Because, lending ear to the fallacious words of the economis

THE

RIGHT TO BE LAZY

AND OTHER STUDIES

BY

PAUL LAFARGUE

Translated by CHARLES H. KERR

CHICAGO

CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY

Copyright, 1907

BY CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY

[Illustration: Printer's stamp.]

PREFACE

M. Thiers, at a private session of the commission on primary education

of 1849, said: "I wish to make the influence of the clergy all-powerful

because I count upon it to propagate that good philosophy which teaches

man that he is here below to suffer, and not that other philosophy

which on the contrary bids man to enjoy." M. Thiers was stating

the ethics of the capitalist class, whose fierce egoism and narrow

intelligence he incarnated.

The Bourgeoisie, when it was struggling against the nobility sustained

by the clergy, hoisted the flag of free thought and atheism; but once

triumphant, it changed its tone and manner and today it uses religion

to support its economic and political supremacy. In the fifteenth and

sixteenth centuries, it had joyfully taken up the pagan tradition and

glorified the flesh and its passions, reproved by Christianity; in our

days, gorged with goods and with pleasures, it denies the teachings of

its thinkers like Rabelais and Diderot, and preaches abstinence to the

wage-workers. Capitalist ethics, a pitiful parody on Christian ethics,

strikes with its anathema the flesh of the laborer; its ideal is to

reduce the producer to the smallest number of needs, to suppress his

joys and his passions and to condemn him to play the part of a machine

turning out work without respite and without thanks.

The revolutionary socialists must take up again the battle fought by

the philosophers and pamphleteers of the bourgeoisie; they must march

up to the assault of the ethics and the social theories of capitalism;

they must demolish in the heads of the class which they call to action

the prejudices sown in them by the ruling class; they must proclaim in

the faces of the hypocrites of all ethical systems that the earth shall

cease to be the vale of tears for the laborer; that in the communist

society of the future, which we shall establish "peaceably if we may,

forcibly if we must," the impulses of men will be given a free rein,

for "all these impulses are by nature good, we have nothing to avoid

but their misuse and their excesses,[1]" and they will not be avoided

except by their mutual counter-balancing, balancing, by the harmonious

development of the human organism, for as Dr. Beddoe says, "It is

only when a race reaches its maximum of physical development, that it

arrives at its highest point of energy and moral vigor.[2]" Such was

also the opinion of the great naturalist Charles Darwin.[3]

This refutation of the "Right to Work" which I am republishing with

some additional notes appeared in the weekly "Egalité", 1880, second

series.

P. L.

_Sainte-Pélagie Prison_, 1883.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Descartes. "Les Passions de l'âme."

[2] Doctor Beddoe. "Memoirs of the Anthropological Society."

[3] Charles Darwin. "Descent of Man."

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

THE RIGHT TO BE LAZY—

I. A Disastrous Dogma 9

II. Blessings of Work 14

III. The Consequences of Over-Production 30

IV. New Songs to New Music 48

Appendix 57

SOCIALISM AND THE INTELLECTUALS 63

THE BANKRUPTCY OF CAPITALISM 105

THE WOMAN QUESTION 111

THE SOCIALIST IDEAL 139

THE RIGHTS OF THE HORSE AND THE RIGHTS OF MAN 157

THE RIGHT TO BE LAZY

Let us be lazy in everything, except in loving and drinking, except

in being lazy.

—Lessing.

I.

A DISASTROUS DOGMA.

A strange delusion possesses the working classes of the nations where

capitalist civilization holds its sway. This delusion drags in its

train the individual and social woes which for two centuries have

tortured sad humanity. This delusion is the love of work, the furious

passion for work, pushed even to the exhaustion of the vital force

of the individual and his progeny. Instead of opposing this mental

aberration, the priests, the economists and the moralists have cast a

sacred halo over work. Blind and finite men, they have wished to be

wiser than their God; weak and contemptible men, they have presumed

to rehabilitate what their God had cursed. I, who do not profess to be

a Christian, an economist or a moralist, I appeal from their judgement

to that of their God; from the preachings of their religious, economics

or free-thought ethics, to the frightful consequences of work in

capitalist society.

In capitalist society work is the cause of all intellectual degeneracy,

of all organic deformity. Compare the thorough-bred in Rothschild's

stables, served by a retinue of bipeds, with the heavy brute of the

Norman farms which plows the earth, carts the manure, hauls the crops.

