THE YEAR 1840 AND THE BLOOD ACCUSATION AT DAMASCUS.
Mehmet Ali--Ratti Menton--Damascus--Father Tomaso--His
Disappearance--Blood Accusation against the Jews of Damascus--
Imprisonment of Accused--Their Tortures and Martyrdom--Blood
Accusation in Rhodes--In Prussia--Adolf Crémieux--Meeting
of English Jews--Moses Montefiore--Nathaniel de Rothschild--
Merlato, the Austrian Consul--Plots--Thiers--Steps taken by
the Jews in Paris and London--Bernard van Oven--Mansion House
Meeting--Montefiore, Crémieux, and others sent to Egypt--
Solomon Munk.
1840 C. E.
If Joel Jacoby wavering between faith and apostasy thus addressed
Judaism, "Feeble is thy body, my people, and thy spirit weary:
therefore do I bring thee a coffin and dedicate to thee a tomb"; and
if Geiger's paper, half in pain, half in spite, testified that "the
bond which used to keep together the congregations is torn asunder, and
now they are only externally united, the will-power of the community
is broken," the wish was father to the thought, or the writers greatly
deceived themselves. Superficial observers, self-willed opinionists,
they thought the symptoms of rapid growth signs of swift consumption,
and praised their own quack medicines, which would surely have brought
about dissolution.
An unforeseen event, insignificant at the beginning, but of vast
importance in its results, gave the lie to the false prophets and
quacks, and showed how wondrous the force which holds the members of
the Jewish race in an indissoluble union; how strong the invisible bond
which without their knowledge embraces them; and how a serious menace
to Judaism arouses the patriotism of the reformer and the orthodox, of
the politician who appears to have forsaken his faith and the recluse
engrossed only in the Kabbala or the Talmud, of the Jew in frivolous
France and of him in serious Asia. Strangely enough, the despised
"Jewish Question" became interwoven in the complicated threads of
European and Asiatic politics, and the Russian despot Nicholas as also
the American Republic had to take up the cause of the Jews in Damascus.
He who remembers this time, and can appreciate the marvels of history,
cannot misunderstand the wonderful intermingling of events. Ratti
Menton, an Italian naturalized in France, a reckless, unconscientious
fortune-hunter; Hanna Bachari Bey, a renegade, who had passed from
Christianity to Islam, a thorough knave and bitter Jew-hater; Mohammed
El-Telli, a man of like caliber, who threatened a rich Jew in Damascus
with a blood accusation unless he advanced money to relieve him of his
difficulties; and finally a Christian Arab, Shibli Ajub, a worthless
wretch panting for revenge, because he had been imprisoned on the
charge of embezzlement preferred by a Jew; this is the list of fiends
who originated a bloody drama, in which the part of martyrs was
once more played by the Jews. But their sufferings induced courage,
exaltation, and proud self-reliance.
Political events, as intimated, served as the background for this
drama. The cunning Mehmet Ali, Pasha of Egypt, by splendid victories
had wrested all Syria and Palestine from the Turkish sultan, his feudal
lord. He oppressed the inhabitants of these countries more severely
even than those of his own pashalic, in order to fill his coffers. The
so-called Citizen King, Louis Philippe, equally cunning, in order to
disarm the resentment of the legitimate princes of Europe, supported
Mehmet Ali's plans of conquest, and French agents aided the Egyptian
robbery system. These intrigues increased when the strong-minded but
unfortunate Sultan Mohammed was dead, and his weak, pampered son, Abdul
Meg'id, only seventeen years old, ascended the throne (July, 1839).
Then the Eastern Question commenced to wax warm. Russia supported
feeble Turkey that it might not fall into the arms of Mehmet Ali.
France, on the other hand, supported the Egyptian robber, in order
to checkmate Russia. Austria and England were unsettled in their
policy, and Prussia was the fifth wheel on the van of the European
Pentarchy. Owing to the close union between Louis Philippe and Mehmet
Ali, the Christians in Palestine and Syria, hitherto oppressed, could
now raise their heads; for France delighted to pose as the protector
of Christianity in the East in order to gain title and power, as she
coquetted with the clerical party at home in order to suppress the
friends of liberty. The clergy and monks of many orders in the East,
especially the Catholics or Latins, until lately the oppressed, now,
relying upon French protection, became the oppressors.
In Damascus, which at that time contained five thousand Jewish
families, or about twenty thousand souls, the guardian of a Capuchin
cloister, Father Tomaso (Thomas), of Sardinia, together with his
servant, disappeared one day (February 5, 1840). He was no saint in
the Catholic sense of the word, but a man of the world, more ready
to take than to give money. He pottered in medicine, especially
occupying himself with inoculation for small-pox, and as often visited
in Jewish and Mahometan as in Christian quarters. What had become
of the Father so well known to the whole population of Damascus? No
one knew exactly. There was a rumor that Tomaso had some days before
quarreled with a Turkish mule-driver, who was said to have sworn,
"This Christian dog shall die by no other hand than mine." It was said
that insults and violence followed. As soon as it was known that the
Father had disappeared, and had probably met with a violent death,
the monks besieged the unscrupulous Ratti Menton, the French consul
in Damascus, with entreaties to search for the murderer. Attention
was immediately directed to the Jews, some of them having innocently
testified that they had seen Tomaso and his servant in the Jewish
quarter, on the evening before they disappeared. The monks, chief
among them a fanatical Jew-hater, Father Tusti, quickly caught up the
suspicion against the Jews, hoping thereby to gain several ends. They
could satiate their hatred against the Jews, suppress the inquiry as
to whether Father Tomaso had indeed quarreled with Mussulmans and
reviled them, and finally a new martyr, slain by the Jews, would be
added to their list of saints, which was always a source of profit.
Ratti Menton, in turn, from interested motives, quickly endorsed the
suspicion against the Jews, and relinquished every other theory,
although a clue had been given by the fact that the Turkish merchant,
who had been present at the quarrel with the Father, had hanged
himself. Sherif Pasha, the governor of Damascus, was readily induced to
permit or carry on the persecution of the Jews from a desire to be on
friendly terms with the French consul, and hoping to obtain profit for
himself from a blood accusation against the Jews. To save appearances,
the accusers quoted the evidence of a pious fraud, who assured them
that Tomaso and his servant had been murdered in the Jewish quarter in
such and such a house. This trick was probably perpetrated by Bachari
Bey. The Turkish rascal, Mohammed El-Telli, offered his services as
a spy to Ratti Menton, if he would free him from prison and debt. He
willingly consented; the two scoundrels were worthy of each other.
Proofs soon accumulated. Christians testified that they had heard
Jews say, "Let us shut the gates, and not go out, because danger is
imminent," or that they had seen the monk in the house of a Jew shortly
before his disappearance. The bill of accusation was quickly prepared:
"The Jews have murdered Tomaso and his servant to use the blood for
their Passover Festival,"--as though they would be so ridiculous as
to keep it for six weeks! Efforts were made to arouse the Christians
and the Turkish populace. Several Jews were arrested, brought before
Ratti Menton, and examined. A poor Jewish barber from inborn fear
showed great confusion during the examination in the presence of the
spies. But he firmly denied participation in, or knowledge of, the
murder of the missing monk. Nevertheless the French consul handed him
over for trial to Sherif Pasha, as a man under strong suspicion. The
latter ordered him to receive the bastinado, five hundred blows with a
stick upon the soles of his feet. This torture, however, appeared too
mild to Ratti Menton. The poor barber was subjected to the cruellest
tortures, but he remained steadfast. He was then visited by Mohammed
El-Telli, who was in prison for debt. Induced by deceitful speeches,
the barber, afraid of fresh torture, agreed to name the guilty persons.
