CHAPTER VII

BUILDING OF THE SOUTHERN PACIFIC

San Francisco and San José Railroad

The Huntington interests had secured control of the California Pacific.

The next logical step was to strengthen the position of the Central

Pacific south of San Francisco Bay. A start in this direction had

already been made through the construction of a branch from Lathrop on

the Central Pacific to Goshen in the San Joaquin Valley, finished in

August, 1872. But this was not enough. Not only did the Central Pacific

fail to reach the city of San Francisco, but the company was threatened

in 1869 with the possibility that an independent Southern Railroad

system might be created, no less ambitious than the California Pacific,

and penetrating a richer if less developed territory. This projected

system was that of the Southern Pacific Railroad, and in respect to it

Mr. Stanford frankly said some years afterwards:

Well, the necessity of obtaining control of the Southern Pacific

Railroad was based really upon the act of Congress providing for its

construction. It became apparent that if that last was constructed

entirely independent to those who were interested in the Central

Pacific, it would become a dangerous rival not only for the through

business from the Atlantic Ocean, but it would enter into active

competition for the local business of California. It was of paramount

importance that the road should be controlled by the friends of the

Central Pacific; and all our anticipations consequent upon the control

of that road have been realized.[165]

The small beginning of what later came to be known as the Southern

Pacific Railroad system is to be found in the San Francisco and San

José Railroad, which ran from San Francisco down the peninsula in a

southerly direction to the city of San José. Originally this company

was a local project only, and for some years an unsuccessful one.

Several parties tried their hands at building it, but failed because

they could not raise the necessary funds. In 1860 the project was

taken up by a group of local capitalists of more than ordinary energy

and resources, contracts were let, and four years later a line to San

José was actually in running order. It was to these capitalists that

the Central Pacific transferred its rights in the Western Pacific, and

it seems to have been expected that the San Francisco and San José

and the Western Pacific together would form the western end of the

transcontinental line.

This expectation was disappointed, as was the hope that the San

Francisco and San José would participate in the federal subsidies and

land grants provided in the Pacific Railway Acts of 1862 and 1864. The

city of San Francisco did, however, subscribe $300,000 in city bonds to

San Francisco and San José Railroad stock, and the counties of Santa

Clara and San Mateo, $200,000 and $100,000, respectively. At this time

the Huntington group had no interests south of Sacramento. In 1869 the

San Francisco and San José was extended to Gilroy by a company known as

the Santa Clara and Pajaro Valley Railroad Company.

Southern Pacific Railroad Company

Shortly after the completion of the San Francisco and San José, another

company, the Southern Pacific Railroad Company, was incorporated[166]

by local parties in San Francisco to build a line of railroad in as

direct a route as feasible from San Francisco to the town of San Diego,

through the counties of Santa Clara, Monterey, San Luis Obispo, Tulare,

Los Angeles, and San Diego; thence eastward through the county of San

Diego to the eastern boundary of the state of California. It is quite

possible that this new company was organized in anticipation of further

legislation at Washington. At any rate in July, 1866, Congress granted

to the Southern Pacific Railroad, besides a right-of-way, ten alternate

sections of unreserved and unappropriated public lands on either

side of the road, in the state of California, on condition that it

construct a line, presumably from San Francisco, to a connection with

a projected railroad known as the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad, which

was authorized to extend from the state of Missouri to the Pacific

Ocean. In case any portion of the twenty sections indicated should be

found to be occupied or reserved, the Southern Pacific was to be given

the privilege of selecting other lands within 20 miles of its road. The

company was to begin work within two years, and to complete not less

than 50 miles annually after the second year. No money or bond subsidy

was given.[167] By Act of July 25, 1868, Congress extended the time for

the construction of the Southern Pacific line, requiring the completion

of the first 30 miles by July 1, 1870, and subsequent construction of

20 miles annually.[168] This was plainly an enterprise of first-class

magnitude.