Look at the noble savage whom the missionaries of trade and the traders

of religion have not yet corrupted with Christianity, syphilis and the

dogma of work, and then look at our miserable slaves of machines.[4]

When, in our civilized Europe, we would find a trace of the native

beauty of man, we must go seek it in the nations where economic

prejudices have not yet uprooted the hatred of work. Spain, which,

alas, is degenerating, may still boast of possessing fewer factories

than we have of prisons and barracks; but the artist rejoices in his

admiration of the hardy Andalusian, brown as his native chestnuts,

straight and flexible as a steel rod; and the heart leaps at hearing

the beggar, superbly draped in his ragged _capa_, parleying on terms

of equality with the duke of Ossuna. For the Spaniard, in whom the

primitive animal has not been atrophied, work is the worst sort of

slavery.[5] The Greeks in their era of greatness had only contempt for

work: their slaves alone were permitted to labor: the free man knew

only exercises for the body and mind. And so it was in this era that

men like Aristotle, Phidias, Aristophanes moved and breathed among the

people; it was the time when a handful of heroes at Marathon crushed

the hordes of Asia, soon to be subdued by Alexander. The philosophers

of antiquity taught contempt for work, that degradation of the free

man, the poets sang of idleness, that gift from the Gods:

O Melibae Deus nobis haec otia fecit.[6]

Jesus, in his sermon on the Mount, preached idleness: "Consider the

lilies of the field, how they grow: they toil not, neither do they

spin: and yet I say unto you that even Solomon in all his glory was not

arrayed like one of these." Jehovah the bearded and angry god, gave his

worshipers the supreme example of ideal laziness; after six days of

work, he rests for all eternity.

On the other hand, what are the races for which work is an organic

necessity? The Auvergnians; the Scotch, those Auvergnians of the

British Isles; the Galicians, those Auvergnians of Spain; the

Pomeranians, those Auvergnians of Germany; the Chinese, those

Auvergnians of Asia. In our society, which are the classes that love

work for work's sake? The peasant proprietors, the little shop-keepers;

the former bent double over their fields, the latter crouched in their

shops, burrow like the mole in his subterranean passage and never stand

up to look at nature leisurely.

And meanwhile the proletariat, the great class embracing all the

producers of civilized nations, the class which in freeing itself will

free humanity from servile toil and will make of the human animal a

free being,—the proletariat, betraying its instincts, despising its

historic mission, has let itself be perverted by the dogma of work.

Rude and terrible has been its punishment. All its individual and

social woes are born of its passion for work.

FOOTNOTES:

[4] European explorers pause in wonder before the physical beauty and

the proud bearing of the men of primitive races, not soiled by what

Paeppig calls "the poisonous breath of civilization." Speaking of

the aborigines of the Oceanic Islands, Lord George Campbell writes:

"There is not a people in the world which strikes one more favorably

at first sight. Their smooth skin of a light copper tint, their hair

golden and curly, their beautiful and happy faces. In a word, their

whole person formed a new and splendid specimen of the 'genus homo';

their physical appearance gave the impression of a race superior to

ours." The civilized men of ancient Rome, witness Caesar and Tacitus,

regarded with the same admiration the Germans of the communist tribes

which invaded the Roman empire. Following Tacitus, Salvien, the priest

of the fifth century who received the surname of master of the Bishops,

held up the barbarians as an example to civilized Christians: "We are

immodest before the barbarians, who are more chaste than we. Even

more the barbarians are wounded at our lack of modesty; the Goths do

not permit debauchees of their own nation to remain among them; alone

in the midst of them, by the sad privilege of their nationality and

their name, the Romans have the right to be impure. (Pederasty was

then the height of the fashion among both pagans and Christians.) The

oppressed fly to the barbarians to seek for mercy and a shelter." (De

Gubernatione Dei.) The old civilization and the rising Christianity

corrupted the barbarians of the ancient world, as the old Christianity

and the modern capitalist civilization are corrupting the savages of

the new world.

M. F. LePlay, whose talent for observation must be recognized, even

if we reject his sociological conclusions, tainted with philanthropic

and Christian pharisaism, says in his book "Les Ouvriers Européens"

(1885): "The Propensity of the Bachkirs for laziness (the Bachkirs are

semi-nomadic shepherds of the Asiatic slope of the Ural mountains);

the leisure of nomadic life, the habit of meditation which this

engenders in the best endowed individuals.—all this often gives them a

distinction of manner, a fineness of intelligence and judgement which

is rarely to be observed on the same social level in a more developed

civilization.... The thing most repugnant to them is agricultural

labor: they will do anything rather than accept the trade of a farmer."

Agriculture is in fact the first example of servile labor in the

history of man. According to biblical tradition, the first criminal,

Cain, is a farmer.

[5] The Spanish proverb says: Descanzar es salud. (Rest is healthful.)

[6] O Melibaeus! a god has granted us this idleness. Virgil's Bucolics.

(See appendix.)

II.

BLESSINGS OF WORK.

In 1770 at London, an anonymous pamphlet appeared under the title,

"An Essay on Trade and Commerce". It made some stir in its time.