He named, upon suggestion, seven distinguished and wealthy Jews, David
Arari (Harari), with his son and brothers, then Moses Abulafia, Moses
Saloniki, and Joseph Laniado, an old man of eighty years. When arrested
and examined they denied their guilt. The bastinado was resorted to,
but the executioners, fearing that the old men would sink under the
blows, and that their confessions would be of no use, employed another
method of torture. The accused, guarded by soldiers, were compelled to
stand erect for thirty-six hours, without food or drink, and without
being allowed to go to sleep. As this torture bore no result, the
bloodthirsty villains proceeded at Ratti Menton's orders to inflict
a violent beating with switches; at the twentieth blow the unhappy
victims fell to the ground unconscious. The French consul nevertheless
ordered the scourging to be continued when they revived.
All this, however, did not extort a confession. Sherif Pasha invented
a new species of torment, or employed one suggested to him. More than
sixty children between the ages of three and ten were torn from their
parents, shut up in a room, and deprived of food, so that the mothers,
agonized by the piteous cries of the children, might be driven to
make confessions, even though untrue ones. This means also failed. In
spite of compassion for their children, the Jewish mothers in no way
confirmed the horrible accusation. Only one woman and her daughter were
driven by grief and love of their children into the arms of Islam.
Sherif Pasha became enraged, and threatened that if the Father were not
found, many Jewish heads should fall. With a band of soldiers (February
18) he marched into the Jewish quarter, and commanded the magnificent
house of David Arari to be destroyed, in order to find the corpse of
the monk or suspicious traces. The houses of the other accused were
also ruined. Distressed by so much cruelty, a Jewish youth ventured
to go to the Pasha and give evidence that he had seen Father Tomaso
enter the shop of a Turk shortly before his disappearance. Instead of
following this clue, Ratti Menton and his private secretary, Baudin,
tried to hush up the evidence. The youth was unmercifully flogged, and
in the same night died, the first martyr in this tragedy.
Ratti Menton was inexhaustible in devices for extorting a confession
from the Jews. He ordered an experiment to be tried upon David Arari's
Turkish servant, Murad el Fallat. He had nothing to confess, and
permitted himself to be scourged till his body was almost lacerated.
Mohammed El-Telli then interviewed him, and by mingling friendly
overtures and threats obtained some information from him. The servant
accused himself of having murdered Tomaso at the command of David
Arari in the presence of the other prisoners; and the Jewish barber
was persuaded to confirm this statement. Ratti Menton then caused the
two mutilated men to be led to a place where the bones and skulls were
supposed to have been thrown into a canal. He found a piece of bone
and a fragment of cloth; Christian doctors declared that this bone
belonged to a human body, and the patch was judged to be part of the
monk's cowl. Positive proof of the murder having been thus found in the
Jewish quarter, the seven accused were again examined, and subjected to
cruel tortures. They were ordered to produce the flask of blood taken
from the murdered men for the Passover Festival. The tortures killed
the old man Joseph Laniado. Moses Abulafia, to escape further torture,
assumed the turban. The others, worn out by suffering, said all that
was demanded of them; they had become dull, and only desired a speedy
death. Their confession, however, did not help them. The French consul
wanted tangible evidence, such as the flask of blood and other proofs.
But the poor prisoners, however willing, were unable to produce them.
New tortures were applied, the only result being that the wretched
victims retracted their former confessions. As Ratti Menton needed new
victims, Arari's servant was required to assist in supplying them early
in March. Suspicion fell upon other distinguished Jewish families: upon
the wealthy family of Farchi (Parchi), upon a young man named Isaac
Levi Picciotto (Peixotto), and upon Aaron Stambuli. Three rabbis of
Damascus, Jacob Anteri, Solomon and Azaria Halfen, had been arrested
earlier, and tortured, but the desired evidence was not obtained.
Of the distinguished Jews said to be implicated in the charge of
murder, only two could be found: Raphael Murad Farchi who, owing to
his high position as consul, thought himself safe, and Picciotto, the
nephew of the consul-general of Aleppo, who had been knighted for his
services by the Austrian emperor. Picciotto alone remained steadfast,
and boldly upbraided Ratti Menton and the Pasha with the inhumanity
of their conduct. He was protected by the Austrian consul, an Italian
named Merlato, who despite all threats and arguments refused to allow
an Austrian subject to be tortured without substantial proofs of his
guilt. This new complication produced a change in the horrifying
drama. Merlato had long looked on calmly at the inhuman acts, like the
other European consuls, especially the English consul named Werry, who
was Ratti Menton's accomplice. But at length Merlato's patience was
exhausted; he openly attacked the barbarous, horrible proceedings.
Consequently he had to endure a good deal of abuse. The Christian
populace heaped curses upon him, because he defended the Jews, and
would not surrender his protégé Picciotto into the hands of the
cannibals. His house was surrounded by spies, and the Mahometan mob was
also inflamed against the Jews by foul means.
Ratti Menton was indefatigable in inventing new charges and sham
proofs. He ordered a contemptible book against the Jews, by Lucio
Ferrajo, which had been shown him by the monks, to be translated into
Arabic. This book proved from the Talmud that the Jews used blood, that
they slew Christian children, and outraged the Host, which afterwards
worked miracles. The Arabic translation was given by Ratti Menton to
Sherif Pasha, and he circulated it among the Mahometan populace. To
set on foot a thorough-going persecution, Franciscus of Sardinia, a
venomous Capuchin monk, was brought from Beyrout, being well known
for his ability to give an appearance of truth to perversions and
falsehoods. The Pasha then commanded that the three imprisoned rabbis
be separated, and directed to translate into Arabic certain suspicious
passages in the Talmud, with the threat of death if they were caught
in a deception. Thoughtful Turks shook their heads at this systematic
persecution of the Jews; but they held their peace. Ratti Menton
closed the proceedings, and pronounced judgment, as if it had been
incontrovertibly proved, that the arrested and tortured Jews were the
murderers of Father Tomaso. Those still alive were sentenced to be
beheaded. Sherif Pasha obtained the assent of his lord, Mehmet Ali, to
this deed.
