THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.--THE MANOR AT ITS ZENITH, WITH SEEDS OF DECAY
ALREADY VISIBLE.--WALTER OF HENLEY
In the thirteenth century the manorial system may be said to have been
in its zenith; the description therefore of Cuxham Manor in
Oxfordshire at that date is of special interest. According to
Professor Thorold Rogers[64] there were two principal tenants, each
holding the fourth part of a military fee. The prior of Holy Trinity,
Wallingford, held a messuage, a mill, and 6 acres of land in free
alms; i.e. under no obligation or liability other than offering
prayers on behalf of the donor. A free tenant had a messuage and 3-3/4
acres, the rent of which was 3s. a year. He also had another messuage
and nine acres, for which he paid the annual rent of 1 lb. of pepper,
worth about 1s. 3d. The rector of the parish had part of a furrow,
i.e. one of the divisions of the common arable field, and paid 2d. a
year for it. Another tenant held a cottage in the demesne under the
obligation of keeping two lamps lighted in the church. Another person
was tenant-at-will of the parish mill, at a rent of 40s. a year. The
rest of the tenants were villeins or cottagers, thirteen of the former
and eight of the latter. Each of the villeins had a messuage and half
a virgate, 12 to 15 acres of arable land at least, for which his rent
was chiefly corn and labour, though there were two money payments, a
halfpenny on November 12 and a penny whenever he brewed. He had to pay
a quarter of seed wheat at Michaelmas, a peck of wheat, 4 bushels of
oats, and 3 hens on November 12, and at Christmas a cock, two hens,
and two pennyworth of bread. His labour services were to plough, sow,
and till half an acre of the lord's land, and give his work as
directed by the bailiff except on Sundays and feast days. In harvest
time he was to reap three days with one man at his own cost.
Some of these tenants held, besides their half virgates, other plots
of land for which each had to make hay for one day for the lord, with
a comrade, and received a halfpenny; also to mow, with another, three
days in harvest time, at their own charges, and another three days
when the lord fed them. After harvest six pennyworth of beer was
divided among them, each received a loaf of bread, and every evening
when work was over each reaper might carry away the largest sheaf of
corn he could lift on his sickle.
The cottagers paid from 1s. 2d. to 2s. a year for their holdings, and
were obliged to work a day or two in the hay-making, receiving
therefor a halfpenny. They also had to do from one to four days'
harvest work, during which they were fed at the lord's table. For the
rest of the year they were free labourers, tending cattle or sheep on
the common for wages or working at the various crafts usual in the
village. This manor was a small one, and contained in all twenty-four
households, numbering from sixty to seventy inhabitants.[65]
On most manors, as in Forncett,[66] which contained about 2,700 acres,
from the preponderance of arable, the chief source of income to the
lord was from the grain crops; other sources may be seen from the
following table of the lord's receipts and expenses in 1272-3:
RECEIPTS.
£ s. d.
Fixed rents 18 3 7-3/4
Farm of market 0 2 6
Chevage[67] 0 8 6
Foldage 0 3 9-1/2
Sale of works 5 13 2-3/4
Herbage 1 0 4
Hay 2 12 11
Turf, &c. 1 13 6-1/2
Underwood 5 10 2
Grain 61 12 3-1/4
Cider 1 1 11-1/4
Stock 5 3 0
Dairy 4 3 0-3/4
Pleas 14 0 0
Tallage 16 13 4
------------------
£128 2 2-3/4
EXPENSES.
£ s. d.
Rents paid and allowed 0 3 2-1/2
Ploughs and carts 2 17 4
Buildings and walls 4 5 10-1/2
Small necessaries 0 7 10-3/4
Dairy 0 4 3-1/4
Threshing 1 15 5-1/2
Meadow and autumn expenses 0 1 4
Stock 0 16 7
Bailiff 1 19 0
Steward 1 6 9-1/2
Grain 8 2 4-1/2
Expenses of acct. 1 0 8-1/2
------------------
£23 0 9-3/4
The manor was almost entirely self-sufficing; of necessity, for towns
were few and distant, and the roads to them bad. Each would have its
smith, millwright, thatcher, &c., paid generally in kind for their
services. There was little trade with the outside world, except for
salt--an invaluable article when meat had to be salted down every
autumn for winter use, since there were no roots to keep the cattle
on--and iron for some of the implements. Nearly everything was made in
the village.