The author, a great philanthropist, was indignant that "the factory

population of England had taken into its head the fixed idea that in

their quality of Englishmen all the individuals composing it have

by right of birth the privilege of being freer and more independent

than the laborers of any country in Europa. This idea may have its

usefulness for soldiers, since it stimulates their valor, but the

less the factory workers are imbued with it the better for themselves

and the state. Laborers ought never to look on themselves as

independent of their superiors. It is extremely dangerous to encourage

such infatuations in a commercial state like ours, where perhaps

seven-eighths of the population have little or no property. The cure

will not be complete until our industrial laborers are contented to

work six days for the same sum which they now earn in four." Thus,

nearly a century before Guizot, work was openly preached in London as

a curb to the noble passions of man. "The more my people work, the

less vices they will have", wrote Napoleon on May 5th, 1807, from

Osterod. "I am the authority ... and I should be disposed to order

that on Sunday after the hour of service be past, the shops be opened

and the laborers return to their work." To root out laziness and curb

the sentiments of pride and independence which arise from it, the

author of the "Essay on Trade" proposed to imprison the poor in ideal

"work-houses", which should become "houses of terror, where they should

work fourteen hours a day in such fashion that when meal time was

deducted there should remain twelve hours of work full and complete".

Twelve hours of work a day, that is the ideal of the philanthropists

and moralists of the eighteenth century. How have we outdone this _nec

plus ultra_! Modern factories have become ideal houses of correction in

which the toiling masses are imprisoned, in which they are condemned

to compulsory work for twelve or fourteen hours, not the men only but

also women and children.[7] And to think that the sons of the heroes

of the Terror have allowed themselves to be degraded by the religion

of work, to the point of accepting, since 1848, as a revolutionary

conquest, the law limiting factory labor to twelve hours. They proclaim

as a revolutionary principle the Right to Work. Shame to the French

proletariat! Only slaves would have been capable of such baseness.

A Greek of the heroic times would have required twenty years of

capitalist civilization before he could have conceived such vileness.

And if the miseries of compulsory work and the tortures of hunger have

descended upon the proletariat more in number than the locusts of the

Bible, it is because the proletariat itself invited them. This work,

which in June 1848 the laborers demanded with arms in their hands,

this they have imposed on their families; they have delivered up to

the barons of industry their wives and children. With their own hands

they have demolished their domestic hearths. With their own hands they

have dried up the milk of their wives. The unhappy women carrying

and nursing their babes have been obliged to go into the mines and

factories to bend their backs and exhaust their nerves. With their own

hands they have broken the life and the vigor of their children. Shame

on the proletarians! Where are those neighborly housewives told of

in our fables and in our old tales, bold and frank of speech, lovers

of Bacchus? Where are those buxom girls, always on the move, always

cooking, always singing, always spreading life, engendering life's joy,

giving painless birth to healthy and vigorous children?... Today we

have factory girls and women, pale drooping flowers, with impoverished

blood, with disordered stomachs, with languid limbs.... They have never

known the pleasure of a healthful passion, nor would they be capable

of telling of it merrily! And the children? Twelve hours of work

for children! O, misery. But not all the Jules Simon of the Academy

of Moral and Political Science, not all the Germinys of jesuitism

could have invented a vice more degrading to the intelligence of the

children, more corrupting of their instincts, more destructive of their

organism than work in the vitiated atmosphere of the capitalist factory.

Our epoch has been called the century of work. It is in fact the

century of pain, misery and corruption.

And all the while the philosophers, the bourgeois economists—from

the painfully confused August Comte to the ludicrously clear

Leroy-Beaulieu; the people of bourgeois literature—from the quackishly

romantic Victor Hugo to the artlessly grotesque Paul de Kock,—all have

intoned nauseating songs in honor of the god Progress, the eldest son

of Work. Listen to them and you would think that happiness was soon

to reign over the earth, that its coming was already perceived. They

rummaged in the dust of past centuries to bring back feudal miseries

to serve as a sombre contrast to the delights of the present times.

Have they wearied us, these satisfied people, yesterday pensioners at

the table of the nobility, today pen-valets of the capitalist class

and fatly paid? Have they reckoned us weary of the peasant, such as

La Bruyère described him? Well, here is the brilliant picture of

proletarian delights in the year of capitalist progress 1840, penned by

one of their own men, Dr. Villermé, member of the Institute, the same

who in 1848 was a member of that scientific society (Thiers, Cousin,

Passy, Blanqui, the academician, were in it), which disseminated among

the masses the nonsense of bourgeois economics and ethics.

It is of manufacturing Alsace that Dr. Villermé speaks,—the Alsace

of Kestner and Dollfus, those flowers of industrial philanthropy and

republicanism. But before the doctor raises up before us his picture of

proletarian miseries, let us listen to an Alsatian manufacturer, Mr.

Th. Mieg, of the house of Dollfus, Mieg & Co., depicting the condition

of the old-time artisan: "At Mulhouse fifty years ago (in 1813, when

modern mechanical industry was just arising) the laborers were all

children of the soil, inhabiting the town and the surrounding villages,

and almost all owning a house and often a little field."[8] It was

the golden age of the laborer. But at that time Alsatian industry did

not deluge the world with its cottons, nor make millionaires out of

its Dollfus and Koechlin. But twenty-five years after, when Villermé

visited Alsace, the modern Minotaur, the capitalist workshop, had

conquered the country; in its insatiable appetite for human labor it

had dragged the workmen from their hearths, the better to wring them

and press out the labor which they contained. It was by thousands

that the workers flocked together at the signal of the steam whistle.

