CHAPTER XII.

1862.--General Sibley's Expedition.--I Go as Chaplain.--At Fort

Ridgely.--The Burial Party.--Birch Coolie Defeat.--Simon and

Lorenzo Bring in Captives.--March to Yellow Medicine.--Battle of

Wood Lake.--Indians Flee.--Camp Release.--A Hundred Captives

Rescued.--Amos W. Huggins Killed.--We Send for His Wife and

Children.--Spirit Walker Has Protected Them.--Martha's Letter.

When Mary and the children had safely reached friends and civilization

at Mr. Pond's, I was pressed in spirit with the thought that I might

have some duty to perform in the Indian country. At Lac-qui-parle,

twenty-five miles beyond our station at Hazelwood, were Amos W.

Huggins, with wife and children, and Miss Julia La Framboise. They had

been in the employ of the government as teachers at Wakanmane's

village. What had befallen them, we knew not; but we knew that white

men had been killed between our place and Lac-qui-parle. Then, our

native church members--they might need help. And so I took a boat at

Shakopee, and went down to St. Paul, and offered my services to

Governor Ramsay, in whatever capacity he chose to put me. He

immediately commissioned me as chaplain to General Sibley's

expedition. The last day of August I was at St. Peter, where I learned

from Mr. Huggins' friends the story that he had been killed, and that

his wife and children were captives. In regard to them I received a

special charge from Mrs. Holtsclaw, and I conceived a plan of

immediately sending for Mrs. Huggins. But circumstances made it

impossible to carry out that plan for several weeks.

The next day, Sabbath though it was, I rode up with Colonel Marshall

and others to Fort Ridgely, where General Sibley's command was

encamped. He was waiting for reinforcements and ammunition supplies.

At the first news of the massacres, a large number of citizens had

impressed their neighbors' horses, and had started for the Indian

country. Many of them were poor riders, and they were all poorly

armed. They were without military organization and drill, and were

felt to be an element of weakness rather than strength. A night or two

before I reached the camp, a couple of shots had been fired, supposed

to have been by Indians. The drum beat the "long roll," and the men

that formed this "string-bean cavalry," as they were called, crawled

under the wagons. The next morning many of them had had a clairvoyant

communication with their families at home, and learned that their

wives were sick. They were permitted to depart.

Three days before, a detachment of cavalry and infantry had been sent

up as far as the Lower Sioux Agency, to find and bury the dead. They

had done their work, as they supposed, and crossed back to the north

side of the Minnesota, without seeing any Indians. As the sun was

setting on that Sabbath evening, they ascended the hill and made their

camp on the top of the Birch Coolie bluff. But the Sioux had

discovered them, and that night they were surrounded by twice their

own number of the enemy. In the early morning the attack was made and

kept up all day. The report of the musketry was heard at General

Sibley's camp, eighteen miles away, but the reverberation made by the

Minnesota hills placed the conflict apparently within six or eight

miles. A detachment sent to their relief soon returned, because, after

they had gone a short distance, they could hear nothing. But the

firing still continued, and another detachment, with a howitzer, was

sent, with orders to go on until the absent ones were found.

The sun was low when a messenger came from the troops last sent. The

Indians were in such large force that they did not dare risk a

conflict, and so had retired to the prairie. General Sibley's whole

force was then put in readiness, and we had a night march up to Birch

Coolie. The relief detachment was reached, and an hour or two of rest

obtained before the morning light.

When our camp was in motion, the Indians came against us and

surrounded us; but, soon perceiving that the force was not what they

had seen the night before, they commenced making their escape, and we

marched on to the original camp. It was a sad sight--dead men and dead

horses lying in the hastily dug breastworks. Twelve men were found

dead, whom we buried in one grave. Thirty or forty were wounded, and

nearly the whole of the ninety horses were lying dead. The camp had

suffered greatly for want of water, as the Indians had cut them off

entirely from the stream.

This defeat showed more clearly than before the necessity of being

well prepared before an advance was made upon the hostile Sioux. It

also served to rouse Minnesota thoroughly--a number of the killed and

wounded in this battle were St. Paul men. But the middle of September

had come and gone before General Sibley felt ready to move up the

river. In the meantime, while we were still at Ridgely, Simon

Anawangmane came down by land, and brought Mrs. Newman and her

children to our camp. And Lorenzo Lawrence brought in canoes Mrs. De

Camp and children and others.