The mediaeval system of tillage was compulsory; even the freeholders
could not manage their plots as they wished, because all the soil of
the township formed one whole and was managed by the entire village.
Even the lord[68] had to conform to the customs of the community. Any
other system than this, which must have been galling to the more
enterprising, was impossible, for as the various holdings lay in
unfenced strips all over the great common fields, individual
initiative was out of the question. As may be imagined, the great
number of strips all mixed together often led to great confusion,
sometimes 2 or 3 acres could not be found at all, and disputes owing
to careless measurement were frequent.
It is not surprising that the services by which the villeins paid rent
for their holdings to the lord very early began to be commuted for
money; it was much more convenient to both parties; and with this
change from a 'natural economy' to a 'money economy' the destruction
of the manorial system commenced, though it was to take centuries to
effect it.
The first money payments apparently date from as early as 900,[69]
but must then have been very few, and services were the rule in the
thirteenth and earlier centuries, though at the beginning of the
twelfth we find a great number of rent-paying tenants.[70] In the
fourteenth century money began to be more generally available, and the
process of commutation grew steadily; a process greatly accelerated by
the destruction of large numbers of tenants who paid rent in services
by the Black Death of 1348-9, which forced lords of manors to let
their lands for money or work them themselves with hired labour.
Before that visitation, however, it appears that commutation of labour
services for fixed annual payments had made very little progress.[71]
When these services were commuted for money in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries they were put at 1d. a day in winter, and 2d. a
day in summer, and rather more in harvest[72]; and we may put the
ordinary agricultural labourers' wages from 1250-1350 all the year
round at 2d. a day, and from 1350-1400 at 3d., but few were paid in
this way. Many were paid by the year, with allowances of food besides
and sometimes clothes, and many were in harvest at all events paid by
the piece. At Crondal in Hampshire in 1248 a carter by the year
received 4s., a herdsman 2s. 3d., a day a or dairymaid, 2s.[73] The
change to money payments was beneficial to both parties; it stopped
many of the dishonest practices of the lord's bailiff, apart from the
fact that farming by officials was an expensive method. It meant, too,
that religious festivals and bad weather would no longer diminish the
lord's profits; on the other hand, the tenant could devote himself
entirely to his holding free from annoying labour services.[74]
The state of agriculture at the time of Domesday was apparently very
low, judging by the small returns of manors,[75] but by the time of
Edward I it had made considerable progress. During the reign of Henry
III England had grown in opulence, and continued to do so under his
great son, who found time from his manifold tasks to encourage
agriculture and horticulture. Fruit and forest trees, shrubs and
flowers, were introduced from the continent, and we are told that the
hop flourished in the royal gardens.[76] At his death England was
prosperous, the people progressing in comfort, the population
advancing, the agricultural labourers were increasing in numbers, the
value of the land had risen and was rising. Then came a reaction from
which England did not recover for two centuries, and Harrison, who
wrote his description of England at the end of the sixteenth century,
says that many of the improvements began to be neglected in process of
time, so that from Henry IV till the latter end of Henry VII there was
little or no use for them in England, 'but they remained unknown.'
The Hundred Rolls of Edward I, which embody the results of the labours
of a commission appointed by that monarch to inquire into encroachments
on royal lands and royal jurisdiction, show clearly that there had
been since the Domesday Survey a very great growth in the rural
population, a sure sign that agriculture was flourishing; and on some
estates the number of free tenants had increased largely, but the
burdens of the villeins were not less onerous than they had been.
It was in the thirteenth century that the practice of keeping strict
and minute accounts became general, and the accounts of the bailiff of
those days would be a revelation to the bailiff of these.
At the same time we must not forget that the earliest improvements in
English agriculture were largely due to the monks, who from their
constant journeys abroad were able to bring back new plants and seeds;
while it is well known that many of the religious houses, the
Cistercians especially, who always settled in the remote country, were
most energetic farmers, their energy being materially assisted by
their wealth. It is said that the great Becket when he visited a
monastery did not disdain to labour in the field.
