CHAPTER V

The Eve of the Reign of Terror

(1792-1793)

Paris was in a ferment. The King had to be guarded by a double cordon

of soldiers, so bitter was the animosity against the Royal Family

and all that it stood for. With his usual shrewdness and faculty for

penetrating into the probabilities of the future, Napoleon correctly

anticipated events, and wrote to his brother Joseph that “everything

tends to a revolution.” On the 20th June 1792, a wild procession of

insurrectionists, accompanied by cannon, made its way to the Tuileries,

and intimidated the Guard. The latter opened the gates of the courtyard

and the motley mob crowded into the beautiful palace, openly insulting

King Louis and Queen Marie Antoinette. A republican Assembly had been

forced upon the monarch, who was duly reaping the first-fruits of the

harvest. Bourrienne gives a graphic account of what happened and how

it affected the ardent politician of twenty-three. Napoleon’s remarks

clearly show that he had no belief in the aspirations of the rebels,

notwithstanding his own ardent republicanism. Throughout his life he

always held the _canaille_ in profound contempt.

“We met,” Bourrienne tells us, “by appointment, at a _restaurateur’s_

in the Rue St Honoré, near the Palais Royal. On going out we saw a mob

approaching in the direction of the market-place, which Bonaparte

estimated at from five to six thousand men. They were a parcel of

blackguards, armed with weapons of every description, and shouting

the grossest abuse, whilst they proceeded at a rapid rate towards

the Tuileries. This mob appeared to consist of the vilest and most

profligate of the population of the suburbs. ‘Let us follow the

rabble,’ said Bonaparte. We got the start of them, and took up our

station on the terrace bordering the river. It was there that he was

an eye-witness of the scandalous scenes that ensued; and it would be

difficult to describe the surprise and indignation which they excited

in him. ‘Such weakness and forbearance,’ he said, ‘could not be

excused’; but when the King showed himself at a window which looked

out upon the garden, with the red cap, which one of the mob had just

placed upon his head, he could no longer repress his indignation: ‘What

madness!’ he loudly exclaimed, ‘how could they allow that rabble to

enter? Why do they not sweep away four or five hundred of them with the

cannon? and then the rest would take themselves off very quickly.’ When

we sat down to dinner, he discussed with great good sense the causes

and consequences of this unrepressed insurrection. He foresaw, and

developed with sagacity, all that would follow; and in this he was not

mistaken.”

In a letter to Joseph written on the 3rd July, Napoleon again reveals

himself as a philosopher. “Every one seeks his own interest,” he

says, “and wishes to rise by means of lying and calumny; men intrigue

more contemptibly than ever. All that destroys ambition. One pities

those who have the misfortune to play a part, especially when they

can do without it. To live quietly, to enjoy the love of one’s family

surroundings--that, my dear fellow, if one had 4000 or 5000 francs a

year, would be the wise thing to do. One should also be between the

ages of twenty-five and forty, when one’s imagination has calmed down,

and is no longer troublesome. I embrace you, and recommend to you

moderation in everything--in everything, do you understand?--if you

wish to live happily.”

A week later Napoleon received a welcome letter from the Minister of

War appointing him Captain of the 4th regiment of artillery, and his

arrears of pay were also sent. Life seemed to be worth living once

more. Promotion is a fine antidote against depression.

It soon became evident that nothing short of civil warfare would

satisfy the rioters, and on the 10th August 1792, the long pent-up

storm burst with awful fury. The King, Queen, and other members of

the royal family made their way to the Assembly, or Parliament, where

they sat in a reporter’s box listening to a debate as to whether Louis

should be deposed or suspended, and which ended in a unanimous vote

for the latter course. Meanwhile the mob was quickly gathering, a

dozen pieces of artillery were drawn up, and the insurgents assumed a

threatening attitude. Many of the Swiss and National Guards, whose duty

it was to defend the Tuileries, found it necessary in the face of such

overwhelming numbers to withdraw into the palace. Firing commenced,

and for a time the royalists triumphed. Probably the crowd would have

thinned away had not a foolish message arrived from Louis to the effect

that the Swiss were to withdraw to their barracks. While this was

being done the rioters rushed into the palace and in their mad frenzy

slaughtered indiscriminately nearly every male attendant to be found,

shooting wildly at the body-guard as they retreated. Another order

came from the King that the Swiss were to lay down their arms. This the

brave fellows did, although they knew what might happen. Those who were

not killed by the mob were taken prisoners and put in the Church of the

_Feuillants_, and on the following day many of them were mercilessly

massacred. Those of my readers who have been to Lucerne have doubtless

seen the noble monument in bas-relief of a dying lion erected to

the memory of the brave Swiss. Napoleon himself saved one of the

body-guard, and asserted that “If Louis XVI. had mounted his horse, the

victory would have been his--so I judge from the spirit which prevailed

in the morning.” He always believed in a bold front; the King’s action

was an unmistakable sign of weakness.