"A great number," says Villermé, "five thousand out of seventeen

thousand, were obliged by high rents to lodge in neighboring villages.

Some of them lived three or four miles from the factory where they

worked.[9]

"At Mulhouse in Dornach, work began at five o'clock in the morning and

ended at eight o'clock in the evening, summer and winter. It was a

sight to watch them arrive each morning into the city and depart each

evening. Among them were a multitude of women, pale, often walking

bare-footed through the mud, and who for lack of umbrellas when the

rain or snow fell, wore their aprons or skirts turned up over their

heads. There was a still larger number of young children, equally

dirty, equally pale, covered with rags, greasy from the machine oil

which drops on them while they work. They were better protected from

the rain because their clothes shed water; but unlike the women just

mentioned, they did not carry their day's provisions in a basket, but

they carryed in their hands or hid under their clothing as best they

might, the morsel of bread which must serve them as food until time for

them to return home.

Thus to the strain of an insufferably long day—at least fifteen

hours—is added for these wretches the fatigue of the painful daily

journeys. Consequently they reach home overwhelmed by the need of

sleep, and next day they rise before they are completely rested in

order to reach the factory by the opening time."

Now, look at the holes in which were packed those who lodge in the

town: "I saw at Mulhouse in Dornach, and the neighboring houses, some

of those miserable lodgings where two families slept each in its corner

on straw thrown on the floor and kept in its place by two planks....

This wretchedness among the laborers of the cotton industry in the

department of the upper Rhine is so extreme that it produces this sad

result, that while in the families of the manufacturers, merchants,

shop-keepers or factory superintendents, half of the children reach

their twenty-first year, this same half ceases to exist before the

lapse of two years in the families of weavers and cotton spinners."

Speaking of the labor of the workshop, Villermé adds: "It is not a

work, a task, it is a torture and it is inflicted on children of six

to eight years. It is this long torture day after day which wastes

away the laborers in the cotton spinning factories". And as to the

duration of the work Villermé observes, that the convicts in prisons

work but ten hours, the slaves in the west Indies work but nine hours,

while there existed in France after its Revolution of 1789, which had

proclaimed the pompous Rights of Man "factories where the day was

sixteen hours, out of which the laborers were allowed only an hour and

a half for meals."[10]

What a miserable abortion of the revolutionary principles of

the bourgeoisie! What woeful gifts from its god Progress! The

philanthropists hail as benefactors of humanity those who having done

nothing to become rich, give work to the poor. Far better were it to

scatter pestilence and to poison the springs than to erect a capitalist

factory in the midst of a rural population. Introduce factory work,

and farewell joy, health and liberty; farewell to all that makes life

beautiful and worth living.[11]

And the economists go on repeating to the laborers, "Work, to increase

social wealth", and nevertheless an economist, Destutt de Tracy,

answers: "It is in poor nations that people are comfortable, in

rich nations they are ordinarily poor"; and his disciple Cherbuliez

continues: "The laborers themselves in co-operating toward the

accumulation of productive capital contribute to the event which sooner

or later must deprive them of a part of their wages". But deafened and

stupified by their own howlings, the economists answer: "Work, always

work, to create your prosperity", and in the name of Christian meekness

a priest of the Anglican Church, the Rev. Mr. Townshend, intones: Work,

work, night and day. By working you make your poverty increase and your

poverty releases us from imposing work upon you by force of law. The

legal imposition of work "gives too much trouble, requires too much

violence and makes too much noise. Hunger, on the contrary, is not only

a pressure which is peaceful, silent and incessant, but as it is the

most natural motive for work and industry, it also provokes to the

most powerful efforts." Work, work, proletarians, to increase social

wealth and your individual poverty; work, work, in order that becoming

poorer, you may have more reason to work and become miserable. Such is

the inexorable law of capitalist production.