Among other benefits that the landed interest gained at this time was
the more easy transference of land provided, _inter alia_, by the
statute of _Quia Emptores_, which led to many tenants selling their
lands, provided the rights of the lord were preserved, and to a great
increase consequently of free tenants, many of whom had quite small
holdings.[77] The amalgamation of holdings by the more industrious and
skilful has, as we should expect, been a well-marked tendency all
through the history of English agriculture, and began early. For
instance, according to the records of S. Paul's Cathedral, John
Durant, whose ancestor in 1222 held only one virgate in 'Cadendon',
had in 1279 eight or ten at least. At 'Belchamp', Martin de Suthmere,
one of the free tenants, held 245 acres by himself and his tenants,
twenty-two in number, who rendered service to him; one of them being
de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who held 17 acres under Martin. To such a
position had the abler of the small holders of a century or so before
already pushed their way, in spite of the heavy hand of feudalism,
which did much to hinder individual initiative. At this period and
until Tudor times England, as regards the cultivated land, was
essentially a corn-growing country; the greater part of the lord's
demesne was arable, and the tillage fields of the villeins largely
exceeded their meadows. For instance, in 1285 the cultivated lands at
Hawsted in Suffolk were nearly all under the plough; in seven holdings
there were 968 acres of arable and only 40 of meadow, a proportion of
24 to 1. No doubt there was plenty of common pasture, but we cannot
call this cultivated land. The seven holdings were as follows:[78]
Acres.
Arable. Meadow. Wood.
Thomas Fitzeustace, lord of the manor 240 10 10
William Tallemache 280 12 24
Philip Noel 120 4 7
Robert de Ros 56 3 5
Walter de Stanton 80 3 1
William de Camaville 140 6 8
John Beylham 52 2 3
--- -- --
968 40 58
These were the larger tenants; among the smaller several had no meadow
at all.
We must not forget that the grazing of the tillage fields after the
crops were off was of great assistance to those who kept stock; for
there was plenty to eat on the stubbles. The wheat was cut high, the
straw often apparently left standing 18 inches or 2 feet high; weeds
of all kinds abounded, for the land was badly cleaned; and often only
the upper part of the high ridges, into which the land was thrown for
purposes of drainage, was cultivated, the lower parts being left to
natural grass.[79]
The greatest authority for the farming of the thirteenth century is
Walter of Henley, who wrote, about the middle of it, a work which held
the field as an agricultural textbook until Fitzherbert wrote in the
sixteenth century, and much of his advice is valuable to-day. There
was from his time until the days of William Marshall, who wrote five
centuries afterwards, a controversy as to the respective merits of
horses and oxen as draught animals, and it is a curious fact that the
later writer agreed with the earlier as to the superiority of oxen. 'A
plough of oxen', says Walter, 'will go as far in the year as a plough
of horses, because the malice of the ploughman will not allow the
plough of horses to go beyond their pace, no more than the plough of
oxen. Further, in very hard ground where the plough of horses will
stop, the plough of oxen will pass. And the horse costs more than the
ox, for he is obliged to have the sixth part of a bushel of oats every
night, worth a halfpenny at least, and twelve pennyworth of grass in
the summer. Besides, each week he costs more or less a penny a week in
shoeing, if he must be shod on all four feet;' which was not the
universal custom.
'But the ox has only to have 3-1/2 sheaves of oats per week (ten
sheaves yielding a bushel of oats), worth a penny, and the same amount
of grass as the horse.[80] And when the horse is old and worn out
there is nothing but his skin, but when the ox is old with ten
pennyworth of grass he shall be fit for the larder.'[81]
The labourer of the Middle Ages could not complain of lack of
holidays; Walter of Henley tells us that, besides Sundays, eight weeks
were lost in the year from holidays and other hindrances.[82]
He advises the sowing of spring seed on clay or on stony land early,
because if it is dry in March the ground will harden too much and the
stony ground become dry and open; therefore fore sow early that corn
may be nourished by winter moisture. Chalky and sandy ground need not
be sown early. At sowing, moreover, do not plough large furrows, but
little and well laid together, that the seed may fall evenly. Let your
land be cleaned and weeded after S. John's Day, June 24, for before
that is not a good time; and if thistles are cut before S. John's Day
'for every one will come two or three.' Do not sell your straw; if you
take away the least you lose much; words which many a landlord to-day
doubtless wishes were fixed in the minds of his tenants.
Manure should be mixed with earth, for it lasts only two or three
years by itself, but with earth it will last twice as long; for when
the manure and the earth are harrowed together the earth shall keep
the manure so that it cannot waste by descending in the soil, which it
is apt to do.
'Feed your working oxen before some one, and with chaff. Why? I will
tell you. Because it often happens that the oxherd steals the
provender.'
