art to be pure

and holy, must exist for its own sake, and be justified by its own

excellence. He refers to this intellectual change, not only in the lines

already quoted, but in a sort of confession, written at an earlier

period. He says--

"Art's perfect forms no moral need,

And beauty is its own excuse,"

and regrets that the highest reward of merit will never come to him on

this account. He realizes now that he belongs to a party and has been

looking at the world from the stand-point of party interest. In devoting

himself more closely to his vocation as a poet he acquired that moral

repose and better mental balance with which alone it is possible to see

things as they are. From this time forward the quality of his verses

shows a steady improvement.

The man possessed a deep nature and true breadth of character in spite

of the limitations of his environment; yet there were certain prejudices

and antipathies that adhered to him still. His unwillingness to listen

to music, is rather to be attributed to the old quaker, puritanical

notion that all sensuous enjoyment is sinful, than to the well known

indifference of poets, for that sister art to which they owe so much. He

once went so far as to take an interest in some musical glasses, and

seemed to be pleased with the simple tunes that were played on them; but

pianos and violins he had no liking for.

He enjoyed looking at portraits of distinguished men, but did not

approve of religious pictures. Bayard Taylor presented him with a copy

of his translation of "Faust," and he read it, for the sake of old

acquaintance, but he did not like it and wondered especially what

explanation "Goethe's apologists could make for the strange, and

extraordinary characters in the second part." When some one asked him

why he did not make a trip to Europe he said: "Travelling does not seem

to agree with me; but beside that, I do not think I should find pleasure

in it. Their great cathedrals which people go to see, would not be of

any account to me; and I am afraid I should not enjoy the works of art.

I should like to see Switzerland; but there are also fine mountains over

there"--pointing to New Hampshire.

His prohibitory friends alleged that he was a good deal disturbed by the

five kinds of wine provided for the seventieth birth-day dinner, with

which his Boston publishers honored him. He endeavored to escape from

this dinner, and Messrs. Osgood and Company were obliged to send for him

three times, and most urgently, before he could be persuaded to come. It

is doubtful however if he objected to people's drinking wine in their

own homes. [Footnote: To a friend, who sent him on his seventy-fifth

birth-day a bottle of rare old Andalusian "Olovosa" with a bouquet of

flowers, he wrote:--

"I hasten to thank thee, dear Mrs. ----, for thy kind note, and

accompanying flowers, wreathing like Hafiz on Omar Khayyam's roses, the

wine--not of Shiraz, but of storied Andalusia.

"I am not accustomed to tarry long at the wine--in this case I shall

remember Paul's advice to Timothy.

"I am gratefully thy old friend,

"JOHN G. WHITTIER.

"Boston, Dec. 17, 1892."]

He is the only American poet who may be fairly said to have earned his

living by his poems, though Longfellow might have done so, if it had

been his fortune to reside in a country town. Whittier may have assisted

sometimes in editing the local newspaper, and he once published a volume

of rather tame prose-studies of the Shakers and other strange people who

are found in the southern counties of New Hampshire. I never met with

but one copy of it, and it could not have had a large circulation. He

was not so much an observer of life and manners, as an imaginative

thinker,--one whose reflections took the shape of ideal pictures. This,

as Shakespeare would have called it, is the right complexion of the

lyric poet.

His exchequer suffered however in the earlier part of his career on

account of his principles. All the anti-slavery people suffered for

their convictions in one way or another--just as the slave-holders

suffered for theirs, in the end. Garrison was mobbed: Phillips, who

might have amassed wealth, like Phocian, died in poverty: Sumner was

murderously assaulted: John Brown, lost his life; and George L. Stearns,

died of unresting toil during the war, and wrecked his fortune: but

Whittier represented the heart of the American people, and after the

publication of "Barbara Frietchie" the tide turned in his favor.

"Snow-bound" had an extensive sale, and brought him in nearly

ten-thousand dollars. "The Tent on the Beach" paid almost as well; and

his collection of English and American poetry was a fortunate hit, on

the part of his publishers, which Whittier's modest nature would not

otherwise have thought of; so that he was well provided for, in old age,

and could even have made a journey around the world like General Grant,

if he had been so disposed.

[Illustration: WHITTIER IN HIS SEVENTY-SECOND YEAR. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY

THOMPSON.]

His popularity soon attracted the attention of politicians who hoped to

make use of it for the good of the country. He was too influential a

member of the community to be overlooked. Senator Wilson, Speaker

Colfax, Governor Claflin and others called upon him, congratulated him

on the fortunate turn of affairs, and hoped they might be of service to

him. Quakers have always had a good reputation for shrewdness, and

Whittier was not lacking in that quality. He understood perfectly well

what they wanted of him, and was a good deal amused by it, but he liked

to converse with vigorous and experienced men, and could obtain from

them a better understanding of affairs than was to be found in the

newspaper. His letters on politics were always able and interesting; and

he sometimes adopted exactly the opposite view from what his advisors

would have liked to have him. It is true he formerly dedicated a poem to

Colfax as an ideal statesman, but perhaps Whittier was more nearly right

in this than public opinion has been, since that time.