[Illustration: Map showing northern end of the San Francisco and San

José Railroad in 1862.]

The evidence suggests that the San Francisco and San José and the

Southern Pacific Railroad companies fell under the control of Stanford,

Huntington, Hopkins, and Crocker some time in 1868. Mr. Stanford

published a statement on March 6, 1868, to the effect that any rumor

that the Central Pacific or Western Pacific Railroad Company or any

person connected with either of them had purchased the Southern Pacific

or the San Francisco and San José or any property or franchises

connected therewith, or that any negotiations had been made tending to

that result, was utterly without foundation.[169] On the other hand, it

was Collis P. Huntington who signed a letter dated September 25, 1868,

addressed to the Secretary of the Interior, at Washington, transmitting

the annual report of the Southern Pacific Railroad required by the

act of Congress. If Stanford told the truth in March, these two

circumstances would indicate with sufficient precision the time when

the associates took charge. In any case their influence was presently

to appear.[170]

Consolidation

On October 12, 1870, the San Francisco and San José Railroad, the

Southern Pacific, the Santa Clara and Pajaro Valley Railroad, and a

new company, the California Southern, organized on paper only, were

consolidated into a corporation known as the Southern Pacific Railroad

of California. The directors for the first year were Lloyd Tevis,

Leland Stanford, Charles Crocker, C. P. Huntington, Mark Hopkins,

Charles Mayne, and Peter Donahue. Plainly, Central Pacific interests

were in control. The purpose of the new company was stated to be to

construct and operate a railroad from San Francisco to the Colorado

River, through the counties of San Mateo, Santa Clara, Monterey,

Fresno, Tulare, Kern, San Bernardino, and San Diego, together with a

line from Gilroy through the counties of Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, and

Monterey, to a point at or near Salinas City. This was not the line

proposed in the articles of incorporation, as an examination of the

accompanying map will show. It was, however, in the main the route

designated by the Southern Pacific in 1867, upon which land had been

withdrawn from entry by the government at Washington, and it had the

advantage of reaching the eastern boundary of California with less

mileage and fewer grades than the line originally laid out.[171]

[Illustration: Proposed route of the Southern Pacific Railroad,

according to map filed with the Commissioner of the General Land Office

on January 3, 1867.]

In 1871, an additional route from Los Angeles to Yuma was designated

under the authority of the twenty-third section of the act to

incorporate the Texas Pacific Railroad, which authorized the Southern

Pacific Railroad Company to construct a line of railroad from a point

at or near Techachapi Pass, by way of Los Angeles, to the Texas Pacific

Railroad at or near the Colorado River, with the same rights and

privileges, and subject to the same limitations and restrictions as

were provided in the Atlantic and Pacific Act of 1866.[172]

Ambitious Construction Program

Because of the terms of the federal Act of 1866, it was necessary

for the Southern Pacific to proceed steadily in its construction to

the south. The first piece of road offered in satisfaction of the

requirement for a minimum annual construction, was that from San José

to Gilroy. Then came an extension to Tres Pinos, which ended, for the

time being, building on the Northern Division. What happened was that

the associates found the southern end of the San Benito Valley, in

which Tres Pinos is located, relatively poor in traffic, and difficult

to build in. Stanford visited the country personally, and found no

business there, nor, in his opinion, any prospect of business. He

accordingly shifted construction from the Tres Pinos line to the

territory south of Goshen, and caused the Southern Pacific to build

its next 20 miles in that section, expecting to connect with the San

Joaquin Valley branch of the Central Pacific which ultimately came

to Goshen in August, 1872. The Southern Pacific track reached Delano

on July 14, 1873, Caliente on April 26, 1875, and Mojave on August

9, 1876. The stretch of 240 miles from Mojave to The Needles was not

finished until June 22, 1883, but that to Fort Yuma was completed in

1877.