Mrs. Newman had been taken captive by the Lower Sioux, and when they

reached the Yellow Medicine, she was apparently allowed by those who

had her to go where she pleased. One day she came to Simon's tent,

and, hearing them sing and pray, she felt like trusting herself and

children rather to Simon than to the others. When the camp started to

go farther north, Simon stayed behind, and then, placing Mrs. N. and

her children in his one-horse wagon, and hitching to his horse, he and

his son brought them down. Mrs. De Camp's husband had been severely

wounded in the battle of Birch Coolie, and had died only a couple of

days before she and the children were brought in. Lorenzo also brought

with him a large English church Bible, and my own personal copy of

Dakota grammar and dictionary, which I prized very highly.

The 21st of September, or five weeks after the outbreak commenced, we

were marching by the Lower Sioux Agency and Red Wood, and getting an

impression of what the _émeute_ had been, in occasionally finding a

dead body, and seeing the ruins of the buildings. The Sioux were now

watching our movements closely. Indeed, they had kept themselves

informed of our motions all along. It was this day, at the Red Wood,

John Otherday went into a plum-orchard and left his horse a little way

out. One of the hostiles who had been hidden there jumped on it and

rode off. This made Otherday greatly ashamed. The night of the 22d we

camped on the margin of Wood Lake, within three miles of the Yellow

Medicine. Here we were to rest the next day and wait for a train that

was behind.

At the Yellow Medicine were fields of corn and potatoes, and some of

our men mere anxious to add to their store of provisions. Accordingly,

before our breakfast was over at General Sibley's tent, some soldiers

in a wagon were fired upon and two of them killed by Sioux concealed

in a little ravine about a half a mile from our camp. This brought on

the battle. Almost immediately the hills around were seen to be

covered with Indians on foot and on horseback. The battle lasted for

two or three hours. The Sioux had compelled every man in their camp,

which was twenty miles above, to come down, except John B. Renville.

They were playing their last card, and they lost. When it was over, we

gathered up and buried sixteen _dead_ and _scalped_ Indians, and four

of our own men. Besides, we had a large number of wounded soldiers.

This battle made H. H. Sibley a brigadier-general.

Thus the Indians were beaten and retired. During the fight John

Otherday captured a Dakota pony, and so made good the loss of his

stolen horse. Simon Anawangmane was wounded in the foot in passing out

to the hostile Sioux and back to our camp; and the younger Simon was

brought in wounded, and died some days afterward. The day following

this battle, our camp was removed to a point beyond the mission

station at Hazelwood. As I rode down to see the ruins of our

buildings, some of our soldiers were emptying a _cache_ near where our

house had stood. The books they threw out I found were from my own

library. A part of these and some other things which were in good

condition I secured. They had been buried by our friends.

The next day was the 26th of September, when we pushed on to Camp

Release, where the friendly Dakotas were encamped. The hostiles and

such as feared to remain had fled to the British Possessions. The

friendly Indians had by some means come into the possession of almost

all the captive white women and children. One of our chief objects in

pursuing the campaign had been to prevent the killing of these

captives. Little Crow had written to General Sibley that he had many

captives; and General Sibley had replied, "I want the captives."

Now they came into our hands, nearly a hundred, besides half-breeds,

many of whom had been in a kind of captivity. The white women had

dressed up as well as they could for the occasion, but many of them

only showed their white relationship by the face and hands and

hair--they were dressed like Indians. It was a time of gladness for

us. White men stood and cried for joy. We took them all to our camp,

and wrapped them up as well as we could. Some of the women complained

because we did not furnish women's clothing; but that was

unreasonable. This was _Camp Release_.

Mr. Amos W. Huggins was the eldest child of Alexander G. Huggins, who

had accompanied Dr. Williamson to the Sioux country in 1835. Amos was

born in Ohio, and was at this time over thirty years old. He was

married, and two children blessed their home, which, for some time

before the outbreak, had been at Lac-qui-parle, near where the town of

that name now stands. It was then an Indian village and planting

place, the principal man being Wakanmane,--Spirit Walker, or Walking

Spirit. If the people of the village had been at home, Mr. Huggins and

his family, which included Miss Julia La Framboise, who was also a

teacher in the employ of the government, would have been safe. But in

the absence of Spirit Walker's people three Indian men came--two of

them from the Lower Sioux Agency--and killed Mr. Huggins, and took

from the house such things as they wanted.

