1700-1765
TOWNSHEND.--SHEEP-ROT.--CATTLE PLAGUE. FRUIT-GROWING
In 1730 Charles, second Viscount Townshend, retired from politics, on
his quarrel with his brother-in-law Walpole, who remarked that 'as
long as the firm was Townshend and Walpole the utmost harmony
prevailed, but it no sooner became Walpole and Townshend than things
went wrong'. He devoted himself to the management of his Norfolk
estates and set an example to English landlords in wisely and
diligently experimenting in farm practice which was soon followed on
all sides, the names of Lords Ducie, Peterborough, and Bolingbroke
being the best known of his fellow-labourers. A generation afterwards
Young wrote, 'half the County of Norfolk within the memory of man
yielded nothing but sheep feed, whereas those very tracts of land are
now covered with as fine barley and rye as any in the world and great
quantities of wheat besides.'[423] There can be no doubt from this
statement, made by an eyewitness of exceptional capacity, that he
commenced the work so nobly carried on by Coke. The same authority
tells us that when Townshend began his improvements near Norwich much
of the land was an extensive heath without either tree or shrub, only
a sheepwalk to another farm; so many carriages crossed it that they
would sometimes be a mile abreast of each other in pursuit of the best
track. By 1760 there was an excellent turnpike road, enclosed on each
side with a good quickset hedge, and all the land let out in
enclosures and cultivated on the Norfolk system in superior style; the
whole being let at 15s. an acre, or ten times its original value.
Townshend's two special hobbies were the field cultivation of turnips,
and improvement in the rotation of crops. Pope says his conversation
was largely of turnips, and he was so zealous in advocating them that
he was nicknamed 'Turnip Townsend'.[424] He initiated the Norfolk or
four-course system of cropping, in which roots, grasses, and cereals
were wisely blended, viz. turnips, barley, clover and rye grass,
wheat. He also reintroduced marling to the light lands of Norfolk, and
followed Tull's system of drilling and horse-hoeing turnips, with the
result that the poor land of which his estate was largely composed was
converted into good corn and cattle-growing farms. Like all the
progressive agriculturists of the day, he was an advocate of
enclosures, and he had no small share in the growth of the movement by
which, in the reigns of Anne and the first two Georges, 244 enclosure
Acts were passed and 338,177 acres enclosed. The progress of enclosure
was alleged as a proof that England was never more prosperous than
under Walpole; the number of private gentlemen in Britain of ample
estates was said to exceed that of any country in the world
proportionately, and was far greater than in the reign of Charles II.
The value of land at twenty-six or twenty-seven years' purchase was a
conclusive proof of the wealth of England.[425]
Though, however, the first half of the century was generally
prosperous there were bad times for farmer and landlord. We have seen
that wheat-growing paid little, although from 1689 to 1773 the farmer
was protected against imports and aided by a bounty on exports. In
1738 Lord Lyttelton wrote: 'In most parts of England, gentlemen's
rents are so ill paid and the weight of taxes lies so heavy upon them
that those who have nothing from the Court can scarce support their
families.'[426] Sheep in the damp climate of England have always been
subject to rot, and in 1735 there was, according to Ellis, the most
general rot in the memory of man owing to a very wet season; and, as
in the disastrous year of 1879, which must be fresh in many farmers'
memories, other animals, deer, hares, and rabbits, were affected also;
and the dead bodies of rotten sheep were so numerous in road and field
that the stench was offensive to every one. Another bad outbreak
occurred in 1747. It is well known that farmers are always grumblers,
probably with an eye to the rent; but even in these much praised times
they apparently made small profits. The west country farmer quoted
before, who had been fifty years on the same estate, and writes with
the stamp of sincerity, admits in 1737 that 'with all the skill and
diligence in the world he can hardly keep the cart upon the wheels.
Wool had gone down, wheat didn't pay and graziers were doing badly;
tho' formerly our cattle and wool was always a sure card'. He says
that the profits of grazing were reckoned at one-third of the
improvement that ensued from the grazing, but the grazier was not now
getting this. He attributed much of the distress, however, to the
extravagance of the times. Landlords, including his own, preferred
London to the country, and spent their money there. How different was
the behaviour of his landlord's grandfather. 'Many a time would his
worship send for me to go a-hunting or shooting with him; often would
he take me with him on his visits and would introduce me as his
friend. The country gentlewoman and the parson's wife, that used to
stitch for themselves, are now so hurried with dressings and visits
and other attractions that they hire an Abigail to do it.'