Because, lending ear to the fallacious words of the economists, the

proletarians have given themselves up body and soul to the vice of

work, they precipitate the whole of society into these industrial

crises of over-production which convulse the social organism. Then

because there is a plethora of merchandise and a dearth of purchasers,

the shops are closed and hunger scourges the working people with its

whip of a thousand lashes. The proletarians, brutalized by the dogma of

work, not understanding that the over-work which they have inflicted

upon themselves during the time of pretended prosperity is the cause of

their present misery, do not run to the granaries of wheat and cry: "We

are hungry, we wish to eat. True we have not a red cent, but beggars as

we are, it is we, nevertheless, who harvested the wheat and gathered

the grapes." They do not besiege the warehouse of Bonnet, or Jujurieux,

the inventor of industrial convents, and cry out: "M. Bonnet, here

are your working women, silk workers, spinners, weavers; they are

shivering pitifully under their patched cotton dresses, yet it is they

who have spun and woven the silk robes of the fashionable women of all

Christendom. The poor creatures working thirteen hours a day, had no

time to think of their toilet. Now, they are out of work and have time

to rustle in the silks they have made. Ever since they lost their milk

teeth they have devoted themselves to your fortune and have lived in

abstinence. Now they are at leisure and wish to enjoy a little of the

fruits of their labor. Come, M. Bonnet, give them your silks, M. Harmel

shall furnish his muslins, M. Pouyer-Quertier his calicos, M. Pinet his

boots for their dear little feet, cold and damp. Clad from top to toe

and gleeful, they will be delightful to look at. Come, no evasions,

you are a friend of humanity, are you not, and a Christian into the

bargain? Put at the disposal of your working girls the fortune they

have built up for you out of their flesh; you want to help business,

get your goods into circulation,—here are consumers ready at hand.

Give them unlimited credit. You are simply compelled to give credit

to merchants whom you do not know from Adam or Eve, who have given

you nothing, not even a glass of water. Your working women will pay

the debt the best they can. If at maturity they let their notes go to

protest, and if they have nothing to attach, you can demand that they

pay you in prayers. They will send you to paradise better than your

black-gowned priests steeped in tobacco."

Instead of taking advantage of periods of crisis, for a general

distribution of their products and a universal holiday, the laborers,

perishing with hunger, go and beat their heads against the doors of the

workshops. With pale faces, emaciated bodies, pitiful speeches they

assail the manufacturers: "Good M. Chagot, sweet M. Schneider, give us

work, it is not hunger, but the passion for work which torments us".

And these wretches, who have scarcely the strength to stand upright,

sell twelve and fourteen hours of work twice as cheap as when they had

bread on the table. And the philanthropists of industry profit by their

lockouts to manufacture at lower cost.

If industrial crises follow periods of over-work as inevitably as night

follows day, bringing after them lockouts and poverty without end,

they also lead to inevitable bankruptcy. So long as the manufacturer

has credit he gives free rein to the rage for work. He borrows, and

borrows again, to furnish raw material to his laborers, and goes on

producing without considering that the market is becoming satiated

and that if his goods don't happen to be sold, his notes will still

come due. At his wits' end, he implores the banker, he throws himself

at his feet, offering his blood, his honor. "A little gold will do my

business better", answers the Rothschild. "You have 20,000 pairs of

hose in your warehouse; they are worth 20c. I will take them at 4c."

The banker gets possession of the goods and sells them at 6c or 8c,

and pockets certain frisky dollars which owe nothing to anybody: but

the manufacturer has stepped back for a better leap. At last the crash

comes and the warehouses disgorge. Then so much merchandise is thrown

out of the window that you cannot imagine how it came in by the door.

Hundreds of millions are required to figure the value of the goods that

are destroyed. In the last century they were burned or thrown into the

water.[12]

But before reaching this decision, the manufacturers travel the world

over in search of markets for the goods which are heaping up. They

force their government to annex Congo, to seize on Tonquin, to batter

down the Chinese Wall with cannon shots to make an outlet for their

cotton goods. In previous centuries it was a duel to the death between

France and England as to which should have the exclusive privilege of

selling to America and the Indies. Thousands of young and vigorous men

reddened the seas with their blood during the colonial wars of the

sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

There is a surplus of capital as well as of goods. The financiers no

longer know where to place it. Then they go among the happy nations who

are loafing in the sun smoking cigarettes and they lay down railroads,

erect factories and import the curse of work. And this exportation of

French capital ends one fine morning in diplomatic complications. In

Egypt, for example, France, England and Germany were on the point of

hairpulling to decide which usurers shall be paid first. Or it ends

with wars like that in Mexico where French soldiers are sent to play

the part of constables to collect bad debts.[13]

These individual and social miseries, however great and innumerable

they may be, however eternal they appear, will vanish like hyenas

and jackals at the approach of the lion, when the proletariat shall

say "I will". But to arrive at the realization of its strength the

proletariat must trample under foot the prejudices of Christian ethics,

economic ethics and free-thought ethics. It must return to its natural

instincts, it must proclaim the Rights of Laziness, a thousand times

more noble and more sacred than the anaemic Rights of Man concocted by

the metaphysical lawyers of the bourgeois revolution. It must accustom

itself to working but three hours a day, reserving the rest of the day

and night for leisure and feasting.

Thus far my task has been easy; I have had but to describe real evils

well known, alas, by all of us; but to convince the proletariat that

the ethics innoculated into it is wicked, that the unbridled work to

which it has given itself up for the last hundred years is the most

terrible scourge that has ever struck humanity, that work will become

a mere condiment to the pleasures of idleness, a beneficial exercise to

the human organism, a passion useful to the social organism only when

wisely regulated and limited to a maximum of three hours a day; this

is an arduous task beyond my strength. Only communist physiologists,

hygienists and economists could undertake it. In the following pages

I shall merely try to show that given the modern means of production

and their unlimited reproductive power it is necessary to curb the

extravagant passion of the laborers for work and to oblige them to

consume the goods which they produce.