The women and children were left uninjured. But after they had, in a

hasty manner, buried the father and husband, whither should they go

for protection? At first they thought to find safety with a French and

half-breed family, living across the Minnesota, where our old

mission-house had been. But there, for some reason, they were coldly

received. Soon the brother of Julia La Framboise came up from Little

Crow's camp and took her down. Spirit Walker had now returned, and

Mrs. Huggins took refuge in his friendly teepee, where she found a

welcome, and as good a home as they could make for her and her

fatherless children.

Spirit Walker would probably have attempted to take them to the white

soldiers' camp if she had been decided that that was the wisest

course. But Mrs. Huggins was timid, and preferred rather that her

Dakota protector should decide which was the best way. And so it

happened that when the flight took place, Spirit Walker's folks

generally were drawn into the swirl, and Mrs. H. found herself on the

journey to Manitoba.

Immediately after we had reached Camp Release, and had learned the

state of things, I presented the matter to General Sibley, whereupon,

the same night, he authorized the selection of four Dakota young men

to be sent after Mrs. Huggins. Robert Hopkins, Daniel Renville, Enos

Good Hail, and Makes Himself Red were sent on this mission, which they

fulfilled as expeditiously as possible. In a few days we were

gladdened by the sight of Mrs. Huggins and her two children, and a

child of a German woman, which they also brought in. The mother was

with us, and was overjoyed to find her little girl.

While these things were taking place on the Upper Minnesota, Martha,

now Mrs. Morris, still under the inspiration of the events, was in St.

Anthony, writing the following letter to the Cincinnati _Christian

Herald_:--

"In fancied security we had dwelt under our own vine and

fig-tree, knowing naught of the evil which was to come upon us,

until the very night of the 18th of August, 1862. Friendly

Indians, who knew something of the evil intent of chiefs and

braves, had given Miss Jane Williamson hints concerning it

during that day. More than that they _dared_ not tell. But few

of our own Indians had known much more respecting the coming

storm than ourselves. When intelligence came of the bloody work

which that morning's sun had looked upon, at the Lower Sioux

Agency, thirty-five miles below, our good friends came to us,

and, in an agony of fear for our lives and for theirs, besought

us to flee. We would certainly be killed, and they would be in

danger on account of our presence. Some believed, but more

doubted. We had heard Indian stories before; by morning light we

were confident this too would prove nothing but a drunken

frolic, and we would only lose our worldly possessions if we

should depart. The believing ones made ready a little clothing

and provision, in case of need. The principal men gathered in

council. _Could_ they protect us? They would _try_, at least

until the morning. We sang 'God is the Refuge of his Saints,'

commended ourselves to our Father's safe-keeping, and most of us

retired to rest. An hour or two passed in peaceful slumber by

some--in nervous anxiety by others.