He thought, too, the labourers were getting too high wages; 'they are
so puffed up by our provender as to offer us their heels and threaten
on any occasion to leave us to do our work ourselves.' One would like
to hear the labourers' opinion on this point, but they were dumb. In
spite of higher wages the young men and young women flocked to the
cities, and those who remain were lazy and extravagant, even the
country wenches contending about 'double caps, huge petticoats, clock
stockings, and other trumpery'.[427]
The bounty now paid on the export of wheat was naturally resented by
the common people, as it raised the price of their bread. In 1737 a
load belonging to Farmer Waters of Burford, travelling along the road
to Redbridge for exportation, was stopped near White parish by a crowd
of people who knocked down the leading horse, broke the wagon in
pieces, cut the sacks, and strewed about the corn, with threats that
they would do the like to all who sold wheat to export.[428] While
England was paying farmers to export wheat she was also importing,
though in plentiful years importers had a very bad time. In 1730 there
were lying at Liverpool 33,000 windles (a windle--220 lb.) of imported
corn, unsaleable owing to the great crop in England.[429] The year
1740 was distinguished by one of the severest winters on record. From
January 1 to February 5 the thermometer seldom reached 32°, and the
cold was so intense that hens and ducks, even cattle in their stalls
died of it, trees were split asunder, crows and other birds fell to
the ground frozen in their flight. This extraordinary winter was
followed by a cold and late spring; no verdure had appeared by May; in
July it was still cold, and thousands of acres of turnips rotted in
the ground. Among minor misfortunes may be noticed the swarms of
grasshoppers who devastated the pastures near Bristol at the end of
August 1742,[430] and the swarms of locusts who came to England in
1748 and consumed the vegetables.[431]
The cattle plague of 1745[432] was so severe that owing to the
scarcity of stock great quantities of grass land were ploughed up,
which helped to account for the fact that in 1750 the export of corn
from England reached its maximum; though the main cause of this was
the long series of excellent seasons that set in after 1740.[433] The
cattle plague also raged in 1754 in spite of an Order in Council that
all infected cattle should be shot and buried 4 ft. deep, and pitch,
tar, rosin, and gunpowder burnt where infected cattle had died, and
cow-houses washed with vinegar and water. Such were the sanitary
precautions of the time.[434] In 1756 came another bad year, corn was
so scarce that there were many riots; the king expressed to Parliament
his concern at the suffering of the poor, and the export of corn was
temporarily prohibited. The fluctuations in price are remarkable: in
1756, before the deficiency of the harvest was realized, wheat was
22s. and it went up at the following rate: Jan., 1757, 49s.; Feb.,
51s.; March, 54s.; April, 64s.; June, 72s.
About the middle of the century, if we may judge from the _Compleat
Cyderman_ written in 1754 by experienced hands living in Devon,
Cornwall, Herefordshire, and elsewhere, fruit-growing received an
amount of attention which diminished greatly in after years. The
authors fully realized that an orchard under tillage causes apple
trees to grow as fast again as under grass, and this was well
understood and practised in Kent, where crops of corn were grown
between the trees.
A Devonshire 'cyderist' urged that orchards should be well sheltered
from the east winds, which 'bring over the narrow sea swarms of
imperceptible eggs, or insects in the air, from the vast tracts of
Tartarian and other lands, from which proceeded infinite numbers of
lice, flies, bugs, caterpillars, cobwebs, &c.' The best protection
was a screen of trees, and the best tree for the purpose, a perry pear
tree. In the hard frosts of 1709, 1716, and 1740 great numbers of
fruit and other trees had been destroyed. In Devon what was called the
'Southams method' was used for top-dressing the roots of old apple
trees, which was done in November with soil from the roads and
ditches, or lime or chalk, laid on furze sometimes, 6 inches thick,
for 4 or 5 ft. all round the trees. Great attention was paid there to
keeping the heads of fruit trees in good order, so that branches did
not interfere with each other,[435] and the heads were made to spread
as much as possible. Many of the trees were grown with the first
branches commencing 4 ft. 6 in. from the ground. It was claimed that
Devon excelled all other parts of England in the management of fruit
trees, a reputation that was not maintained, according to the works of
half a century later. The best cider apple In the county then was the
White-sour, white in colour, of a middling size, and early ripe; other
good ones were the 'Deux-Anns, Jersey, French Longtail, Royal Wilding,
Culvering, Russet, Holland Pippin, and Cowley Crab.' In Herefordshire
it was the custom to open the earth about the roots of the apple trees
and lay them bare and exposed for the 'twelve days of the Christmas
holidays', that the wind might loosen them. Then they were covered
with a compost of dung, mould, and a little lime. 'The best way' to
plant was to take off the turf and lay it by itself, then the next
earth or virgin mould, to be laid also by itself. Next put horse
litter over the bottom of the hole with some of the virgin mould on
that, on which place the tree, scattering some more virgin mould over
the roots, then spread some old horse-dung over this and upon that the
turf, leaving it in a basin shape. The ground between the trees in
Devonshire in young orchards was first planted with cabbage plants,
next year with potatoes, next with beans, and so on until the heads of
the trees became large enough, when the land was allowed to return to
pasture, a proceeding which was quite contrary to their previously
quoted assertion that tillage was best for fruit trees. The
cider-makers were quite convinced, as many are to-day, that rotten
apples were invaluable for cider, and the lady who was famous for the
best cider in the county never allowed one to be thrown away. A
generation later than this Marshall[436] noted that in Herefordshire
the management of orchards and their produce was far from being well
understood, though 'it has ever borne the name of the first cider
county'. All the old fruits were lost or declining in quality, the
famous Red Streak Apple was given up and the Squash Pear no longer
made to flourish.