As if to give verisimilitude to the blood-accusation against the Jews,
and justify their destruction as bloodthirsty cannibals, a similar
incident occurred at about the same time on the island of Rhodes, which
belonged to Turkey. A boy of ten years of age, the son of a Greek
peasant, had hanged himself, and the Christians hastened to charge the
Jews with his murder. The European consuls took the matter in hand,
and demanded of the governor, Jussuf Pasha, a strict investigation
against the Jews. Upon the evidence of two Greek women that the boy
had followed a Jew of Rhodes, the man was arrested, tried, imprisoned,
and, because of his denial, inhumanly tortured. His nostrils were
pierced by an iron wire, red-hot coals placed upon his head, and a
heavy stone upon his breast. This was done or approved by Europeans and
Christians, consuls of the European powers, of England, France, and
Sweden. Here, too, the Austrian consul took no part in the barbarous
persecution. The torture was applied to the accused Jew by his officers
without the knowledge of the Pasha. The confession which they desired
to obtain was that he had killed the Greek boy to send his blood to
the chief rabbi at Constantinople. It was a sort of conspiracy of the
Christians in Turkey against the Jews, to bring them to the edge of the
precipice, perhaps due to envy, because the young Sultan, Abdul Meg'id,
on ascending the throne, in his congratulatory address (Hatti-Sherif of
Gulhane) had conceded equal privileges to all subjects of his kingdom,
Jews included. The Greeks and Latins in Turkey thought but little of
their freedom, because they had to share it with the hated Jews.
Induced by the cruel torture, the half lifeless Jew in Rhodes made a
confession. He incriminated several Jews in the murder of the boy,
hoping that they had already fled from fear of persecution. But some
of them were still in Rhodes. As in Damascus, they were incarcerated,
tortured, and brought near to death's door. Nevertheless they remained
firm. The consuls then ordered the Ghetto to be closed, so that no
one might pass in and out, and the Jews might be unable to lay their
complaints before the Pasha, or even before the Sultan. For three days
the Jews received no food from outside. Greeks were constantly prowling
around the Ghetto to throw in bones, to be able to say afterwards that
they were the bones of a murdered Christian. The Austrian consul, who
at first had taken the part of the Jews, was ultimately induced to join
their enemies.
In consequence of this double accusation, a perfect storm arose
against the Jews in Syria and Turkey. In Djabar, near Damascus, the
mob broke into the synagogue, pillaged and destroyed it, and tore the
scrolls of the Law to shreds. In Beyrout the Jews were protected from
ill-treatment by the interposition of Laurilla, the Dutch consul, and
Sason, the Prussian consul. The spirit of enmity spread as far as
Smyrna, and was attended by many attacks upon the Jews.
Was it a mere accident that at the same time (beginning of March,
1840) a blood accusation was raised against a Jew in Rhenish Prussia,
in Jülich? A Christian girl, nine years of age, asserted that a Jew
had stabbed her. Her little brother, six years old, confirmed her
statement. A Jew and his wife, who happened to be journeying through
Jülich, were identified by the children as the criminals, and the girl
added that the Jew at the same time had killed an old Christian with
a knife. If truth speaks from the mouth of children, this Jew would
have had to be sentenced as a murderer of Christians, a vampire. If the
torture had been applied, an avowal of the crime would probably have
been extorted from the Jew and his wife. But a strict judicial inquiry
elicited that the statements of the children were idle falsehoods and
deception. The Christian supposed to have been murdered was alive.
The pretended wound on the girl's body was only a smudge of blood.
The accused Jew was acquitted, and a rumor, referred to by the state
attorney himself, charged two Christians from Düsseldorf with having
drummed these horrible accusations into the children's heads.
In Rhenish Prussia the truth and the innocence of the Jews were
brought to light quickly. In Damascus and Rhodes, on the other hand,
the struggle was prolonged, because fiendish European Christians
had intentionally woven such a network of lies, that even guileless
persons were deceived. In vain the ill-treated Jews wrung their hands,
and entreated their European brethren to aid them by means of their
more favorable circumstances. They found it exceedingly difficult to
bring the truth to light and to unmask villainy. Religious fanaticism,
Judæophobia, and political party passions, all combined to assist
the triumph of falsehood. The underhand plotters employed the art of
Guttenberg--whose four hundredth jubilee was then being celebrated--to
circulate accusations throughout the world that Jews were eager
drinkers of Christian blood.
Ratti Menton arranged that a report from Damascus presenting the events
from his point of view be inserted in the French journals to inform the
European world that the Jews had murdered a priest and his servant, and
had collected the blood for their unleavened bread for the Passover.
One corpse had been thrown into the canal in their quarter, and the
other into a Jew's cellar. They had confessed, acknowledging that they
had committed the crime in order to celebrate the mysteries of their
religion. Without Ratti Menton's zeal the culprits would not have been
discovered, and without his interposition the Jewish quarter and all
its inhabitants would have been destroyed. Not only the newspapers
controlled by the Catholic clergy zealously spread this charge against
the Jews, but also the liberal journals, in order to glorify the power
of France in the East, published as facts all the distorted statements
from Damascus. The eyes of Europe being at this time directed towards
the entanglements in Turkey, the false reports rapidly spread through
the veins of European journalism. The hatred of the Middle Ages against
the Jews might have been easily re-awakened, and might have caused
scenes of blood to be re-enacted. The Jews of Europe were filled with
horror that in the broad daylight of the nineteenth century they had
still to contend against the dark specter of the blood accusation, that
it might not drag them down into the grave.
The press, which had been used by their adversaries, was now employed
to greater advantage in the cause of the Jews. Calumnies and lying
accusations against them could no longer be concealed under the veil
of secrecy. There were courageous Jews who tore off the mask of virtue
from falsehood and hypocrisy. Such a man was Adolf Crémieux (born 1796,
died 1880), who shortly before this time had celebrated triumphs of
eloquence. This extraordinary man was destined, as will be shown, to
become the bold and powerful advocate of the Jews in their tribulation.
The false charges brought against them in Damascus made him their
advocate, and induced him to take an active part in the history of
his co-religionists. Crémieux, who, among the many talented orators
of France, was considered an exceptionally fine speaker, employed his
great gifts in the defense of innocent prisoners, without distinction
of creed, position, or party. Although Crémieux was at this time a
member of the Franco-Jewish consistory, he had not hitherto troubled
himself much about Jewish affairs; his soul was filled with patriotism
for France. The blood accusation at Damascus, which had been spread far
and wide by the opponents of the Jews, first reminded him of his Jewish
origin, and inspired him with courage and zeal to take up the cause
of his brethren in religion and race, and developed in him a glowing
patriotism for Judaism. At the first news of the dark proceedings in
Damascus, thoroughly convinced that the Eastern like the European Jews
were innocent of blood, Crémieux hastened to the French minister to
ask him whether the government had more precise information on the
matter. The minister replied that he had not received the slightest
information on the subject from the consul or any other source. Thus
it was made evident how this game was played. With all the glowing
fire of his eloquence and the courage instilled by a righteous cause,
Crémieux opposed the wide-spread slanders which echoed through France
(April 7), and became the center of a patriotic movement of the
French communities. Crémieux was then vice-president of the central
consistory; and the Jews of France looked to him, their appointed
representative, to rend asunder the network of lies which extended from
Damascus to France.