The oxen were also to be bathed, and curried when dry with a wisp of
straw, which would cause them to lick themselves.
'Change your seed every year at Michaelmas; for seed grown on other
ground will bring more profit than that which is grown on your own.'
Apparently the only drainage then practised was that of furrow and
open ditch; and we find him saying that to free your lands from too
much water, let the marshy ground be well ridged, and the water made
to run, and so the ground may be freed from water.
Here is his estimate of the cost of wheat growing[83]:
'You know surely that an acre sown with wheat takes three
ploughings, except lands which are sown yearly; and that each
ploughing is worth 6d. and the harrowing 1d., and on the acre
it is necessary to sow at least two bushels. Now two bushels at
Michaelmas are worth at least 12d., and weeding 1/2d., and
reaping 5d., and carrying in August 1d., and the straw will pay
for the threshing.'[83]
The return was wretched: 'at three times your sowing you ought to have
6 bushels, worth 3s.' The total cost is thus 3s. 1-1/2d.; and without
debiting anything for rent and manure, the loss would be 1-1/2d. an
acre.
The anonymous _Treatise on Husbandry_ of about the same date says,
however, that 'wheat ought to yield to the fifth grain, oats to the
fourth, barley to the eighth, beans and peas to the sixth.'[84] In the
years 1243-8 the average yield of wheat at Combe, Oxfordshire, was 5
bushels per acre, of barley a little over 5, oats 7. In the Manor of
Forncett, in various years from 1290 to 1306, wheat yielded about 10
bushels, oats from 12 to 16, barley 16, and peas from 4 to 12 bushels
per acre.[85]
As for the dairy, 2 cows, says Walter, should yield a wey, (2 cwt) of
cheese annually, and half a gallon of butter a week, 'if sorted out
and fed in pasture of salt marsh;' but 'in pasture of wood or in
meadows after mowing, or in stubble, it should take 3 cows for the
same.' Twenty ewes, which it was then the custom to milk, fed in
pasture of salt marsh, ought to yield the same as the 2 cows. A gallon
of butter was worth 6d., and weighed 7 lb. And the anonymous treatise
says each cow ought to yield from the day after Michaelmas until the
first kalends of May, twenty-eight weeks, 10d. more or less; and from
the first kalends of May till Michaelmas, twenty-four weeks, the milk
of a cow should be worth 3s. 6d.; and she should give also 6 stones
(14 lb. per stone) of cheese, and 'as much butter as shall make as
much cheese.'[86] It was a common practice all through the Middle
Ages, and survives in localities to-day, to let out the cows by the
year, at from 3s. to 6s. 8d. a head, often to the daya or dairymaid,
the owner supplying the food, and the lessee agreeing to restore them
in equal number and condition at the end of the term.[87] The
anonymous treatise tells us that 'if you wish to farm out your stock
you can take 4s. 6d. clear for each cow and the tithe, and for a sheep
6d. and the tithe, and a sow should bring you 6s. 6d. a year and
acquit the tithe, and each hen 9d. and the tithe; and Walter says,
'When I was bailiff the dairymaids had the geese and hens to farm, the
geese at 12d. and the hens at 3d.'
Among other information conveyed by these two treatises we learn that
the poor servants or labourers were accustomed to be fed on the
diseased sheep, salted and dried; but Walter adds, 'I do not wish you
to do this.' Nor can we point the finger of scorn at this: for in the
disastrous season of 1879 numbers of rotten sheep were sold to the
butcher and consumed by the unsuspecting public without even being
salted and dried.
He further tells us that 'you can well have 3 acres weeded for 1d.,
and an acre of meadow mown for 4d., and an acre of waste meadow for
3-1/2d. And know that 5 men can well reap and bind 2 acres a day of
each kind of corn, and where each takes 2d. a day then you must give
5d. an acre.'[88] 'One ought to thresh a quarter of wheat or rye for
2d. and a quarter of oats for 1d. A sow ought to farrow twice a year,
having each time at least 7 pigs; and each goose 5 goslings a year and
each hen 115 eggs and 7 chicks, 3 of which ought to be made capons;
and for 5 geese you must have one gander, and for 5 hens one cock.'