In later years there was discussion concerning the right of the

Southern Pacific to refuse to build the stretch of road lying between

Tres Pinos and Alcalde, connecting the San Benito and the San Joaquin

valleys. It was insisted that the contract implied in the Congressional

land grant of 1866 was an entire one, and that the amount of land

given had been fixed in consideration of the difficulties of mountain

construction between the valleys named. This contention is not,

however, borne out by the terms of the Act of 1866, and there seems to

be no good reason why Congress should have stipulated for the building

of this particular bit of road, when satisfactory connection between

the San Joaquin Valley and San Francisco could be secured in another

way. On their part, the associates never intended to build across the

Coast Range, at least not out of the San Benito Valley. In 1872 the

articles of association of the Southern Pacific Branch Railroad Company

contained provision for a line from a point at or near Salinas City in

the county of Monterey southeasterly to a point in Kern County south

of Tulare Lake, intersecting the San Joaquin Division of the Southern

Pacific. Even this road never was built.[173]

At the time when the Southern Pacific Railroad entered upon its

ambitious project for southern construction, the territory south and

east of Goshen was very slightly developed. Los Angeles was a city of

5,728 persons in 1870, with an assessed valuation of $2,108,061, and an

average of one saloon to every fifty-five inhabitants.[174] San Diego

had a population of 2,300, and Santa Ana 1,445. These were the largest

concentrations of people to be found, and they amounted to nothing more

than little country towns.[175] Nor were the statistics of industry

much more striking. Los Angeles and Kern counties produced respectable

amounts of wool, and in the matter of wine the output from the former

amounted to nearly one-third of that for the entire state and one-sixth

of that reported for the United States as a whole. The number of cattle

was also considerable. But in grain only a beginning had been made,

the yield of the orchards was still small, and the volume of general

agriculture, to say nothing of manufactures, was insignificant.

The railroad construction in the territory consisted of two local

railroads connecting Los Angeles with the harbors of San Pedro and

Santa Monica, to which should be added mention of the Texas Pacific

project of Mr. Scott. The Los Angeles and San Pedro Railroad was

organized in 1868 and was finished on October 26, 1869. The city of

Los Angeles subscribed $75,000 in city bonds, and the county took an

additional amount of $150,000, also paying in bonds. City and county

bonds both bore 10 per cent. The construction of this railroad marked

the fruition of efforts begun as early as 1861, but the credit for

final accomplishment of the work was due to Phineas Banning, the

principal business man of Wilmington.[176] General Banning is said

to have entered the California legislature in order to advance his

project and to have successfully overcome a great deal of opposition

in his own district in order to put it through. The company was

consolidated with the Southern Pacific in 1874.[177]

In addition to the Los Angeles and San Pedro, reference should be

made to the Los Angeles and Independence, a railroad built in 1875 by

Senator John P. Jones, of Nevada, partly to afford an outlet to certain

mines in Inyo County from which the senator expected large results,

and partly to develop property on Santa Monica Bay. This road was also

acquired by the Southern Pacific interests, but at a later date, and at

the instance of Mr. Huntington against the judgment of at least one of

his associates.

Grant by Los Angeles

By the acquisition of the Los Angeles and San Pedro Railroad, the

Southern Pacific provided itself with a southern terminal, in advance

even of the completion of its main line. At the same time it used the

advantage which the location of its mileage in the San Joaquin Valley

gave to it in order to persuade the people of Los Angeles to grant it

aid in the measure they could afford. Speaking after the event, it is

sufficiently obvious that sooner or later the Southern Pacific, or

some other transcontinental road, was bound to seek an outlet on the

Pacific Ocean either at San Diego or at San Pedro, and of these two San

Pedro was the most likely to be chosen. But this fact, clear at the

present time, was not obvious to the inhabitants of Los Angeles; on the

contrary, the possibility that Los Angeles might be passed by caused

them the liveliest concern. This feeling was known to the officials of

the Southern Pacific. In May, 1872, two citizens of Los Angeles wrote

Mr. Stanford stating that they expected to call a meeting of tax-paying

citizens of the county in a few days, for the purpose of selecting

from among them an executive committee which should have full power to

meet the representatives of any railroad company who might visit Los

Angeles, in order to agree upon some plan whereby a railroad to Los

Angeles might be constructed.[178]