Like the French Jews, those of England also aroused themselves
suddenly. By their wealth and honorable conduct they stood very high
in public opinion. Some had been elected to fill the honorable post of
sheriff; and it was to be expected that they would soon be admitted
into Parliament. The most distinguished Jews of England, among them
Baron Nathaniel Rothschild, Sir Moses Montefiore (who from a pious
sentiment had undertaken a pilgrimage to the Holy Land), Salomons,
and the highly-esteemed brothers Goldsmid, held a meeting (April
21), and resolved to appeal to the governments of England, France,
and Austria, to use their influence to put a stop to the inhuman
proceedings in Damascus. Crémieux came to London, and was present
at the meeting, in order to consider a common course of action. The
unanimity was noteworthy with which prominent Jews took up the cause
of their persecuted brethren, and defended the purity of Judaism, of
its Law, and the Talmud. On the same day (May 1), Crémieux presented
himself before Louis Philippe, king of France, and a Jewish deputation
waited on the English minister, Lord Palmerston, in order to obtain the
protection of these two countries for the victims in Damascus.
Louis Philippe replied with much feeling:
"I do not know anything about the occurrence; but if anywhere
there are unfortunate Jews who appeal to the protection of my
government, and if anything can be effected by its means, I
will conform with your wishes."
Whether the asseveration was seriously meant by this diplomatic monarch
cannot be known. A vice-consul was, however, appointed to visit
Damascus, investigate the matter, and draw up a report. But he was only
a subordinate, whom, as might have been imagined, Ratti Menton could
easily deceive, or venture to oppose. The answer of Lord Palmerston
was more straightforward. He promised the Jewish deputation, who laid
before him full proofs of the innocence of the accused at Damascus and
Rhodes, that he would empower the English ambassador at Constantinople,
as also the consul at Alexandria, to use every effort to check the
continuance of such cruelties. In another quarter, less public, but
more effective, steps were taken to obtain the support of Vienna and
the Austrian cabinet. The Austrian consul in Damascus, Merlato, was
the only one who had seen through the wickedness of Ratti Menton, his
assistants, and the monks, and with true soldierly courage had offered
firm resistance. In return, he was abused by his opponents both in the
East and the West; they decried him as a Jew, to throw suspicion upon
his defense of the Jews, and thus destroy its effects. But Merlato
felt himself morally pledged to plead the innocence of the Jews as
a personal matter. He issued a faithful and comprehensive report
of the groundless attacks of the mob upon the victims at Damascus.
This narrative, a defense of his conduct in protecting Picciotto, he
despatched to his superior, the consul-general of Egypt, and it was
sent by the latter as a correct account to Metternich, the Austrian
minister. Although adverse to publicity, Metternich had allowed all
writings favorable to the Jews to be circulated in the newspapers. In
this report Ratti Menton, whom the clerical intriguers had glorified
as an angel of light, was shown to be an evil demon. A revolution
ensued in public opinion which filled the Jews with courage, and
foreshadowed the triumph of justice. It is difficult to say whether
Metternich's intervention in this matter arose from his own impulse,
from displeasure at the cruelty practiced, or from political hostility
to France and a desire to break her power in the East, or, perhaps,
from complaisance to the house of Rothschild, whose members were
extraordinarily zealous on behalf of their co-religionists in this
affair. At any rate, Metternich encouraged the Austrian agents in Egypt
and Syria to stand up boldly in defense of the Jews.
In Constantinople, at the divan of the Sultan, the representatives of
European governments friendly to the Jews, obtained a revision of the
trial for blood accusation in the island of Rhodes. Jewish deputies
from Rhodes had at length succeeded in reaching Constantinople.
Nathaniel de Rothschild also betook himself thither, and as a result
Abdul Meg'id issued a Firman (July 27) that the Greek population should
send to the capital three primates as accusers, and the Jews as many
elders as defendants. A tribunal, under the presidency of Risaat Bey,
was appointed to inquire into the matter, the result being that Jussuf
Pasha was dismissed from his post of governor of Rhodes, and the Jews
charged with child-murder were acquitted. Further, they were instructed
to demand compensation for the losses sustained from those who had
unjustly accused them, viz., some of the European consuls. In three
months--from the beginning of May till towards the end of July--the
affair was settled.
With Mehmet Ali there were greater difficulties to be encountered. He
had, indeed, as early as the beginning of April, promised the Austrian
consul-general Laurin to put an end to the atrocities; but this was
prevented by the French consul-general, Cochelet, and, foolishly
trusting in France, he could not quarrel with the agents of the French
government. But Laurin, acting on the instructions of Metternich, was
untiring in his efforts to withdraw the Pasha of Egypt from the net
of the French intriguers. At his instigation the Jews of Alexandria
presented an eloquent and spirited address to Mehmet Ali. It was
remarkable that the Egyptian Jews did not receive the bastinado for
speaking the truth; Mehmet Ali well knew who supported them. A letter
of Metternich to the Pasha produced a wonderfully favorable effect. In
the settlement of the Eastern Question, the latter could not afford
to break with Austria, from which country the Sultan could obtain
reinforcements more quickly than from France.
Mehmet Ali therefore resolved to form a court of justice, consisting
of the consuls of Austria, England, Russia, and Prussia, to carry on
the trial according to European usages. The tribunal was empowered
to dispatch a commission to Damascus, and institute an impartial
examination of witnesses on the spot. An order was sent to Damascus
to Sherif Pasha, commanding him to discontinue the torture of the
prisoners, and in general to stop the persecution of the Jews. To
suppress any riotous outbreak of the Christians, whose courage had
increased, eight hundred soldiers were sent thither. The matter began
to look as if the truth would be vindicated. The four consuls nominated
as chief judges, diffident of their ability to conduct so complicated
a trial, turned for aid to Vienna, and asked that four German judges,
well versed in criminal law, investigate the matter, but a political
interlude interrupted the proceedings.
A secret war was waged between the overwise king, Louis Philippe, and
the cunning statesman Thiers, who was trifling with the minister's
portfolio, and whose little person and big phrases so thwarted the king
that he kept him as much as possible at arm's length. Just at this time
(in May) Thiers played a trick on the king, and forced him to make him
president of the cabinet. The little "fly," as he was called, began
to hum and buzz, behaving as if he could acquire the Rhine as French
property, and settle the Eastern Question according to the views of
France. To secure a majority in the Chamber, Thiers was forced to gain
the good graces of the clerical party, which was especially strong in
the Chamber of Peers. Thus it happened that no strict investigation
into the Damascus affair could be permitted, in order that the brutal
behavior of Ratti Menton and the monks might not be brought to light.
At any rate, it had been a slight upon France that its consul had
been excluded from the new court of justice. Besides this, Thiers was
not on friendly terms with the financial world, that is, with the
Rothschilds, and he desired to strike a blow to make them yield. The
French consul-general Cochelet, in Alexandria, received instructions
from Thiers to stay the hand of Mehmet Ali, and prevent the misdeeds
in Damascus from being brought to light. The Egyptian Pasha, misled by
Thiers' plotting, obeyed his orders, and withdrew the promise made to
the four consuls. Thus the drama which had seemed to be approaching a
conclusion was again prolonged, but its end was not favorable to Thiers
and his protégés.
Jews of every shade of opinion had become possessed of sufficient
independence to defy the prevarications of a minister or of a consul.