The laying qualities of the hen, in spite of the talk of the 200-egg
bird, were evidently as good then as to-day. In those days of
self-supporting farms it was the custom to put together the farm
implements at home, and the farmer is advised that it will be well if
he can have carters and ploughmen who should know how to work all
their own wood, though it should be necessary to pay them more.[89]
The village smith, however, seems, as we should expect, to have done
most of the iron work that was needed.[90]
These extracts have given the reader some insight into
thirteenth-century prices, prices which in the case of grain altered
very little for nearly 300 years: for instance, the average price of
wheat from 1259 to 1400 was 5s. 10-3/4d. a quarter, and from 1401 to
1540 5s. 11-3/4d.; of barley, 4s. 3-3/4d. from 1259 to 1400, 3s.
8-3/4d. from 1401 to 1540; of oats, 2s. 5-3/4d. and 2s. 2-1/4d. in the
same two periods respectively; of rye, 4s. 5d. and 4s. 7-3/4d.; and of
beans, 4s. 3-1/2d. and 3s. 9-1/4d.[91] Wheat fluctuated considerably,
being as we have seen 2s. a quarter at Hawsted in 1243 and in 1290
14s. 10d., a most exceptional price. Oxen, which were chiefly valued
as working animals, were about 13s. apiece[92]; cows, 9s. 5d. Farm
horses were of two varieties: the 'affer' or 'stott', a rough small
animal, generally worth about 13s. 5d., and the cart-horse, probably
the ancestor of our shire horses, whose average price was 19s. 4d. A
good saddle-horse fetched as much as £5. Sheep were from 1s. 2d. to
1s. 5d. each. In Hampshire in 1248 shoeing ten farm horses for the
plough for a year cost 5s.; making a gate cost 12d. As Walter of
Henley said, it cost a penny a week to shoe a horse on all four feet;
these horses must have been very roughly shod.[93] It is evident, from
what Walter of Henley says, that horses were not always shod on all
four feet, and their shoes were generally very light. The roads were
mere tracks without any metalling, so that there was little necessity
for heavy shoes; and as Professor Thorold Rogers suggests, it is quite
possible that the hoofs of our horses have become weaker by reason of
the continual paring and protection which modern shoeing involves.[94]
They weighed usually less than half a pound, and cost about 4s. a
hundred.
The most striking fact about agricultural prices at this date is the
low price of land compared with that of its products. The annual rent
of land was from 4d. to 6d.[95] an acre, and it was worth about ten
years' purchase. Consequently, a quarter of wheat was often worth more
than an acre of land, a good ox three times as much, a good cart-horse
four times, while a good war-horse was worth the fee-simple of a small
farm. A greater breadth of wheat was sown than of any other crop; but
it seems that none was ever stored except in the castles and
monasteries, for in spite of successive abundant harvests a bad season
would send the price up at once. Barley was, as now, chiefly used for
making beer, which was also made from oats and wheat, of course
without hops, which were not used till the fifteenth century; and
sometimes it was made of oats, barley, and wheat, a concoction worth
3/4d. a gallon in 1283.[96] Cider was also drunk, and was sold at
Exminster in Devonshire in 1286 at 1/2d. a gallon, and apples fetched
2d. a bushel. Thorold Rogers[97] says that wheat was the chief food of
the English labourer from the earliest times until perhaps the
seventeenth century, when the enormous prices were prohibitive; but
this statement must be taken with reserve, as must that of Mr.
Prothero[98] that rye was the bread-stuff of the peasantry. Where the
labourer's food is mentioned as part of his wages, wheat, barley, and
rye all occur, wheat and rye being often mixed together as 'mixtil';
and it is most probable that in one district wheat, in another one of
the other cereals, formed his chief bread-stuff, according to the crop
best adapted to the soil of the locality.
Walter of Henley mentions wheat as if it was the chief crop, for he
selects it as best illustrating the cost of corn-growing[99]; and from
the enormous number of entries enumerated by Thorold Rogers in his
mediaeval statistics it was apparently more grown than other cereals.
The chief meat of the lower classes then, as to-day, was bacon from
the innumerable herds of swine who roamed in the woods and wastes, but
in bad years, when food was scarce, the poor ate nuts, acorns, fern
roots, bark, and vetches.[100]
As the cattle of the Middle Ages were like the mountain cattle of
to-day, so were the sheep like many of the sheep to be seen in the
Welsh mountains; yet, unlike the cattle, an attempt seems to have been
made, judging by the high price of rams, to improve the breed; but
they were probably poor animals worth from 1s. to 1s. 6d. each, with a
small fleece weighing about a pound and a half, worth 3d. a lb. or a
little more.