[Illustration: View south from over the San Fernando tunnel—Southern

Pacific Railroad]

The meeting was called, and the committee appointed. Harris Newmark,

a prominent business man of Los Angeles, says that before the meeting

he and ex-Governor Downey went to San Francisco and canvassed the

whole situation with Mr. Huntington. A delegation from the citizens’

committee made a second visit and returned with a man named Hyde,

who represented the railroad company. Between Mr. Hyde and the new

committee terms were presently agreed upon. The Southern Pacific

demanded a donation of 5 per cent of the assessed valuation of the

county, which was the maximum authorized by state law. Since the

county valuation in 1872 was set by the State Board of Equalization at

$10,554,592, this meant a gift of $527,730. To cover this the county

proposed to issue $377,000 in new 7 per cent bonds, and to turn over

besides $150,000 in stock of the Los Angeles and San Pedro Railroad,

which it held by virtue of its subscription to that company in 1868.

The city added $75,000 in Los Angeles and San Pedro Railroad stocks,

and 60 acres of depot ground. This made a clear gift in the aggregate

of $602,000, besides whatever the depot ground might be worth, or $100

per capita for a population of 6,000 souls. On its side the Southern

Pacific agreed to build 50 miles of its main trunk line in the county

of Los Angeles, 25 miles to be built northward and 25 miles eastward

from Los Angeles city. Later the company promised to add a branch

to Anaheim. The whole arrangement was submitted to popular vote on

November 5, 1872, and was then approved.

Inconveniences of Travel

Construction in accordance with the terms of the agreement of 1872

was promptly begun. San Fernando and San Pedro were reached in 1874,

Anaheim in 1875, and the Southern Pacific main line in September, 1876.

A vivid picture of the inconvenience of travel between Los Angeles and

the East while the work was in progress, is given in the reminiscences

of Harris Newmark, who has just been mentioned in connection with the

negotiations between the railroad and the county of Los Angeles:

Before the completion of the San Fernando tunnel, a journey east from

Los Angeles by way of Sacramento was beset with inconveniences. The

traveler was lucky if he obtained passage to San Fernando on other

than a construction train, and twenty to twenty-four hours, often at

night, was required for a trip of the Telegraph Stage Lines’ creaking,

swaying coach over the rough roads leading to Caliente—the northern

terminal—where the longer stretch of the railroad north was reached.

The stage lines and the Southern Pacific Railroad were operated quite

independently, and it was therefore not possible to buy a through

ticket. For a time previously, passengers took the stage at San

Fernando and bounced over the mountains to Bakersfield, the point

farthest south on the railroad line. When the Southern Pacific was

subsequently built to Land’s Station, the stages stopped there; and

for quite a while a stage started from each side of the mountain, the

two conveyances meeting at the top and exchanging passengers. Once I

made the journey north by stage to Tipton in Tulare County, and from

Tipton by rail to San Francisco. The Coast line and the Telegraph

line stage companies carried passengers part of the way. The Coast

Line Stage Company coaches left Los Angeles every morning at five

o’clock and proceeded via Pleasant Valley, San Buenaventura, Santa

Barbara, Guadalupe, San Luis Obispo, and Paso de Robles Hot Springs,

and connected at Soledad with the Southern Pacific Railroad bound

for San Francisco by way of Salinas City, Gilroy, and San José, and

his line made a specialty of daylight travel, thus offering unusual

inducements to tourists. There was no limit as to time; and passengers

were enabled to stop over at any point and to reserve seats in the

stage coaches by giving some little notice in advance.