FOOTNOTES:

[7] At the first Congress of Charities held at Brussels in 1857 one

of the richest manufacturers of Marquette, near Lille, M. Scrive, to

the plaudits of the members of the congress declared with the noble

satisfaction of a duty performed: "We have introduced certain methods

of diversion for the children. We teach them to sing during their work,

also to count while working. That distracts them and makes them accept

bravely "those twelve hours of labor which are necessary to procure

their means of existence." Twelve hours of labor, and such labor,

imposed on children less than twelve years old! The materialists will

always regret that there is no hell in which to confine these Christian

philanthropic murderers of childhood.

[8] Speech delivered before the International Society of Practical

Studies in Social Economics, at Paris in May 1863, and published in the

French "Economist" of the same epoch.

[9] Note that this was before the era of railroads and street cars.

(Translator.)

[10] L. R. Villermé. Tableau de l'état physique et moral des ouvriers

dans les fabriques de coton, de laine et de soie (1840). It is not

because Dollfus, Koechlin and other Alsatian manufacturers were

republicans, patriots and protestant philanthropists that they treated

their laborers in this way, for Blanqui, the academician, Reybaud, the

prototype of Jerome Paturot, and Jules Simon, have observed the same

amenities for the working class among the very catholic and monarchical

manufacturers of Lille and Lyons. These are capitalist virtues which

harmonize delightfully with all political and religious convictions.

[11] The Indians of the warlike tribes of Brazil kill their invalids

and old people; they show their affection for them by putting an end

to a life which is no longer enlivened by combats, feasts and dances.

All primitive peoples have given these proofs of affection to their

relatives: the Massagetae of the Caspian Sea (Herodotus), as well as

the Wens of Germany and the Celts of Gaul. In the churches of Sweden

even lately they preserved clubs called family clubs which served to

deliver parents from the sorrows of old age. How degenerate are the

modern proletarians to accept with patience the terrible miseries of

factory labor!

[12] At the Industrial Congress held in Berlin in Jan. 21, 1879, the

losses in the iron industry of Germany during the last crisis were

estimated at $109,056,000.

[13] M. Clemenceau's "Justice" said on April 6, 1880, in its financial

department: "We have heard this opinion maintained, that even without

pressure the billions of the war of 1870 would have been equally lost

for France, that is under the form of loans periodically put out to

balance the budgets of foreign countries; this is also our opinion."

The loss of English capital on loans of South American Republics is

estimated at a billion dollars. The French laborers not only produced

the billion dollars paid Bismarck, but they continued to pay interest

on the war indemnity to Ollivier, Girardin, Bazaine and other income

drawers, who brought on the war and the rout. Nevertheless they still

have one shred of consolation: these billions will not bring on a war

of reprisal.

III.

THE CONSEQUENCES OF OVER-PRODUCTION.

A Greek poet of Cicero's time, Antiparos, thus sang of the invention

of the water-mill (for grinding grain), which was to free the slave

women and bring back the Golden Age: "Spare the arm which turns the

mill, O, millers, and sleep peacefully. Let the cock warn you in vain

that day is breaking. Demeter has imposed upon the nymphs the labor

of the slaves, and behold them leaping merrily over the wheel, and

behold the axle tree, shaken, turning with its spokes and making the

heavy rolling stone revolve. Let us live the life of our fathers, and

let us rejoice in idleness over the gifts that the goddess grants

us." Alas!, the leisure which the pagan poet announced has not come.

The blind, perverse and murderous passion for work transforms the

liberating machine into an instrument for the enslavement of free men.

Its productiveness impoverishes them.

A good workingwoman makes with her needles only five meshes a minute,

while certain circular knitting machines make 30,000 in the same time.

Every minute of the machine is thus equivalent to a hundred hours of

the workingwomen's labor, or again, every minute of the machine's

labor, gives the workingwomen ten days of rest. What is true for the

knitting industry is more or less true for all industries reconstructed

by modern machinery. But what do we see? In proportion as the machine

is improved and performs man's work with an ever increasing rapidity

and exactness, the laborer, instead of prolonging his former rest

times, redoubles his ardor, as if he wished to rival the machine. O,

absurd and murderous competition!

That the competition of man and the machine might have free course,

the proletarians have abolished wise laws which limited the labor

of the artisans of the ancient guilds; they have suppressed the

holidays.[14] Because the producers of that time worked but five

days out of seven, are we to believe the stories told by lying

economists, that they lived on nothing but air and fresh water? Not

so, they had leisure to taste the joys of earth, to make love and to

frolic, to banquet joyously in honor of the jovial god of idleness.

Gloomy England, immersed in protestantism, was then called "Merrie

England." Rabelais, Quevedo, Cervantes, and the unknown authors of the

romances make our mouths water with their pictures of those monumental

feasts[15] with which the men of that time regaled themselves between

two battles and two devastations, in which everything "went by the

barrel". Jordaens and the Flemish School have told the story of these

feasts in their delightful pictures. Where, O, where, are the sublime

gargantuan stomachs of those days; where are the sublime brains

encircling all human thought? We have indeed grown puny and degenerate.