Achille Fould, who was bound to Judaism by only a slender tie, as well
as the strictly orthodox Hirsch Lehren in Amsterdam, both regarded it
as their duty to take a bold part in the defense of their persecuted
co-religionists in Syria. In the French Chamber of Deputies (July 2)
Fould questioned Thiers so sharply that the latter was forced to make
excuses.
"The French consul had ordered the torture, and after the
French nation had set the example of obedience to the rule of
'equality before the law' as well as in religious matters, a
Frenchman countenanced this exception to the rule, employed
torture, and thus supported the executioners of the Pasha. This
behavior was so deeply resented by the other European agents
that the French ambassador was excluded from the council which
had been established, because he was the accuser, whilst the
others were the defending advocates."
To this statement Thiers was compelled to reply, but each word
he uttered sounded like a falsehood. Two Christian deputies took
the part of the Jews in this discussion. Count Delaborde, who had
traveled in the East, highly praised the Jews of Turkey, and stated
that well-deserved respect was accorded to them, and that, like
Lamartine, he had received the most hearty and generous hospitality
from their wealthy members. Thiers' positive assertion that he was in
possession of papers which proved the innocence of Ratti Menton, was
met by another deputy, Isambert; he produced a report drawn up by the
apostolical missionary, the successor of Father Tomaso, which stated
"that the exertions and zeal of the French consul in torturing the Jews
of Damascus surpassed all comprehension." The Chamber of Deputies,
however, did not pass a vote of censure upon the minister, who so
belied the courteous character of the French nation, but the looks of
the deputies condemned him. Thiers felt such discomfort that he made
a petty attack upon the Jews, "who had stirred up a storm throughout
Europe, asking the assistance of the ministers of every state, and had
thus shown that they possessed more influence than was asserted."
The Jews, to be sure, had to unite and develop especial activity,
seeing that the Catholic party in France, Italy, and Belgium had
formally conspired, or received a hint from headquarters to enshroud
in darkness the events in Damascus, and to represent the Jews in the
East and in Europe as murderers and cannibals. Throughout Italy the
documents in favor of the Damascus victims or against Ratti Menton were
not allowed to be printed: the censorship, which was under the care of
the clergy, forbade it. A French journal had called on baptized Jews to
state upon oath and to the best of their knowledge, whether they had
ever found among their former co-religionists or in Jewish writings,
the slightest trace or precept concerning the abominable crime imputed
to the unhappy people in Damascus. Several Jews who had been converted
to Protestantism, and even held ecclesiastical positions, asserted
the innocence of the Jews of this crime--amongst them, Augustus
Neander, known as Church historian and a man of tender conscience.
No Catholics, with the exception of one man, came forward to do so.
Perhaps they were compelled to remain silent. The clerical enemies
of the Jews now published a fresh accusation, that the Talmud which
the European Jews knew and studied might indeed be free from passages
hostile to Christians and advising the shedding of blood, which may
have been expunged from the copies out of fear, but the Jews of the
Orient, under Turkish rule, still possessed the Talmud in its original
form, which was full of hatred against all men, especially against
Christians.
Thus the Jews were forced to establish a bond of truth against the
untrue, to make public the innocence of the martyrs in Damascus, and
at the same time attest the purity of their own doctrines; in short,
they had to help themselves. The French central consistory, which had
received solemn promises from Louis Philippe, saw itself deceived in
its hopes. Crémieux was compelled to make the painful statement to
his brethren, "France is against us." The urgent cries of the Jews
from Damascus, Beyrout, Alexandria, and Constantinople, in letters to
the Rothschilds, to Moses Montefiore, Crémieux, and to Hirsch Lehren
in Amsterdam, made it apparent that it was necessary for prominent
European Jews to repair to the scene of action, in order to obtain more
effective results. The central consistory therefore determined to send
an emissary, with an escort, to Alexandria, whose burning eloquence
might gain the favor of Mehmet Ali. Entrusted with this dangerous and
honorable mission, Crémieux entered into communication with the heads
of the Jewish community in London.
Here a committee of the noblest and most distinguished Jews, including
Montefiore and Rothschild, had been formed, who, in a meeting held in
the vestibule of a synagogue (June 15), passed the following important
resolution, that Montefiore, accompanied by a friend chosen by
himself, should undertake the journey to Egypt together with Crémieux,
"to represent the Jews of England at the court of the Pasha, and to
defend their persecuted brethren in the East by means of his weighty
influence and his zeal." It was also determined at this meeting to
collect large sums of money, because it was seen that they would be
wanted, not indeed as bribes in the pending trial at Damascus, but
that large rewards might be offered to discover the murderer of Father
Tomaso. A thousand pounds sterling were offered as a reward for the
discovery of the criminal. The readiness of the Jews to contribute
was on this occasion again manifested in a most conspicuous manner.
Poor men as well as millionaires contributed to the just cause. The
committee also caused unfalsified public opinion, as it exists in
England, to make itself heard in Parliament on behalf of the Jews, and
Sir Robert Peel, who exercised great influence, undertook this task.
The session of the House of Commons (June 22) affords an interesting
contrast to the sitting of the French Chamber of Deputies at the same
time and upon the same subject. Peel rightly introduced the questions
to the ministers with the words, "that it was merely necessary to
mention the matter in the Lower House, to reach the great ends of
justice and humanity." Lord Palmerston answered in a totally different
manner to Thiers:
"I have already directed the English consul-general Hodges to
represent to Mehmet Ali what effect the news of such atrocities
must produce in Europe, and that it was in his own interest to
inquire into the matter, and hand over to punishment the guilty
parties, if they were discovered, whilst the innocent victims
should be indemnified, if this were still possible. I have also
sent instructions to Her Majesty's consul in Damascus to make
a thorough investigation into all that has taken place, and to
send home an exact report as to the part which the European
consuls had taken in the matter."
The air of England rendered susceptible to feelings of liberty even
those who were accustomed to elevate the enslavement of bodies and
minds to the rank of a dogma. O'Connell, the fiery Irish agitator for
the emancipation of the Catholics in England, advocated in Parliament
that a similar privilege be granted to the Jews.
"Observations upon this subject would have been stronger, if a
member of this House belonging to the creed of the accused had
been able to make them. The Government ought to introduce a
bill for the complete emancipation of the Jews."
Thus spake England by the mouths of its worthiest representatives.
Next day (June 23) a numerous assembly of the most distinguished Jews
in London was held in the Great Synagogue to make final arrangements
for sending Montefiore to Egypt. It was proved on this occasion what
a noble circle of Jews England harbored, and that their minds were
filled by lofty sentiments of attachment to Judaism and its adherents.
Hitherto the English Jews had taken but little part in Jewish history,
they had remained passive owing to their insignificant numbers. But
when for the first time they asserted themselves, they displayed their
independence, and gave a brilliant example to others. Montefiore, De
Castro, Rothschild, Van Oven, Salomons, and many others, spoke and
acted like Jews conscious of their dignity, who were ready to make the
greatest sacrifices, in order to secure the triumph of their impugned
belief. Crémieux had come over from Paris to be present. The meeting
first acknowledged its gratitude to those men, Christians as well as
Jews, who had zealously defended the unhappy people of Damascus, viz.,
James de Rothschild, who had largely contributed towards the support of
the impoverished Jews in Damascus, Metternich and his agents, Laurin
and Merlato, and also Hodges, the English consul. Bernard van Oven
delivered a glowing speech, which, however, was to the point, and was
received with much applause.
