HAMPTON'S LEGION OF "CONCILIATORS."

The "Traveller" has all along maintained, in spite of the protests of

the Northern doughfaces who worship the ex-Confederate chiefs, that the

conciliatory profession of Hampton & Co. is a malicious snare, and the

fraternal disposition attributed to their followers is a delusion. As

the campaign at the South advances, the truth begins to develop, and

even the Northern conciliators begin to acknowledge it. The following

information comes in the form of a Washington despatch to one of the

most obedient newspaper servants of the Southern chieftains:--

_Terrorism in South Carolina._

Information from Abbeville District, in South Carolina, is to the effect

that Democrats have already begun a system of terrorism to prevent

Republicans from organizing for political purposes. Several of the local

papers of that section are charging that Republicans of that vicinity

have completed a ticket, and that it is already being circulated

secretly among colored voters, and upon this curious charge an attempt

is being made to stir up white citizens to take this matter in hand, and

act in time, and vigorously. In Edgefield District, one of the local

newspapers, in commenting upon this reported secret action on the part

of the Republicans, says that something is feared in Edgefield County,

and upon this urges that two Republicans, who are supposed to be leaders

in this movement, should, if they dared to lift their heads or fingers

in political machinations, be seized and hung. To use its own words:

"Yes, we mean exactly what we say. If those named, and others, ever dare

to inaugurate political schemes in Edgefield again, let us hang them.

Not only our own self-respect, but our safety demands it, and that

without masks or disguise."

The newspaper quoted is the Edgefield "Advertiser," which contains a

long article giving the names of those Republicans against whom it

tries to incite the mob. The Abbeville "Medium" joins in the cry against

the Republicans, who are exercising their common rights, and advises the

Democrats to "throw out pickets" in order to suppress the movement. What

all this talk means everybody knows, and the experience of the Southern

Republicans shows them what they are to expect if they dare to exercise

their privileges as citizens. Extraordinary emphasis is given to this

revival of Ku-Kluxism, by the recollection that it is just two years

since the horrors of the Hamburg massacre were enacted, on the very

ground where this movement finds its inspiration, under the patronage of

one who now holds a seat in the United States Senate; and that it is

more than one year since the State government of South Carolina was

surrendered to Hampton with the assurance that everybody's rights would

be protected, and that fraternal relations would be maintained as a

result of the conciliatory policy. This melancholy failure of all

efforts to compromise with the perfidious ex-Confederates, in South

Carolina, is only one in a score of lessons, by which the North has

blindly failed to profit. The assassins, who slaughtered the colored

Republicans, at Hamburg, are still at large, and ready for more bloody

work: and Hampton sits calmly at the head of affairs in his State,

deluding the people of the North with promises which he never intends to

fulfil. It would seem to be about time for us to recall the language of

the Cincinnati platform, declaring it to be "the solemn obligation of

the legislative and executive departments of the government" to "secure

to every citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of

all civil, political, and public rights." This language was enforced by

the imperative demand for "a Congress and a chief executive whose

courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these

results are placed beyond dispute or recall." It is useless to deny that

the signs are ominous in the South. The time seems to have arrived for

testing the courage and fidelity of those whom the Republican party

called to the duty of protecting the rights of citizenship, and the

capability of Republican institutions for the plainest purposes and

requirements of a government.

The Portland "Advertiser," a disgruntled sheet of Republican

antecedents, says President Hayes has effected a "permanent settlement

of the Southern question." That depends. He has secured Democratic

ascendency in every Southern State. He has wiped out the Republican

party of the South. He has rewarded bull-dozers instead of punishing

them for their crimes. He has emasculated the United States flag so that

it is no longer the symbol of protection to the newly enfranchised race.

But the one thing which would compensate in some degree for these acts,

he has not been able to do; viz., make loyal men of the unreconstructed

ex-rebels. These are just as bitter, venomous, and implacable to-day as

on the day when Gen. Grant's term of office expired. One man, and one

only, so far as we know, has been changed by the "new departure," and

that man is now a Cabinet officer. Upon the same terms even the Chisholm

assassins might be conciliated.--_Concord Monitor_.

The safest thing to do with the Southern claims of all kinds is to

reject them promptly. If the entire batch should be ruled out, some

deserving persons might suffer, but the country would be saved the cost

of enriching a good many scores of rascally rebels. The claims now on

file foot up about three hundred millions of dollars, and we venture to

say that not half a million of this amount is honestly due to the

claimants.--_Philadelphia Bulletin_.