As for prices, in 1707 apples were selling at Liverpool for 2s. 6d. a
bushel,[437] a very good price if we allow for the difference in the
value of money, but prices then were entirely dependent on the English
seasons; no foreign apples were imported, and a night's frost would
treble prices in a day. In 1742 at Aspall Hall, Suffolk, apples,
apparently for cider, were 10d. a bushel, in 1745 1s. a bushel, in
1746 only 4d., and in 1747 cider there was worth 6d. a gallon.[438] At
the end of the century, in 'the great hit' of 1784, common apples were
less than 6d. a bushel, the best about 2s. in 1786 the price was twice
as high, owing to a short crop. Incidentally there is mentioned in the
_Compleat Cyderman_ a novel implement, 'a most profitable new invented
five-hoe plough, that after the ground has been once ploughed with a
common plough will plough four or five acres in one day with only four
horses, and by a little alteration is fitted to hoe turnips or rape
crops as it is now practised by the ordinary farmers'; much too
favourable an estimate of the ordinary farmer, as Young found
horse-hoeing rare.
An acre of good orchard land at this time was let at £2 an acre; and
this is a fair balance sheet for an acre[439]:--
DR. £ s. d.
Rent of one acre 2 0 0
Tithe on 10 hogsheads, @ 6d. 5 0
Gathering, making, and carriage to and
from the pound, @ 3s. 6d. a hogshead 1 15 0
Racking twice, @ 6d. 5 0
Casks and cooperage 8 0
---------
£4 13 0
=========
CR. £ s. d.
10 hogsheads diminished by racking
and waste to 8, @ 12s. 6d. 5 0 0
========
Leaving a balance of 7s. for spoiling, &c., so there was not much
profit in cider-making then. The same authority sets down the cost of
planting an acre of apples as:--
£ s. d.
132 trees, @ 2s. 13 4 0
(The custom had been to plant 160 trees to
the acre, but this was considered too close.)
Carriage per tree, @ 2d.; manure per tree, @ 3d.;
planting per tree, @ 3d. 4 8 0
Interest on £17 12s. 0d. for fifteen years before
orchard is profitable, @ 5 per cent. 13 2 6
Loss of half the rent of the land for
the same period, @ 10s. an acre 7 10 0
Building cellarage for product per acre 5 0 0
---------
£43 4 6
=========
For this outlay the landowner would gain an additional rent of £1 a
year, so that, according to this authority, growing cider fruit at
that time paid neither landlord nor tenant.
FOOTNOTES:
[423] _Farmer's Letters_, i. 10.
[424] _R.A.S.E. Journal_ (3rd Series), iii. 1.
[425] See the _Hyp Doctor_, No. 49.
[426] Tooke, _History of Prices_, i. 42.
[427] Cf. this and Tull's character of servants with Defoe's
accusation of their laziness.
[428] Salisbury newspaper, quoted by Baker, _Seasons and Prices_, p.
187.
[429] See _Autobiography of Wm. Stout_, ed. by J. Harland.
[430] _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1742.
[431] Baker, _op. cit._ p. 194.
[432] _A Defence of the Farmers of Great Britain_ (1814), p. 30.
[433] Tooke, _History of Prices_, i. 42.
[434] See a curious pamphlet called _An Exhortation to all People to
Consider the Afflicting Hand of God_ (1754), p. 6. The plague lasted
from 1745 to 1756.
[435] _The Compleat Cyderman_, p. 46.
[436] _Rural Economy of Gloucestershire_ (1788), ii. 206.
[437] Blundell's _Diary_, p. 55.
[438] MS. accounts of Mr. Chevallier, of Aspall Hall.
[439] _The Case with the County of Devon with respect to the New
Excise Duty on Cider_ (1763). The duty was 4s. a hogshead, but the
opposition was so strong it was taken off.