Embalmed beef, potatoes, doctored wine and Prussian schnaps,

judiciously combined with compulsory labor have weakened our bodies and

narrowed our minds. And the times when man cramps his stomach and the

machine enlarges its output are the very times when the economists

preach to us the Malthusian theory, the religion of abstinence and the

dogma of work. Really it would be better to pluck out such tongues and

throw them to the dogs.

Because the working class, with its simple good faith, has allowed

itself to be thus indoctrinated, because with its native impetuosity

it has blindly hurled itself into work and abstinence, the capitalist

class has found itself condemned to laziness and forced enjoyment, to

unproductiveness and over-consumption. But if the over-work of the

laborer bruises his flesh and tortures his nerves, it is also fertile

in griefs for the capitalist.

The abstinence to which the productive class condemns itself obliges

the capitalists to devote themselves to the over-consumption of the

products turned out so riotously by the laborers. At the beginning

of capitalist production a century or two ago, the capitalist was a

steady man of reasonable and peaceable habits. He contented himself

with one wife or thereabouts. He drank only when he was thirsty and

ate only when he was hungry. He left to the lords and ladies of the

court the noble virtues of debauchery. Today every son of the newly

rich makes it incumbent upon himself to cultivate the disease for which

quicksilver is a specific in order to justify the labors imposed upon

the workmen in quicksilver mines; every capitalist crams himself with

capons stuffed with truffles and with the choicest brands of wine in

order to encourage the breeders of blooded poultry and the growers of

Bordelais. In this occupation the organism rapidly becomes shattered,

the hair falls out, the gums shrink away from the teeth, the body

becomes deformed, the stomach obtrudes abnormally, respiration becomes

difficult, the motions become labored, the joints become stiff, the

fingers knotted. Others, too feeble in body to endure the fatigues of

debauchery, but endowed with the bump of philanthropic discrimination,

dry up their brains over political economy, or juridical philosophy

in elaborating thick soporific books to employ the leisure hours

of compositors and pressmen. The women of fashion live a life of

martyrdom, in trying on and showing off the fairy-like toilets

which the seamstresses die in making. They shift like shuttles from

morning until night from one gown into another. For hours together

they give up their hollow heads to the artists in hair, who at any

cost insist on assuaging their passion for the construction of false

chignons. Bound in their corsets, pinched in their boots, décolletté

to make a coal-miner blush, they whirl around the whole night through

at their charity balls in order to pick up a few cents for poor

people,—sanctified souls!

To fulfill his double social function of non-producer and

over-consumer, the capitalist was not only obliged to violate his

modest taste, to lose his laborious habits of two centuries ago and to

give himself up to unbounded luxury, spicy indigestibles and syphilitic

debauches, but also to withdraw from productive labor an enormous mass

of men in order to enlist them as his assistants.

Here are a few figures to prove how colossal is this waste of

productive forces. According to the census of 1861, the population of

England and Wales comprised 20,066,244 persons, 9,776,259 male and

10,289,965 female. If we deduct those too old or too young to work, the

unproductive women, boys and girls, then the "ideological professions",

such as governors, policemen, clergy, magistrates, soldiers,

prostitutes, artists, scientists, etc., next the people exclusively

occupied with eating the labor of others under the form of land-rent,

interest, dividends, etc. ... there remains a total of eight million

individuals of both sexes and of every age, including the capitalists

who function in production, commerce, finance, etc. Out of these eight

millions the figures run:

Agricultural laborers, including herdsmen, servants

and farmers' daughters living at home 1,098,261

Factory Workers in cotton, wool, hemp,

linen silk, knitting 642,607

Mine Workers 565,835

Metal Workers (blast furnaces, rolling mills, etc.) 396,998

Domestics 1,208,648

"If we add together the textile workers and the miners, we obtain

the figures of 1,208,442; if to the former we add the metal workers,

we have a total of 1,039,605 persons; that is to say, in each case a

number below that of the modern domestic slaves. Behold the magnificent

result of the capitalist exploitation of machines."[16] To this class

of domestics, the size of which indicates the stage attained by

capitalist civilization, must still be added the enormous class of

unfortunates devoted exclusively to satisfying the vain and expensive

tastes of the rich classes: diamond cutters, lace-makers, embroiderers,

binders of luxurious books, seamstresses employed on expensive gowns,

decorators of villas, etc.[17]