"One o'clock had passed: a heavy knock at the door. Our friends

had learned more of the extent of the outbreak, and felt that

their protection would be worse than useless. 'If you regard

your own lives or ours, you must go.' To their entreaties we

yielded, and made hasty preparations to depart. In a quarter of

an hour we had left our homes forever. Our company consisted of

my father's family, Mr. Cunningham's, and Mr. Pettijohn's, and

a Mr. and Mrs. Moore from New Jersey; in all twenty-one

persons. Mr. Cunningham had charge of the Hazelwood

boarding-school, and Mr. Pettijohn, a former missionary under

the American Board, had been recently a government teacher,

twelve miles farther up the river. He had been moving his

family down that day, on their way to St. Peter. As he drove my

father's team along, with the last of his goods, early in the

evening, he was met by two Indians, who took the horses from

him, and set him on an inveterately lazy horse belonging to

another Indian. Consequently our family had but a light buggy

and one horse left, which was to aid Mr. Cunningham's two-horse

team in carrying the _all_ of the party. Room was found in the

conveyances for the smaller children and all the women, except

my sister Anna and myself. We walked with the men and boys. Our

Indian friends guided us through the woods, the thick and

tangled underbrush, the tall, rank grass drenched with dew, to

the river side, where we were quickly and carefully conveyed to

a wooded island, and then our guides left us. One of them, Enos

Good-Voice-Hail, was in the East some three or four years

since--a brave, handsome man, whose eye you could not but

_trust_. Our teams could not cross at that place, so they were

kept for us until the morning. All the rest of that weary night

we sat on the damp grass, cold and dreary, wondering what the

day-dawn would bring. At length the morning came. My father and

Mr. Cunningham paddled across the river to learn the state of

affairs. We found we had neglected to bring the most of the

provisions prepared, and wondered what we should do, even if

permitted to go back home after a day or so spent on that

island. While still talking, a woman hailed us from the

opposite bank, who, as we found shortly, had brought several

loaves of bread and some meat on her back, all the way from our

houses. We received it as a Godsend, and soon after, my father,

returning, brought some more provision, which another friend

had secured for us. A longer, drearier day was never

passed,--its every hour seemed a day. The rain came down and

drenched us. My father went back and forth from the island to a

village where the friendly Indians were mostly gathered, to

find out what had been and what could be done. We learned that

Dr. Williamson had sent away the most of his family,

considering it his duty still to remain; that his wife and

sister were with him; but the others, with a number of cattle

for future need, were secreted in the woods, a mile or two

below us.

"By noon our houses had been rifled, and gradually the idea

fixed itself upon us that we _must_ leave if possible. We made

arrangements to join Dr. Williamson's family, and about three

o'clock took up our line of march, each carrying some bundles,

having left on the island the only trunk belonging to the

party. For more than a mile we walked along, with difficulty

keeping our footing on the side-hills, which we chose for

safety. When fairly out on the bluffs, we came up with one of

the two teams, in charge of Mr. Hunter, Dr. Williamson's

son-in-law. The baggage being transferred from our shoulders to

the wagon, the feebler ones were provided with seats, while

the stronger marched on. Soon we came up with the remainder of

the party,--Dr. Williamson's family, and half a dozen persons

from one of the government mills, who had cast in their lot

with them. We struck out on the prairie to save ourselves if

there was any chance. Our march was shortly rendered unpleasant

by a fiercely driving rain-storm, from the soaking effects of

which we did not recover until the next day, though it had the

good effect of obliterating our path. Our company was increased

by the arrival of a Mr. Orr, who had been engaged in trading

among the Indians, near the place Mr. Pettijohn had resided,

and who had been shot and stabbed that morning. It seemed a

marvel that he should ever have been able to walk that far, and

room was immediately made for him in a wagon, though it

curtailed that of others. Toward night we were overtaken by Mr.

Cunningham, bringing one of his horses and our buggy, which he

had succeeded in getting hold of, and which was the only

vehicle belonging to twenty-one out of the thirty-eight. Night

came on, and we lay down on the hard earth, with bed and

covering both scant and wet, to _rest_. In the morning dawn,

after our usual remembrance of Him who ruleth earth and sea, we

went on our way, having had but little food, as cooked

provisions were scarce, and we dared not kindle a fire, for

fear of attracting attention.

"Our day's march was slow but steady--only stopping when

necessary to rest the teams; and although we considered

ourselves in danger, we found it quite enjoyable, more

particularly after _we_ and the _grass_ got dry, so that we

could walk with ease. We had counted on having a fine night's

rest in spite of our scant bed-clothing, as we were all _dry_,

but we were disappointed. A slow, steady rain fall through all

the long night, completely saturating almost every article of

bed-clothing, and every person in the company. In that

comfortless rain we drank some milk, ate a crust or two, and

traveled on through the long, wet swamp grass, and the swamps

themselves, in wading which two or three of us became quite

accomplished. By noon of that day, which was Thursday, we came

to a wood, fifteen or sixteen miles east from a settlement on

the river, which was about twenty miles from home.

"Our progress had been very slow--without any road, the grass

so wet and the teams so heavily loaded. Still we could not but

feel that the God who had led us during these long days, would

neither suffer us to perish in this prairie wilderness nor be

taken by savages. At this place we stopped for the remaining

half day, killed a beef, and luxuriated on meat roasted on

sticks held over the fire. We also baked bread in quite a

primitive style. The dough being first mixed in a bag--flour,

water, and salt the only ingredients--and moulded on a box, it

was made into thin cakes about the size of a hand-breadth,

placed on forked sticks over the fire, to bake if possible, and

to be smoked most certainly.