FOOTNOTES:
[64] _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_, p. 39. No one can write on
English agriculture without acknowledging a deep debt to his
monumental industry, though his opinions are often open to question.
[65] Compare the account of the manors in Huntingdonshire belonging to
Romsey Abbey given in Page _End of Villeinage in England_, pp. 28 et
seq.
[66] Davenport, _A Norfolk Manor_, p. 36; and see Hall, _Pipe Roll of
Bishopric of Winchester_, p. xxv.
[67] Chevage, poll money, paid to the lord.
[68] Vinogradoff, _Villeinage in England_, p. 230.
[69] Cunningham, _Industry and Commerce_, i. 117.
[70] Vinogradoff, _Villeinage in England_, p. 307. On the Berkeley
estates in 1189-1220 money was so scarce with the tenants that the
rents, apparently even where services had been commuted, were commonly
paid in oxen.--Smyth, _Lives of the Berkeleys_, i. 101. In the
thirteenth century the labour services of the villeins were stricter
than in the eleventh. Vinogradoff, _op. cit._ 298.
[71] Page, _End of Villeinage_, p. 39.
[72] Thorold Rogers, _History of Agriculture and Prices_, i. 82.
[73] Hampshire Record Society, i. 64. See Appendix, i.
[74] Hasbach, _English Agricultural Labourer_, p. 14.
[75] Hallam, _Middle Ages_, iii. 361
[76] Denton, _England in the Fifteenth Century_, p. 56.
[77] Cunningham, _Industry and Commerce_, i. 273.
[78] Cullum, _History of Hawsted_, 1784 ed., p. 180.
[79] Ballard, _Domesday_, p. 207.
[80] Walter of Henley, Royal Historical Society, p. 12.
[81] Walter reckons the above food of the horse at 12s. 3d., and of
the ox at 3s. 1d.; but both are wrong.
[82] Ibid. p. 15.
[83] Walter of Henley, Royal Historical Society, p. 19.
[84] Walter of Henley, Royal Historical Society, p. 71.
[85] Davenport, _A Norfolk Manor_, pp. 29 et seq. See also Hall, _Pipe
Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester_, p. xxvi, which gives an average
yield of wheat over a large area in 1298-9 at 4.3 bushels per acre.
[86] Walter of Henley, Royal Historical Society, p. 77.
[87] Thorold Rogers, _Agriculture and Prices_, i. 397; _Archaeologia_,
xviii. 281.
[88] Walter of Henley, pp. 69, 75. In Lancashire, at the end of the
thirteenth century, mowing 60-1/2 acres cost 17s. 7-1/2d. _Victoria
County History, Lancashire, Agriculture_, and _Two Compoti of the
Lancashire and Cheshire Manors of Henry de Lacy_ (Cheetham Society).
[89] Walter of Henley, p. 63.
[90] _Crondall, Records_, Hampshire Record Society, i. 65.
[91] See Thorold Rogers, various tables in vol. i. of _History of
Agriculture and Prices_. Compare these with the prices on the Berkeley
estates from 1281 to 1307, omitting years of scarcity: wheat, 2s. 4d.
to 5s.; oxen, 10s. to 12s.; cows, 9s. to 10s.; bacon hogs, 5s.; fat
sheep, 1s. 6d. to 2s.; and in the early part of Edward III's reign,
wheat, 5s. 4d. to 10s.; oxen, 14s. to 24s. Other prices about the
same.--Smyth, _Lives of the Berkeleys_, i. 160.
[92] If it is true, as generally stated, that the mediaeval ox was
one-third the size of his modern successor, it is apparent that he was
a very dear animal. Cattle at this date suffered from the ravages of
wolves.
[93] _Crondall, Records_, Hampshire Record Society, i. 64.
[94] _History of Agriculture and Prices_, i. 528.
[95] Seebohm, _Transactions of Royal Historical Society_, New Series,
xvii. 288, says that rent in the fourteenth century was commonly 4d.;
the usual average is stated at 6d. an acre.
[96] _Domesday of S. Paul_, Camden Society, p. li.
[97] _History of Agriculture and Prices_, i. 26.
[98] _Pioneers of Agriculture_, p. 13.
[99] Ed. Lamond, Royal Historical Society, p. 19.
[100] Denton, _England in the Fifteenth Century_, p. 93.