Many words were not required at this meeting. All were firmly resolved
to make every effort and every sacrifice to obtain satisfaction for
those falsely accused of shedding blood. This high-minded Jewish
assembly in London was somewhat similar to that held in Alexandria
exactly eighteen centuries before, when Judaism, in the time of the
Emperor Caligula, was branded with disgrace by shameless, diabolical
enemies. At that time, also, the most prominent Jews, famed for their
culture, nobility of mind, and wealth, gathered together. But the
Alexandrine assembly, surrounded by foes, had met with terror and
fear, whilst the one in London was encouraged and supported by the
good wishes and sympathy of the citizens of the capital. In the second
Jewish congregation, that of Manchester, a similar meeting was held.
Assured of success by these signs, Montefiore set out on his important
journey, provided with letters of recommendation from prominent men in
the state, and accompanied by the good wishes of millions of persons,
foremost among them Queen Victoria. On his departure she gave him
audience, and placed at his disposal her vessel in which to cross the
Channel--certainly an extraordinary mark of favor and sympathy for
the misfortunes of the Jews, but at the time the feeling in their favor
was so strong, that it did not create great surprise. Montefiore was
accompanied by a gentleman of the legal profession and by his wife
Judith, who insisted upon sharing her husband's hardships on this
expedition in the cause of her nation. She was the ideal of a Jewish
woman, cultured, noble-minded, proud of her confession and devotedly
attached to her race, a brilliant contrast to the women of Berlin,
who had brought disgrace upon Judaism. Before Montefiore and his
escort left England, the two chief rabbis of the German and Portuguese
communities, Solomon Herschel (died 1842), and David Meldola, deemed
it necessary to repeat the solemn oath which Manasseh ben Israel and
Moses Mendelssohn had taken: that the blood accusation against the
Jews had not a shadow of support in Talmudical writings, or in fact.
In view of the baseness of the clerical French party and the venality
of German newspapers, this oath was by no means superfluous. Catholic
agitators in France and Belgium reviled the Jews, for a contemptible,
yet comprehensible reason, and with a definite plan of entrapping the
conscience of the free in their nets. But the German writers acted
in this way from low motives, in order to utilize the misfortunes
of others as a source of wealth. A certain Dr. Philibert had sent a
letter to the house of Rothschild in Paris, stating that for a large
sum of money he would undertake the defense of the Damascus Jews in
every European journal, adding the threat that if this blood-money were
refused he would influence public opinion in the opposite direction.
Such miserable creatures were repulsed by the Jews with scorn. They
felt that they could rely upon their own strength and the power of
truth. Foiled in their expectations, the contemptible scribblers
attacked the Jews, and increased the number of lies and slanders which
had accumulated around the Damascus murder. The chief rabbis had
therefore to swallow their pride, and to take an oath on a matter as
clear as daylight.
However, if the Jews were attacked in the French and German newspapers,
England afforded them sufficient cause to forget all the sufferings
of the Jews throughout fifteen centuries. Distinguished merchants,
proprietors of large banking-houses, and members of parliament, about
two hundred and ten in all, preferred a request to the Lord Mayor of
London, Marshall, to call a public meeting and enable them to express
their feelings and their sincere sympathy with the persecuted Jews
in Damascus. The Lord Mayor, being of their opinion in the matter,
cordially assented, and a brilliant meeting was held in London (in the
Mansion House, July 3) which was in itself a victory. Many ladies of
rank were among the audience. The chairman, Thompson, remarked at the
very outset:
"The Jews of Damascus are as worthy of respect as those who
dwell among us in England. And of those I permit myself to say
that none of our fellow-citizens are more zealous in the spread
of humanity, in aiding the poor and oppressed, in protecting
the orphan and in promoting literature and knowledge than
they are, and that their benevolence is not only extended
to the people who belong to their own religion, but also to
Christians, equally with members of every creed."
A member of Parliament named Smith, who rose to move the first
resolution, said:
"I consider these charges as false as the natures of those who
invented them are cruel and evil. I am certain that the whole
country with one voice, and one accord, will rise to suppress
such atrocities, such barbarities, as have been carried on in
Damascus. And what people is it that has been subjected to such
pain? A nation connected with us by everything that religion
holds dear and sacred; a nation whose faith is based upon
history, that awaits with unfaltering confidence its political
and religious restoration; a nation closely bound up with the
progress of trade and civilization throughout the whole world,
and in friendly intercourse with the whole world.... In past
times they were the men who led the way in educating the human
race, and granted to others that very civil and religious
freedom which at the present time they demand for themselves.
This nation has given the best proof of the value it sets
upon freedom, seeing that by its own example it has shown
how greatly it was actuated by this principle in its conduct
towards others without distinction of creed; it therefore has a
claim to the highest tolerance."
A prominent clergyman, Lord Howdon, added:
"We often find in the mysterious ways of Providence that good
arises from evil, and therefore I, together with all the
friends of mankind, hope that the Parliament of this country,
expressing its opinion of this cruelty, will offer a recompense
to the Jews for their sufferings by legislation in their favor."
The motion was carried unanimously:
"That this meeting deeply deplores the fact that in this
enlightened age a persecution of our Jewish brethren could be
set on foot by ignorance and inflamed by bigotry."
Towards the end of the meeting O'Connell entered. He thought that his
presence would be required to arouse enthusiasm. But when he saw that
the zeal on behalf of the Jews had been raised to a high pitch, he
merely added:
"After the testimony given to demonstrate the moral worth of
the Jews, could any man be so insane as to believe that they
use blood for their rites? Is not a Jew an example in every
relation of life? Is he not a good father, a good son? Are they
not true friends? Are they not honest, industrious?... I appeal
to all Englishmen to raise their voices in defense of the
victims of that shameful oppression. May the appeal go from one
end of the British Isles to the other, and if the concurrence
of an Irishman be wanting, here am I to testify to it."
This three hours' meeting in the Mansion House forms a noteworthy
episode in Jewish history. In the name of the meeting, the Lord Mayor
communicated the resolutions which were passed, not only to the English
government, but also to the ambassadors of all European powers,
requesting them at the same time to obtain expressions of sympathy
with the Jews from their respective nations and rulers. So effective
was the result of unbiased public opinion, that the emperor of Russia,
Nicholas, as well as the American Republic, felt themselves morally
compelled to express their abhorrence at tortures inflicted on Jews.
A few weeks later a similar meeting was held in Manchester, and,
although most of the speakers were clergymen, the same sentiments with
regard to the Jews were pronounced. Why had not such views predominated
in the fourth and fifth centuries, when Christianity first became
paramount? What tears and bloodshed would have been avoided! But the
Jewish race was to be tested and strengthened by martyrdom.