The lynching of the colored man, Walker Denning, in the town of

Riverside, Texas, appears to have been an unusually brutal and

unjustifiable act, even for Texas. The girl with whom he eloped admitted

to the reporter of a Texas paper that she prompted his course, Denning

at first strongly objecting and advising her to stay at home. The

spectacle of twenty armed men firing buck-shot into a chained and

helpless victim at such close range that his clothing was set on fire,

horrifies us with its unnecessary savagery. But the revelation is no

new one. We have already had proof upon proof that under "conciliation"

there is no law, justice, nor mercy for the unfortunate colored people

of the South: and this merely adds another to the long list of

butcheries, and worse than Turkish barbarities, of which the

blood-thirsty rebel element have been guilty.--_Traveller_.

Henrietta Wood, a colored woman, of Cincinnati, has recovered two

thousand five hundred dollars damages against ex-Sheriff Ward, of

Campbell County, Kentucky, for unlawful duress and abduction. In 1853,

when living in Cincinnati, she was enticed over the river to Kentucky,

and delivered over to Ward, who kept her as a slave seven months, when

he disposed of her to a slave-trader. She was sold South, and remained

fifteen years in slavery. She returned to Cincinnati after the close of

the war, and commenced the action which has just terminated in her

favor.

The "Macon (Ga.) Telegraph" demands that the Southern people shall be

paid for their emancipated slaves. Next they will probably want pay, at

hotel rates, for the entertainment of Union prisoners during the

war.--_Philadelphia Press_.

The colored Republicans in Somerville County, South Carolina, carried

the local election recently by a large majority, but the Democrats

managed to count them out, on the ground that it wouldn't do for the

Republicans to carry the first election of the season.--_Journal_.

And this right under the much-praised administrative system of Wade

Hampton, who, with Gordon, Lamar, Stephens, Hill, and the rest of

the treasonable species, constitutes the organic beau-ideal of

statesmanship. Turn the other cheek and let them slap it, Mr. Journal.

A SAD, TRUE STORY.--A letter from New Orleans to the "Philadelphia

Press" thus refers to the native Republicans of Louisiana:--

"The leaders were beset with dangers and difficulties such as have never

even been dreamed of in the North. One by one they have given their

life's blood in the cause. They have lain down their lives, true to the

flag. They have been thinned out by assassination and violence. Their

graves--the graves of the victims of Democratic outrage--are scattered

throughout the South. There are comparatively few of the living to tell

the tale. A large proportion of these, even, have been maimed and

crippled in the fight.

"They are to-day, as a rule, none the less true to the Republican faith.

The Southern Republican leaders have nothing to offer by way of

palliation or excuse. They have fallen one by one in the enemy's front.

The Republican masses have been massacred by wholesale; have been

murdered and outraged upon every occasion and in every manner. They have

been hunted as the beasts of the jungle. Their blood cries to Heaven

from every hillside, from every by-way, and from every bridle-path in

the South. There has been more of blood--_Republican blood_--that has

dyed the soil of Louisiana alone than all that has been shed in all of

the Indian wars of a quarter of a century. It has been shed, alas, in

vain. _The American people were not a nation. There was not, there is

not to-day, to their shame be it said, the power within the American

people, to protect the life, or avenge the murder of an American

citizen, within the American lines_."

We would crucify our extreme modesty and suggest to the above writer the

reason why "there is not to-day the power within the American people to

protect the life or avenge the murder of an American citizen." Is it not

because we, "the people," put their political power into the hands of

the commander-in-chief of our army, in trust for four years, who

betrayed that trust by the transfer of that power into the hands of a

contemptible knot of armed and defiant rebels, thus constituting a solid

South with which to rule the nation? And is it not because the said

commander-in-chief, at the demand of the said rebels in arms, packed up

his traps and withdrew our "federal bayonets" from the South, thus

giving them, in addition to _their_ State rule, _our_ national

supremacy, by further giving them two States with large Republican

majorities?

And furthermore, is it not because the loyal North did not arise as one

man and demand the impeachment of the traitor who bartered their

liberties for a _sham_ peace, taking rebel promises for pay which have

since been repudiated?