Once settled down into absolute laziness and demoralized by enforced

enjoyment, the capitalist class in spite of the injury involved in

its new kind of life, adapted itself to it. Soon it began to look

upon any change with horror. The sight of the miserable conditions

of life resignedly accepted by the working class and the sight of

the organic degradation engendered by the depraved passion for work

increased its aversion for all compulsory labor and all restrictions

of its pleasures. It is precisely at that time that, without taking

into account the demoralization which the capitalist class had imposed

upon itself as a social duty, the proletarians took it into their

heads to inflict work on the capitalists. Artless as they were, they

took seriously the theories of work proclaimed by the economists and

moralists, and girded up their loins to inflict the practice of these

theories upon the capitalists. The proletariat hoisted the banner, "He

who will not work Neither shall he Eat". Lyons in 1831 rose up for

bullets or work. The federated laborers of March 1871 called their

uprising "The Revolution of Work". To these outbreaks of barbarous fury

destructive of all capitalist joy and laziness, the capitalists had

no other answer than ferocious repression, but they know that if they

have been able to repress these revolutionary explosions, they have

not drowned in the blood of these gigantic massacres the absurd idea

of the proletariat wishing to inflict work upon the idle and reputable

classes, and it is to avert this misfortune that they surround

themselves with guards, policemen, magistrates and jailors, supported

in laborious unproductiveness. There is no more room for illusion as

to the function of modern armies. They are permanently maintained only

to suppress the "enemy within". Thus the forts of Paris and Lyons

have not been built to defend the city against the foreigner, but to

crush it in case of revolt. And if an unanswerable example be called

for, we mention the army of Belgium, that paradise of capitalism. Its

neutrality is guaranteed by the European powers, and nevertheless its

army is one of the strongest in proportion to its population. The

glorious battlefields of the brave Belgian army are the plains of the

Borinage and of Charleroi. It is in the blood of the unarmed miners and

laborers that the Belgian officers temper their swords and win their

epaulets. The nations of Europe have not national armies but mercenary

armies. They protect the capitalists against the popular fury which

would condemn them to ten hours of mining or spinning. Again, while

compressing its own stomach the working class has developed abnormally

the stomach of the capitalist class, condemned to over-consumption.

For alleviation of its painful labor the capitalist class has withdrawn

from the working class a mass of men far superior to those still

devoted to useful production and has condemned them in their turn to

unproductiveness and over-consumption. But this troop of useless mouths

in spite of its insatiable voracity, does not suffice to consume all

the goods which the laborers, brutalized by the dogma of work, produce

like madmen, without wishing to consume them and without even thinking

whether people will be found to consume them.

Confronted with this double madness of the laborers killing themselves

with over-production and vegetating in abstinence, the great problem of

capitalist production is no longer to find producers and to multiply

their powers but to discover consumers, to excite their appetites and

create in them fictitious needs. Since the European laborers, shivering

with cold and hunger, refuse to wear the stuffs they weave, to drink

the wines from the vineyards they tend, the poor manufacturers in

their goodness of heart must run to the ends of the earth to find

people to wear the clothes and drink the wines: Europe exports every

year goods amounting to billions of dollars to the four corners of

the earth, to nations that have no need of them.[18] But the explored

continents are no longer vast enough. Virgin countries are needed.

European manufacturers dream night and day of Africa, of a lake in the

Saharan desert, of a railroad to the Soudan. They anxiously follow the

progress of Livingston, Stanley, Du Chaillu; they listen open-mouthed

to the marvelous tales of these brave travelers. What unknown wonders

are contained in the "dark continent"! Fields are sown with elephants'

teeth, rivers of cocoa-nut oil are dotted with gold, millions of

backsides, as bare as the faces of Dufaure and Girardin, are awaiting

cotton goods to teach them decency, and bottles of schnaps and bibles

from which they may learn the virtues of civilization.

But all to no purpose: the over-fed capitalist, the servant class

greater in numbers than the productive class, the foreign and barbarous

nations, gorged with European goods; nothing, nothing can melt away

the mountains of products heaped up higher and more enormous than the

pyramids of Egypt. The productiveness of European laborers defies all

consumption, all waste.

The manufacturers have lost their bearings and know not which way to

turn. They can no longer find the raw material to satisfy the lawless

depraved passion of their laborers for work. In our woolen districts

dirty and half rotten rags are raveled out to use in making certain

cloths sold under the name of renaissance, which have about the same

durability as the promises made to voters. At Lyons, instead of leaving

the silk fiber in its natural simplicity and suppleness, it is loaded

down with mineral salts, which while increasing its weight, make it

friable and far from durable. All our products are adulterated to aid

in their sale and shorten their life. Our epoch will be called the

"Age of adulteration" just as the first epochs of humanity received

the names of "The Age of Stone", "The Age of Bronze", from the

character of their production. Certain ignorant people accuse our pious

manufacturers of fraud, while in reality the thought which animates

them is to furnish work to their laborers, who cannot resign themselves

to living with their arms folded. These adulterations, whose sole

motive is a humanitarian sentiment, but which bring splendid profits

to the manufacturers who practice them, if they are disastrous for

the quality of the goods, if they are an inexhaustible source of

waste in human labor, nevertheless prove the ingenuous philanthropy

of the capitalists, and the horrible perversion of the laborers, who

to gratify their vice for work oblige the manufacturers to stifle the

cries of their conscience and to violate even the laws of commercial

honesty.

The right to be lazy, and other studies · 第 1 / 8 段