Montefiore was enabled to begin his journey filled with courage. He
was not only supported by the government, but was accompanied by the
sympathies of the best men in England, and therefore he felt hope. For
Crémieux the matter was not so easy. In fact, he was hampered by the
French ministry. Thiers wished to show himself firm. Perhaps he was
not so much to blame as was generally supposed; it is possible that
Louis Philippe, who was very cunning, hindered him from yielding. He
was reminded also in the Chamber of Peers (July 10) by honorable men,
that by his defense of Ratti Menton, he was compromising the honor of
France, but he continued in his ambiguous attitude. Events brought the
cunning of Thiers and the king to naught. Whilst they thought that by
petty intrigues, childish obstinacy, and by deceiving Mehmet Ali they
were strengthening the position of France, the four remaining European
powers--England, Russia, Austria, and Prussia--formed the Quadruple
Alliance (July 15) against France, which agreed that Syria should be
restored to the Sultan. The downfall of Thiers was imminent, while he
was boasting of his successes.
A day before the conclusion of the alliance, Montefiore and Crémieux,
with their respective escorts, set out for Egypt. In Crémieux's company
was Solomon Munk, who worthily represented Jewish learning. Thus the
Jewish embassy was not lacking in what is requisite for the success
of a great enterprise--devotion, pure trust in God, eloquence, and
deep scholarship. In their journey through France these noble-minded,
gallant representatives of Judaism were received with enthusiasm in the
Jewish communities, in Avignon, Nîsmes, Carpentras, and Marseilles,
and were followed by good wishes. In Leghorn, where the royal ship
anchored, the Portuguese community solemnly celebrated the day of their
landing. Every distinction among the Jews disappeared in the unanimous
admiration for men who had undertaken so difficult a task, and in the
hope that they would succeed. All Israel was once more of one heart and
soul. Orthodox rabbis allowed prayers for Montefiore and Crémieux to
be interpolated in the Divine service. Every Jew, even the most humble,
was ready to bring some sacrifice in order to lighten the task.
On arriving at Cairo (August 4), they hastened on their mission,
without taking any rest. Montefiore, strongly supported by the English
consul-general Hodges, who had received instructions from Palmerston
to that effect, at once solicited an interview with Mehmet Ali (August
6), by whom he was received, and to whom he handed a petition in the
name of the Jewish community requesting permission to go to Damascus
and there conduct an inquiry into the circumstances of the case. For
this purpose a safe-conduct was required for himself and his friends,
and also the privilege of speaking to the prisoners as often as was
necessary, and of hearing evidence. Mehmet Ali was sorely perplexed.
He would willingly have acceded to this request, because he earnestly
wished to pose as a just prince before the eyes of Europe. But the
French consul-general Cochelet--instructed by Thiers--checked
this inclination, and made every effort to prevent the veil from
being lifted. Cochelet, contrary to custom, would not even introduce
Crémieux to the Pasha. Crémieux was therefore obliged to seek an
audience for himself; but, like Montefiore, he received only evasive
answers. The Eastern Question had at that time become extremely
perplexing. Every moment Mehmet Ali was expecting the final decision
of the European powers, that he should submit to the Sultan, surrender
his independence, and give up Syria. He did not wish to break with
those powers which took up the cause of the Jews, more especially
with England and Austria, nor with Thiers, nor Louis Philippe, who
would not forsake Ratti Menton and the monks. Owing to Mehmet Ali's
indecision, matters dragged on for three weeks. The Jewish envoys
received no definite reply. They were not discouraged, but sought to
devise new means by which to attain their aim. Crémieux hit upon the
best plan. All the European consuls, or as many as were willing to sign
a petition, were to demand the liberation of the prisoners in Damascus.
Nine consuls agreed to this, in fact all except the French consul.
Mehmet Ali, however, obtained information of the proposed petition, and
in order that it might not appear that he had yielded to the pressure
of foreign powers, through their representatives, he determined to
despatch an order to Damascus (August 28) that the prisoners should
forthwith be set at liberty.
The two envoys and their escort were filled with heartfelt joy. The
three synagogues in Alexandria resounded with prayers of thanksgiving
and blessings for Mehmet Ali, Metternich, and the Austrian consuls
Laurin and Merlato, and all who had taken part in the deliverance and
who were delighted at the result of their efforts.
Great was the astonishment, however, of the two Jewish representatives,
when a Turkish copy of Mehmet Ali's order reached them, and Munk, who
was a skilled linguist, read out the words, "Mr. Moses Montefiore and
M. Crémieux have besought me to bestow mercy upon the Jews in Damascus
and to grant them liberty," which implied that the accused Damascus
Jews, though guilty, had been treated by the Pasha with mercy, instead
of justice. The hand of Cochelet was visible in this attempt to shield
Ratti Menton and the monkish executioners. Crémieux straightway
hastened to the Pasha, explained to him how the expression "mercy" cast
a slur upon the accused, and with them upon all Jews, because they were
thus declared to be guilty. He asked that the words "liberty and peace"
be substituted. Mehmet Ali ordered this alteration to be made in the
Firman, and thus the last intrigues of Cochelet were destroyed.
As soon as the order arrived at Damascus, Sherif Pasha, who knew Mehmet
Ali's severity, was obliged to liberate the nine Jewish prisoners who
were still detained in jail (September 6) without consulting Ratti
Menton. Seven of the men had been mutilated by the tortures, only two
having escaped injury who had suffered persecution, while four victims
had died. No sooner did the joyful news of their liberation get abroad
in Damascus, than all the Jews and many Turks assembled before the
prison, and accompanied the sufferers to the synagogue, to offer up
thanks to God for their regained freedom, and to pray for Mehmet Ali
and their Jewish protectors.
The joy of the Jews in all parts of the world, on hearing of the
triumph of their just cause, may be imagined; it was a national
rejoicing, in which the best men, both in Europe and Asia,
participated. All that remained to be effected was to obtain from
Mehmet Ali the official statement that the blood accusation was a
calumny, and of this there were ample proofs when everyone in Damascus
could speak freely about the sad occurrence. The Jewish envoys also
made it their duty to induce the Pasha to abolish torture altogether.
But political complications prevented the accomplishment of this
humane proposal. Mehmet Ali was obliged to surrender Syria as well as
Crete to Turkey. Thus punishment overtook him for having complacently
witnessed for nearly three months the scenes of blood in Damascus
out of deference to France. Sherif Pasha, even before Damascus was
captured by the Turks, was dragged in chains to Cairo, and there
executed, it is said for treason. François Salins, one of the malicious
French persecutors of the Jews in Damascus, was torn to pieces by the
mob. The fanatical Catholics of this city, who under Mehmet Ali had
been permitted to practice so much cruelty, were humiliated, or felt
humiliated, when Raphael Farchi, the distinguished Jew, was again
installed in his position as member of the city council. No longer
able to torture the Jews, they cooled their hatred by inciting to a
crusade against them. The representative of the Greek Patriarch, the
Armenian bishop Vantabiet, the vicar of the Holy Land, the Syrian
priest Jacob, and the representative of the Catholic Patriarch, the
priest Maruni--in short, the representatives of three sects who bore
deadly hatred against each other united in fastening a new calumny on
the Jews, who were hated equally by all three.
"The Jews of Damascus allowed themselves grossly to insult the
Christians, to abuse them and subject them to all sorts of
indignities. Several persons made complaints of the disgraceful
behavior of the Jews, abominable behavior, which humiliates all
Christians."