He disliked being lionized and was rarely seen in public. The adoration

of young women was of all things the most disagreeable to him. He

created quite a sensation by appearing at one of Emerson's noon-day

lectures in May, 1866, and as soon as the discourse was over he became

the centre of a small circle of celebrities. Yet he seemed even more

glad to meet his humbler and more familiar friends. He said, "If I come

again, it will be to hear that man," referring to Wendell Phillips, who

stood a little at one side watching Emerson and Whittier with the air of

an art critic.

He said of the Boston Radical Club (which nevertheless contained the

best intellectual life of its time) that he feared the saints went there

not only to worship but to be worshipped:--a large part of the audience

consisting of pretty young women. Yet he finally went there himself, for

the sake of an interview with the most distinguished of his admirers,

the Emperor of Brazil. This magnificent monarch, who may even be called

the Marcus Aurelius of modern times, openly declared that there was

nothing in North America that he wished so much to see as the poet

Whittier. A meeting was accordingly arranged, and no sooner had Dom

Pedro caught sight of Whittier (whom he recognized from the pictures he

possessed) than he hastened to embrace him, and would certainly have

kissed the astonished Quaker, after the fashion that prevails among the

Latin races, if Whittier had permitted him the least opportunity. After

paying his compliments in a handsome manner to the assembled company the

Emperor took his leave again, and insisted on carrying off the poet with

him. One might like to know what sort of a conversation two such

different and almost antipodal friends had together for that one hour in

a lifetime.

The climate of the Isles of Shoals exactly suited Whittier's dreamy

nature. He would wander from the piazza into the billiard-room, and back

again to the piazza, and then look at the sea for an hour or more

without speaking a word to any one. Indeed he talked very little even

with those who knew him best, and strangers had no chance at all with

him. There was something respectful in the hush of conversation whenever

he approached a group of people who were talking loudly or laughing. I

never met him walking over the rocks, or knew of his going out on the

water either for sailing or fishing. One foggy evening when some of us

were playing a game of writing verses in the hotel parlor, one of the

ladies seeing Whittier alone, in a corner of the room, boldly invited

him to join us, which he did with a very pleasant alacrity. It was

noticed however that his compositions were not any better or even so

good as those of the others, and we suspected that he took pains not to

excel the rest of the company.

Yet he could talk in a vigorous manner when the right occasion presented

itself. There was a certain Colonel Greene who frequented Appledore in

those years: a high-minded socialistic thinker, who had resigned a

commission in the United States Army, during the war with the Florida

Indians, on account of the government's breach of faith with Osceola. He

was a born controversialist and always ready to discuss any subject in

politics, religion or philosophy. John Weiss was not far behind him in

this line, and delighted to set him going for the benefit of those who

liked to hear. No sea air was sufficiently narcotic to dull the edge of

Colonel Greene's argument. When these two were once discussing a book on

pantheism, which had lately been published by Rev. J. W. Manning of the

Old South Church, Whittier, who had been walking to and fro on the

piazza just within reach of their voices, finally, came up and said: "I

told Manning that the one kind of pantheist he had omitted from his

book, was the orthodox pantheist. For that matter, I believe there are

pantheists in every religious sect. They start like Professor Parsons

the Swedenborgian, with the proposition that as even God could not make

the universe out of nothing, he must have made it out of Himself; and

you cannot argue them away from it. At the same time, they will insist

that they are perfectly good Christians." He then cited several

instances of this which had come under his own observation: and Colonel

Greene also remembered some cases; but this was the only time we knew

Whittier to speak on a religious question.

Longfellow, Tennyson and Whittier were the three most popular poets of

the latter part of the present century, and it is difficult to determine

which of them may be considered the best. While neither of them rises to

the very highest rank, each has excellences peculiarly his own. Whittier

does not equal the others in their graceful diction and rare metrical

skill, but he surpasses them in earnestness and intensity. He paints in

deeper colors, and with a firmer touch. The longer and more ambitious

poems of Tennyson and Longfellow are interesting, but they lack the

strength, vigor and greatness of design which are inseparable from all

the noblest works of art.

They are written to please, rather than to educate the human race. Their

shorter pieces are the best ones. Whittier's chief excellence is to be

found in his ballads; in the "Wreck at Rivermouth," "Skipper Ireson,"

"The Relief of Lucknow," "Barbara Frietchie" and others. Nothing is more

rare than a fine ballad. Coleridge's ballad of the "Ancient Mariner" is

probably the greatest English poem written since Milton's time, and

there are many old English ballads which are nearly equal to it. The

ballad of "Mary Garvin," simply as a work of art, takes the first place

among Longfellow's poems. Tennyson and Whittier both tried their hands

on the siege of Lucknow, and Whittier carried off the prize.