Years after at St Helena Napoleon related the events of the fatal day

as he watched them from a furniture shop belonging to Bourrienne’s

brother, Fauvelet. “Before I arrived at the Carrousel,” he says, “I

had been met in the Rue des Petits Champs by a group of hideous men

carrying a head on the end of a pike. Seeing me well dressed, and

looking like a gentleman, they came to me to make me cry, ‘_Vive la

Nation!_’ which I did without difficulty, as you may believe. The

_château_ was attacked by the violent mob. The King had for his defence

at least as many troops as the Convention had on Vendémiaire 13th, when

they had to fight against a better-disciplined and more formidable

enemy.[1] The greater part of the National Guard was on the side of

the King--one must do them this justice. When the palace had been

fired, and the King had taken refuge in the bosom of the Assembly, I

ventured to penetrate into the garden. Never since have any of my

battle-fields given me such an idea of death as the mass of the Swiss

corpses then presented to me, whether the smallness of the space made

the number appear larger, or whether it was because I was to undergo

this experience for the first time.... I visited all the _cafés_ in the

neighbourhood of the Assembly; everywhere the irritation was extreme,

rage was in every heart, it showed itself in all faces, although the

people present were not by any means of the lower class, and all these

places must have been daily frequented by the same customers, for

although I had nothing peculiar in my dress--but perhaps my countenance

was more calm--it was easy to see that I excited many looks of

hostility and defiance as being unknown and a suspect.”

[1] 5th October, 1795.--See _post_, chapter vii. p. 71.

August 1792 was indeed a month of events fraught with far-reaching

consequences. The decree went forth that all religious houses should

be confiscated and sold. Along with the death-knell of royalty was

sounded that of religion. Élise, the most determined and resolute

of Napoleon’s three sisters, was then at the College of St Cyr, and

he felt it would not be safe for her to stay in France a single

moment longer than was absolutely necessary. He still put family

ties before patriotism; in reality each is part and parcel of the

other. His position was difficult, for it would have been foolish to

have jeopardised his captaincy, but he thought he saw a way out, and

applied for a commission which would insure his going to Corsica,

which was not granted. A petition to the Directory of the district

of Versailles, requesting that he be allowed to accompany Élise, met

with a more favourable response. On the 1st September, the day before

the revolutionary Commune of Paris began the massacre of hundreds

of citizens because they did not happen to sympathise fully with the

Revolution, Napoleon conducted his sister from St Cyr. In October they

were in their native town once more, Napoleon resuming his duties as

second lieutenant-colonel of the volunteers.

The island of Sardinia, which is separated from Corsica by the

Strait of Bonifacio and now belongs to Italy, had cherished dreams

of declaring her independence. It was therefore determined that

Admiral Truguet and a number of troops and volunteers should sail

from Marseilles, call at Ajaccio for additional men, and under the

command of Raffaelle Casabianca, endeavour to assist the rebellious

islanders. Almost as soon as they had landed in Corsica there was

trouble between the sailors and the unruly volunteers, three of the

latter being hanged in consequence. Paoli, now President of the

Administration and Commander-in-Chief of the National Guards, felt

that this was indeed a sorry prelude to an expedition in which loyal

co-operation was an absolute essential. The aged patriot therefore

wisely decided that only regular troops should be sent. Cagliari, the

capital of the island, was deemed the most important point of attack;

San Stefano was to be occupied by a second division under the command

of Colonel Cesari-Colonna, Paoli’s nephew, and accompanied by Napoleon.

The attempt on the first place failed miserably owing to a want of

confidence on the part of the besiegers, and the troops at San Stefano

accomplished little. They certainly effected a landing, and on the

night of the 23rd February, 1793, Napoleon and his men hastily erected

a battery, from which point of vantage they proceeded to bombard

Maddalena. On the following evening, however, the troops showed that

they had no more heart for warfare than their compatriots at Cagliari,

and a retreat became absolutely necessary. For this Napoleon is in no

way to be blamed. There is more than a suspicion of treachery, and

it has been suggested that either Paoli or some of his followers had

arranged that the expedition should fail in order to humble the too

enterprising and over-confident Bonaparte, who was nearly left behind

in a disgraceful struggle to get into the boats.