But the men who assisted the President in this nefarious business are

coming to their senses. In a speech a few days ago, at Toledo, O., the

Hon. Charles Foster, M. C. from Ohio, and a member of the political firm

of Matthews, Foster & Co., renounces the Southern policy of the

administration, which that firm helped to inaugurate, as follows:--

"I believed in and supported President Hayes in the policy of refusing

the use of force to sustain State governments. I believed in it as a

matter of principle, though his course can be sustained on the ground of

necessity. I had hoped that his policy of kindness and conciliation

would result in the formation of a public sentiment South that would

permit Republicans to exercise fully all of the political rights

guaranteed to them by the Constitution and the amendments thereto.

Knowing that there are a large number of the people South who are tired

of the Bourbon Democracy, I hoped that the President's course would

permit them the more easily to assert themselves in some form in

opposition to the Democracy. I see signs of a realization of this hope,

especially in the States of Tennessee, North Carolina, and Texas, but in

less permanent form than I had hoped. The President's policy has lost

him the sympathy of the great mass of his party. That he has

conscientiously done his duty as he saw it, there can be no question. No

matter whether the conventions indorse him or not, no man will rejoice

more than he over Republican success--North and South. While he was

beslavered with praise from the Southern Democracy, they seemed to be

laying broad and deep the foundations for a solid South. Upon the

attempt, through the Potter resolutions, to unseat the President, they,

with bare two exceptions, voted for it. They declined even to give an

opportunity to vote upon the Hale amendment, which would have permitted

an investigation into Democratic frauds. Jeff Davis makes as treasonable

speeches as those of 1861, and he receives the indorsement and approval

of a large proportion of the press and people. Out of one hundred

newspapers in Mississippi, ninety-five indorse and applaud Jeff Davis.

Mr. Singleton, of the same State, on the floor of the House of

Representatives, declared 'his highest allegiance to be due to his

State, both in peace and in war.'

"By the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, the political power of the

South in the Electoral College and the House of Representatives, was

increased about forty per cent. The Republican party to-day can poll, if

permitted to do so, forty per cent. of the vote of the South. Yet, in

the coming elections, I do not believe that we can carry one in five of

the districts that we know to be reliably Republican. By force and fraud

the political power of forty per cent. of their people is exercised

solely by the sixty per cent., thus making a solid Democratic South. The

right of the citizens of the several States to enjoy the privileges and

immunities of all the States is not respected in many localities. It is

said, condescendingly, that a Republican can live in the South without

trouble, if he will keep a padlock on his mouth.

"Now, my fellow-citizens, there can be no lasting peace until the

amendments to the Constitution are executed in good faith, both in

letter and spirit. A solid South is a constant menace to the peace of

the country. It means that the Constitutional amendments shall be

abrogated and repealed in spirit; it means the usurpation by the

majority of all the political power of one section of the country, and

with a fragment of the other section it enables the solid South,

inspired as it is by the spirit and the men who sought the overthrow of

the country, to now rule and control it; and yet they may be in a large

minority in the whole country. Such success, if it is submitted to,

means the payment of the rebel claims, the pensioning of rebel

soldiers, the payment for slaves lost in rebellion. I feel it my

especial duty to say that as long as the menace of the solid South

threatens the peace of the country, it is the duty of the North to be

united against it. I am desirous as any man can be that we shall get

away from sectional politics, but I cannot close my eyes to the danger

of a solid South. The advice I give is simply that ordinary prudence and

care be exercised. I repeat, that so long as the menace of a solid South

exists, it is the duty of the North to continue to meet it with 'the

most Greeks.'"

The New Orleans "Times" says: "While the North, with a lavish hand, is

soothing the fevered brow of the Southern suffering, she is building a

monument of gratitude which will be luminous forever." And the only

thing the North will ask in return for what it cheerfully gives is that

the monument shall bear the inscription, "Justice to all men."

Senator Chaffee, of Colorado, who is now at Saratoga, was asked if he

expected an early revival of business, and in response said: "Yes; a

beginning of a revival, because the excessively hard times and real

hunger have driven the lazy to work. I was at Hot Springs, Ark., not

long ago, and saw thousands of people going through to Texas. As many as

twelve hundred emigrants would go through Arkansas in a day. I talked to

many of them, and they told me that they had not generally twenty-five

dollars ahead of the railroad fare, but said that they desired to get a

piece of ground, raise potatoes, or anything, and be independent. That

is what will bring us up, and nothing else, every idle person to do

something at production.

Emancipation and Emigration A Plan to Transfer the Freedmen of the South to the Government Lands of the West by The Principia Club · 第 47 / 56 题