"Here our party was immortalized by a young artist--a Mr.

Ebell--who had gone up into our region of country a few days

previous to our flight, for the purpose of taking stereoscopic

views. The next day we struck for the river, coming in not far

from a settlement called Beaver, about six miles from the Lower

Agency. Mr. Hunter had formerly resided at the place, and as we

had not at the time the remotest idea of the extent of the

massacres, he drove in to ascertain the whereabouts of the

settlers. He saw no signs of any dead bodies, but two or three

Indians employed in pillaging, informed him that all the people

had gone to Fort Ridgely, and advised him to hasten there, or

some other Indians would kill him. When just starting on after

our noon rest, some one spied a team in the distance, which

soon proved to be Dr. Williamson's, containing himself, wife,

and sister. Previously, some of us fancied that we might have

been unwise in fleeing, but when we saw them, we _knew we had

not started too soon_. They left on Tuesday evening, being

assisted to depart by two of the Christian Indians, Simon

Anawangmane and Robert Chaske, at the peril of their own lives.

They said they would gladly protect them longer, but it was

impossible.

"After holding council, we pursued our journey with the

intention of reaching Fort Ridgely that night; and when within

nine or ten miles, Mr. Hunter drove on to ascertain how matters

stood there. We felt ourselves in danger, but thought if we

were only inside the fort walls, we would be safe. The men

shouldered their arms, the daylight faded, and we marched on.

In the mysteriously dim twilight, every taller clump of grass,

every blacker hillock, grew into a blood-thirsty Indian, just

ready to leap on his foe. All at once, on the brow of the hill,

appeared two horsemen gazing down upon us. _Indians!_ Every

pulse stopped, and then throbbed on more fiercely. Were those

men, now galloping away, sent by a band of warriors to spy out

the land, or had they seen us by accident? We could not tell.

The twilight faded, and the stars shone out brightly and

lovingly. As we passed along we came suddenly on a dead body,

some days cold and stiff. Death drew nearer, and as we marched

on, we looked up to the clear heavens beyond which God dwells,

and prayed him to keep us. When within a mile and a half of the

fort, we met Mr. Hunter returning, who reported as follows: He

left the buggy in his wife's charge, outside the barracks, and

crawled in on his hands and knees. Lieut. Sheehan, commander of

the post, informed him they had been fighting hard for five

days; that the Indians had withdrawn at seven that evening, it

being then between nine and ten, and that, if not reinforced,

they could hold out but little longer. Some of the buildings

had been burnt; they had then five hundred women and children

inside, and if we _could_ go on--_go!_ We _went_, striking away

out on the prairie.

"Several of us girls had been mostly walking for the ten miles

back, but now, to give the least trouble, we climbed on the

wagons wherever we might find room to hold on, and sat

patiently with the rest. Ah! if a night of fear and dread was

ever spent, that was one. Every voice was hushed except to give

necessary orders; every eye swept the hills and valleys around;

every ear was intensely strained for the faintest noise,

expecting momentarily to hear the unearthly war-whoop, and see

dusky forms with gleaming tomahawks uplifted. How past actions

came back as haunting ghosts; how one's hopes of life faded

away, away, and the things of earth seemed so little and mean

compared to the glorious heaven beyond! And yet life was so

sweet, so dear, and though it be a glorious heaven, this was

such a hard way to go to it, by the tomahawk and

scalping-knife! Oh, God! _our_ God! _must_ it be? Then came

something of resignation to death itself, but such a sore

shrinking from the dishonor which is _worse_ than death; and we

could not but wonder whether it would be a greater sin to take

one's life than thus to suffer. So the night wore on until two

hours past midnight, when, compelled by exhaustion, we stopped.

Some slept heavily, forgetful of the danger past and present,

while others sat or stood, inwardly fiercely nervous and

excited, but outwardly calm and still. Two hours passed; the

weary sleepers were awakened by the weary watchers, and as

quietly as possible the march was renewed. It was kept up until

about nine in the day, when we struck the Fort Ridgely and

Henderson road.