Napoleon’s dream of a free Corsica had long since passed away; he

was convinced that without France she might fall a prey to any Power

or bold maritime adventurer who cared to risk the attempt upon her.

Relations between him and Paoli became more and more strained. Probably

he felt in his own mind that the dictator’s cause was hopeless, and

consequently offered no advantages. France on the other hand, appeared

likely to become all-powerful. She seemingly stopped at nothing, and

was as bent on “setting Europe to rights” in her fashion as was Pitt

in his. But what was of more immediate importance was the startling

and unexpected intelligence that the Convention had ordered Paoli’s

arrest, as well as that of Pozzo, his right-hand man. The author of

this ill-service was none other than Lucien Bonaparte, who had acted as

Paoli’s secretary for several months and was now in France occupying

his leisure moments in securing the downfall of the patriot by

denouncing him to the authorities at Toulon. This conduct can only be

described as infamous, and goes to prove that a keen sense of morality

was not a conspicuous trait of the Bonaparte family. Lucien had not

taken his brother into his confidence, and no one was more astonished

than Napoleon when the truth of the matter was revealed to him. The

net result was to embroil more deeply the island in a civil war which

had been carried on in a desultory kind of way for some time, breaking

out into flame here and there, and dying down almost as speedily.

We now catch a glimpse of Napoleon as a diplomatist. He sent a

communication to the Convention glowing with fulsome flattery and

pleading that “the patriarch of liberty, and the precursor of the

French Republic,” might be spared this last ignominy. The young officer

was playing a double part. With Salicetti he planned to secure the

citadel of Ajaccio by artifice, but without success. He then decided to

tramp to Bastia, where the French Commissioners were investigating the

condition of affairs and making preparations for resistance against the

islanders. Here he hoped to meet Joseph, who had also attached himself

to the French cause. One cannot but admire the dogged determination

which prompted such a proceeding. His precept that “It is only by

perseverance and tenaciousness that any object can be obtained,” was

not a mere moral maxim, a passing thought to be dismissed as casually

as it had entered the brain.

Napoleon’s journey across the island was quite an adventurous one.

Accompanied only by a poor but sagacious shepherd he traversed rugged

ravines and valleys, every recess of which was dangerous and might

shelter a band of Paolists. In passing through the village of Bocognano

he fell into the hands of the enemy and was locked up in what was

considered a safe place. But under cover of night, and by the aid of

friends, he effected his escape through a window, and the whole of

the following day he was forced to conceal himself in a garden. From

this unhappy and insecure hiding-place he made his way to the house

of a cousin, but on the evening of his third day there a Nationalist

brigadier entered and demanded to search the place. Good fortune again

attended the fugitive. The unwelcome visitor was cajoled into a belief

that Napoleon, against whom an order for arrest had now been issued,

had neither been seen nor heard of in that quarter, and he did not

persist in his demand. Shortly after he had left the house he was

followed by the refugee, who had been sitting in another room with the

servants, all of whom were sufficiently well armed to offer a desperate

resistance if necessary.

A ship was riding at anchor awaiting him, and, stealthily finding his

way to the dinghy on the beach, Napoleon was quickly on board. It was a

case of touch and go, for the Nationalists would not have allowed him

to escape from their hands a second time.

Eventually he reached Bastia, and made such a good impression on the

Commissioners that a naval expedition against Ajaccio was fitted out

and he was given command of the artillery. A week later the little

band of some four hundred men sighted the harbour. The attempt to make

the patriotic citizens surrender was a complete fiasco, for while

Lacombe Saint Michel, Salicetti, Napoleon, and Joseph were joined

by a few dozen soldiers and citizens, Paoli was being reinforced by

people from all over the island. The men were disembarked, captured a

fortress known as the Torre di Capitello, which they soon evacuated,

and returned. Another failure had been added to Napoleon’s record. The

Bonaparte family paid dearly for the part they played at this time.

Their enemies, and they were many, wrecked Madame Letizia’s house.

Fortunately her resourceful son had foreseen such an event, and

not only warned his mother but arranged for her escape. She and her

children were thus enabled to leave the place before the angry Paolists

set about their work of destruction, and after a long tramp were taken

to Calvi by sea. Eight days after their arrival a small merchant vessel

was chartered for a voyage to Toulon, and late on the night of the 11th

June 1793, the dispossessed family, including Napoleon, sailed in the

direction of France and of Fortune.

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