His verses are always sensible, healthy and elevating. Complaint has

been made that they are too much haunted by the spectre of his

schoolmate; but without saying this, we could wish that such an immature

affection had been replaced afterwards by a deeper and more manly

attachment. He was assisted in the arrangement of his collection of

poetry (which Lowell and other good critics considered the best we have)

by his poetical friend Miss Lucy Larcom, and this was chiefly no doubt

that she might receive a share of the profits from its publication. The

sonnets from Shakespeare and many others, were of her selection. The art

of poetry came so naturally to Whittier, that he said he could not

understand why every one did not write it as well as or better than he

could.

At the time of Hawthorne's last visit to the Isles of Shoals in company

with his friend the ex-President, there was also a party of business men

from Concord, New Hampshire, who tried to make his acquaintance, but

without much success. Afterwards we went to Portsmouth with the same

party and were becalmed on the way for nearly four hours, so that we had

an excellent chance to become acquainted with our fellow passengers. One

of them said:--"Nathaniel Hawthorne was a very reserved man. There's

Franklin Pierce: he has been President of the United States, and yet

anyone can go up and speak to him; but we found Hawthorne very

different." Of course we had to tell this on our return, and Whittier

laughed heartily. Mrs. Thaxter said, "Reserved was no word for it;" and

Whittier added, "Hawthorne was a strange puzzle. I never felt quite sure

whether I knew him or not. He never seemed to be doing anything, and yet

he did not like to be disturbed at it." He disliked to hear people say

that Hawthorne wrote the life of General Pierce for the sake of a

government office. They were old college friends, and without doubt he

would have obtained the office whether he wrote it or not. If he wished

to live in Italy Buchanan should have given him the consulship of

Leghorn or Venice. He looked on "Septimus Felton" as a failure, and

thought that probably Hawthorne considered it so himself. He thought it

not unlikely that Hawthorne would outlive every other writer of his

time.

At another time he came to me and said, "What deep problems of

government are you thinking over there all by yourself?" I laughed and

told him that I was thinking of Rome; and how much that little patch of

water looked like the piece of sea in Guido's Aurora; but I was glad to

have him speak of politics, for the present condition of affairs was

such as to give every serious man anxiety for the moral welfare of the

country.

"Indeed it is," he replied. "What we read in the newspapers is bad

enough; but I have information from private sources which represents

matters as being even worse than is generally supposed." [Footnote: This

was in 1875.]

"Perhaps," I said, "it is one of those evils which will cure itself

after a certain time."

"It will, no doubt," he answered, "bring about a strong reaction against

the Republican party; but even that is a thing to be deplored. Meanwhile

what an example we present to the monarchical governments of Europe!"

[Illustration: THE MERRIMAC RIVER, NEAR AMESBURY, BY MOONLIGHT.]

"I suppose," said I, "that it is one of the consequences of our civil

war."

"Yes," said he, "I am ready to agree to that,--a long and protracted war

must have a hardening and brutalizing influence on the community even

when it is fought for a good cause."

"Did not Hawthorne," I said, "predict something like this in an article

in the 'Atlantic Monthly'?"

"Yes," he replied, "I remember that article,--it was just a year before

his death,--and there was a good deal of wisdom in it. Some of my

friends are inclined to think that woman suffrage would improve the

present condition of politics, but I do not feel sure that it would."

"I have no doubt it would do good if only the sensible women were

permitted to vote," I said. "My faith is that what we need to purify

politics in America is not an extension, but a restriction of the

suffrage. It is easy to see, for instance, how favorably that would work

in the city of New York, which with its custom-house is now the heaviest

burden we have to bear."

What Whittier thought of this idea I never knew; he seemed to be

reflecting on it when the ladies of his party came in sight and we both

rose to meet them.

Though he was not fond of travelling, he liked to read books of travel;

and once, according to his doctor's advice, spent a winter at Amesbury

reading everything of the kind that he could hear of and obtain. He

spoke of Wilson's book on the Himalaya Mountains as the most interesting

of them. "It seems as if there was nothing that a cultivated Englishman

could not and would not go through with," he said. I mentioned Humboldt.

"Yes," he replied, "Humboldt certainly accomplished wonderful things,

but the Germans are generally more cautious and prudent. A cultivated

Englishman seems to be equal to anything." Among modern travellers

however, Vambery, the Hungarian, takes the highest rank.

At a later period, I was journeying through the White Mountains and

reached West Ossipee one afternoon tired with travelling and weary from

a sleepless night. I hastened to my room and threw myself upon the bed,

but had scarcely closed my eyes when there was a knock at the door and

there stood Mr. Whittier,--the pleasantest of all apparitions for some

years. The next few days were like dwelling in the islands of the blest,

compared with the ordinary current of human life. It was a holiday

within a holiday. He was surrounded by charming ladies, among them his

niece Mrs. Caldwell, and as it was late in the season we had the Bear

Camp House--a place that now ought to be historic--almost to ourselves.

Sketches from Concord and Appledore Concord thirty years ago; Nathaniel Hawthorne; Louisa M. Alcott; Ralph Waldo Emerson; Matthew Arnold; David A. Wasson; Wendell Phillips; Appledore and its visitors; John Greenleaf Whittier · 第 14 / 15 段