"Having traveled thus far without being pursued, we felt

ourselves comparatively safe. I am sure there was not one who

did not in heart join in the song and prayer of thanksgiving

which went up from that lone prairie land, however much we may

have forgotten or murmured since. 'Jehovah hath triumphed; his

people are free, are _free_,' seemed to ring through the air.

As we pursued our journey, we noticed dense columns of smoke

springing up along the river with about the same rapidity we

traveled, which we afterwards learned were grain-stacks fired

by Indians. We rested for the night near a house, some fifteen

miles from Henderson, from which the people had fled. Here we

felt safe; but subsequently learned that we were not more than

five or six miles from the Norwegian grove, where that same day

a party of warriors had done their bloody work. Surely, _God

led us and watched over us_.

"The next day being the Sabbath, we went on only as far as we

deemed necessary for perfect safety. Toward evening my father

held divine service, which was almost the only outward reminder

that it was the Lord's Day. People coming and going--bustle

here, there, and everywhere--so different from our last quiet

Sabbath at home, the last time we and our dear Indians

gathered together around the table of our Lord, and perhaps

the last time we ever shall, until we meet in the kingdom. The

next morning our party separated, our family, with Mr. and Mrs.

Moore, Mrs. Williamson and second daughter, and two or three

others, continuing on the Henderson road, and the rest striking

across to St. Peter, where Dr. Williamson has found abundant

work in the hospitals. Near there his family expect to remain

during the winter.

"We arrived that afternoon in Henderson, a town a hundred miles

from home, and we had been a week on the way. 'Why, I thought

you were all killed!' was the first greeting of every one. A

shoe store was hunted up before we proceeded to Shakopee,

having first bidden a Godspeed to our friends, Mr. and Mrs.

Moore. By this time some of us 'young folks' had acquired such

a liking for walking that we consider it superior to any other

mode of locomotion to this day; and if it had not been that we

were so ragged and dirty and foot-sore, we should have

preferred to continue our journey. During that week our ideas

of paradise grew very limited, being comprised in having an

abundance of water, some clean clothes, plenty to eat, and a

nice bed to sleep in.

"Since our entering Shakopee, we have visited among kind

friends, until two weeks since, when we endeavored to set up

house-keeping in this town of St. Anthony. Notwithstanding the

kindness of friends and strangers, we, in common with others,

find it difficult to do _something_ with _nothing_, especially

as my father is with the expedition against the Indians. It

cannot but be that we should look back lovingly to the homes we

have left, which are all, even 'our holy and beautiful house,'

wherein we have worshiped, destroyed by fire; but I trust that

we all endeavor to 'take joyfully the spoiling of our goods.'

'We must through much tribulation enter into the kingdom of

God.' Among our many causes for thankfulness, one is suggested

by the verse 'Pray ye that your flight be not in the winter.'

Another cause is that there was so little loss of life among

those connected with the mission. We mourn for our dear friend,

Mr. Amos Huggins, son of a former missionary, and government

teacher at Lac-qui-parle. His young wife and two small children

were, at last accounts, in the hands of the Indians, as also

Miss Julia La Framboise, an assistant teacher who resided in

their family. Because of the influential relatives Miss La

Framboise has among the Dakotas, we hope for her, while for

Mrs. Huggins we can only _pray_.

"It was not my intention, when I began this article, to enter

at all into the causes of this outbreak; but what I have

written will excite your indignation against all Dakotas, and I

cannot bear that it should be so. It must be remembered that

the _church members_, as a whole, have had _no hand in it_.

One, John Otherday, guided a party of sixty-two across the

prairies. Two others, Lorenzo Lawrence and Simon Anawangmane,

have recently brought into Fort Ridgely three captive women and

eleven children; and we doubt not that others will also 'let

_their_ light shine'--_at the peril of their lives_, remember.

"The Indians have not been without excuse for their evil deeds.

Our own people have given them intoxicating drinks, taught them

to swear, violated the rights of womanhood among them, robbed

them of their dues, and then insulted them! What more would be

necessary to cause one nation to rise against another? What

_more_? I ask. And yet there are many who curse this people,

and cry 'Exterminate the fiends.' _Dare_ we, as a nation,

_thus_ bring a curse upon ourselves and on future generations?

"MARTHA T. RIGGS."

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