The majority of European Christendom were, however, sufficiently well
acquainted with the veracity of the clergy of Damascus to pay no
attention to this hypocritical lament, and the heads of Catholicism
felt ashamed of having exposed themselves in the Damascus affair.
The Jewish envoys did not think their task completed, unless they
sought to prevent, as far as lay in their power, the repetition of
events which branded all Judaism with dishonor. Foreseeing that Syria,
together with Damascus, would be restored to Turkey, Montefiore made
his way to Constantinople, entered into communications with the Porte,
to which he had influential letters of recommendation, and together
with some distinguished Jews of the Turkish capital obtained an
audience of the Sultan, when he asked for a Firman (November 6), which
should in future secure the Turkish Jews from blood accusations.
Crémieux chose another field for his activity. The martyrdom of the
Damascus Jews had the unexpected effect of strengthening the connection
between the Jews in Europe and those in the East. The latter saw with
astonishment how much their European brethren could accomplish by
means of culture, influence, and courage, and that they were treated
with distinction by princes and the great, whilst they themselves bent
their backs, unresistingly, to every blow. This reverent admiration
of the Asiatic Jews for those of Europe, Crémieux utilized in the
attempt to emancipate the Egyptian Jews (or at least those in the
two capitals of Alexandria and Cairo) from their state of ignorance,
and render them susceptible to civilization. Their ignorance of even
Jewish writings, a consequence of the immeasurable oppression under
which they had labored, as well as of their indescribable poverty,
was the cause of the intense contempt in which they were held by
Mahometans and Christians. From this ignominy Crémieux hoped to free
them, and he was powerfully supported by Solomon Munk, who appears to
have been destined to be the intermediary between the European and
the Egyptian Jews--between the past and the present. Munk addressed
an eloquent Hebrew and Arabic circular letter (Elul 23) to the Jews
of Egypt, in which he contrasted the former splendor of the Jews of
that country in the time of the Second Temple, in the time of Philo
and Maimuni, when they stood at the head of Jewish spiritual activity,
with the darkness of their present misery, the consequence of their
intellectual decay. He exhorted them to wake from their deathlike
torpor and establish schools, where their children might obtain a
knowledge of Judaism and of Jewish literature, and at the same time a
secular and practical education. Munk effected for the Egyptian Jews
what Wessely had done for those of Europe. But, unlike his predecessor,
he was not denounced as a heretic for his efforts. On the contrary,
the rabbi of Alexandria was the first to offer assistance in the work.
A distinguished Jew, named Valensino, placed himself at the head of a
society for establishing schools and supervising public education. Then
Crémieux, together with Munk, repaired to Cairo, where there dwelt a
large congregation of about 300 families, only about twelve of whom
were very wealthy, while about 200 lived on charity. Here also the
rabbi, Moses Joseph Algazi, an aged man of seventy-six, and a prominent
man named Adda, readily assisted in founding schools. Owing to their
exertions and those of other persons, two schools for boys were
opened in Cairo (October 4), and one for girls; these were called the
Crémieux schools. Here Munk succeeded in bringing about an important
reconciliation. In spite of the fanaticism of the rigidly orthodox, he
succeeded in having the children of Karaites admitted to the schools,
there being only about a hundred persons of this sect left in Cairo.
The rabbi Algazi also supported the innovation, which seemed to be a
step tending to restore brotherhood between Rabbanites and Karaites.
Stirred by these movements, the grand rabbi of Constantinople (Chacham
Bashi), Moses Fresco, issued a circular letter (October 28) to the
Turkish congregations, urging that it was the duty of the Jews to learn
the language of the country (Turkish), in order to meet the Sultan's
wishes, who, by his Firman Hatti-Sherif, had raised them from their
abject state. The mixed language in which this circular letter of the
Chacham Bashi was written (Old Spanish with Hebrew and Turkish words),
proved sufficiently the necessity of a pure language for the Jews.
However, these beginnings were merely seeds scattered in the desert
sand, and it was doubtful whether they would take root and grow. The
efforts were resumed on a larger scale twenty years later, under the
name of "the Universal Alliance of Israelites" (Alliance Israélite
Universelle). The mission to Egypt produced practical and lasting fruit
for Jewish science, chiefly through Solomon Munk (born at Glogau, 1802;
died at Paris, 1867). It is doubtful whether the spotless character of
this man, or his devoted attachment to science, is to be more admired.
He added to the number of great men produced among the Jews during the
first half of the nineteenth century. His modesty was a marked feature,
which grew in proportion to the increase of his scientific importance.
For his patience in misfortune, and cheerfulness in the sufferings
which he had incurred in the service of science, he was greatly admired
in his native country, Germany, and in France, his adopted country,
and he was loved as much as he was revered. Munk possessed all the
virtues of the Jews without their faults. In the comprehensive range
of Arabic literature he was one of the first masters of the day, and
the most profound scholars in the same study recognized his equality,
or awarded him the palm. As interpreter to the escort of Crémieux, he
spoke and wrote Arabic like one born in an Arab tent. He divined the
words and sense of any manuscript passage by a kind of instinct, which
only increased in keenness when he lost his sight from poring over
manuscripts. His intellectual sight compensated for the loss of his
physical power. The darkness which enshrouded him for nearly twenty
years before his death did not prevent his vision from being clear and
distinct.
The glory of Jewish history during the Middle Ages developed during the
rule of the Arabs in the East and West; its dawn began with Saadiah,
and it reached its zenith with Maimuni. Munk banished the obscurity in
which this epoch had been enwrapped, and illumined it with the full
light of his profound studies. The innermost thoughts of Maimuni, the
awakener of intellects, to whom the Jewish race is chiefly indebted for
its renaissance in modern days, were completely revealed only through
the researches of Munk. He renewed in its original form what had been
spoilt by continual emendations. The proud boast of Christendom, that
even in the obscurity of the Middle Ages it had disseminated the
bright germs of thought, Munk controverted by incontestable proofs that
without Arabic and Jewish philosophy, the darkness of the Middle Ages
would have been impenetrable, and that the so-called Christian schools
of philosophy of that period were fed upon the crumbs which fell from
the lips of Jewish thinkers. Munk so conclusively established this
historical fact that it is scarcely possible to speak of a Christian
philosophy. Another historical fact, the origin and development of
the Karaite sect, which, notwithstanding the powerful influence it
exercised upon thought in the Jewish Middle Ages, was known only
in rough outlines, was brought to light by Munk; in a word, Jewish
science is deeply indebted to him. He not only greatly added to it
by his profound knowledge, but he also showed how to pursue a sound
course of investigation. As Luzzatto opened up new Hebrew sources
for Jewish science, so Munk discovered new Arabic sources, rendering
them comprehensible and accessible, and thereby greatly adding to the
knowledge of Judaism, which he loved with all his heart. Munk's sojourn
in Alexandria and Cairo was of extraordinary value in his literary and
historical researches. From that soil, which had lain unproductive as
to intellectual results for many a day, he excavated rich treasures for
Jewish science. Munk fully recognized that the self-respect of the Jews
would be confirmed only by self-knowledge, reached along the paths of
science.