In 1876, I visited New York City for medical attention and for the

purpose of meeting my son Maurice, upon his return from Paris. I left

Los Angeles on the twenty-ninth of April by the Telegraph Stage Line,

traveling to San Francisco and thence east by the Central Pacific

railroad; and I arrived in New York on the eighth of May.[179]

The San Fernando tunnel to which Mr. Newmark refers is located 27 miles

north of Los Angeles in the valley of the same name. It lies along the

most direct and convenient route from Los Angeles into the San Joaquin

Valley. Because of its length, nearly one and a quarter miles, and the

unfamiliarity of the people of the coast with projects of this kind,

there was much interest in the work and many doubts as to whether it

could succeed. Governor Stevenson was credited with the statement

that a tunnel could not be constructed. Other critics maintained that

people could never be induced to travel through so long a tunnel, and

that in any case the winter rains would cause it to cave in, to which

Stanford replied that it was “too damned dry in Southern California

for any such catastrophe.” So far as the records now show, however,

there was no unusual obstacle encountered in the work, although the

slowness with which the bore advanced and the large expense connected

with construction caused considerable anxiety to the management of the

Southern Pacific.

Western Development Company

In carrying out their plans for the occupation of Southern California,

the Huntington group naturally followed the same general policy that

had proved profitable to them in the case of the Central Pacific.

That is to say, they organized construction companies, controlled

by themselves, caused these companies to contract with the Southern

Pacific for the construction of specified sections of line, and in

their capacity as stockholders of the Southern Pacific required that

company to issue and turn over large quantities of stocks and bonds in

payment for work done. No further comment upon this method of procedure

is necessary.

The first construction company which did work for the Southern Pacific,

under the plan outlined in the preceding paragraph, was the Contract

and Finance Company. This was the same organization that had completed

the Central Pacific. It appears that the Contract and Finance Company

simply shifted men, teams and equipment from the Central Pacific to

the Southern Pacific line between San José and Tres Pinos. Later it

built the road from Goshen to Sumner, and that from San Fernando via

Los Angeles to Spadra. In all, it built for the Southern Pacific 143.65

miles, including the stretch from Gilroy to Tres Pinos. In 1874 the

Contract and Finance Company was dissolved and the Western Development

Company took its place.

The Western Development Company was incorporated December 15, 1874,

for the announced purpose, among other things, of carrying on

construction, manufacturing, mining, mercantile, mechanical, banking,

and commercial business in all their branches, and also for the purpose

of constructing, leasing, and operating all kinds of public and private

improvements. That is to say, its powers were made as extensive as

could well be imagined. Stanford, Hopkins, Huntington, and Crocker each

held one-fourth of the stock.[180]

Under date of February 2, 1875, the Western Development Company agreed

to construct a railroad and a telegraph line on the routes selected by

the Southern Pacific, between certain specified termini. The mileage

actually built was that from Sumner to San Fernando, from Spadra to

Fort Yuma, and from Goshen to Huron. Bills were rendered for this work

on the basis of $72,000 per mile, or $29,153,520 for 404.91 miles, half

in Southern Pacific first mortgage bonds and half in stock.[181]

In addition to its contract with the Southern Pacific, the Western

Development Company undertook certain miscellaneous construction,

including work on the Northern Railway, and the San Pablo and Tulare

Railroad, the building of steamers for the Central Pacific, bridges

and buildings for the Central Pacific and Southern Pacific, general

repairs for the various companies controlled by the associates, and

even finally private residences for Hopkins, Stanford, and Crocker. In

short, during its existence the Western Development Company, besides

completing the major part of the Southern Pacific, did incidental

building of any sort which the associates desired to have done.

Pacific Improvement Company

The death of Mr. Hopkins in 1878, and the temporary unwillingness of

Mrs. Hopkins to participate in the financing of new construction,

together with the death of Mr. Colton in the same year, led Stanford,

Huntington, and Crocker to close up the affairs of the Western

Development Company, and to continue their more or less speculative

building enterprises under a new organization. This new company,

incorporated November 4, 1878, was known as the “Pacific Improvement

Company.” Its relations to the Southern Pacific and to the associates

were the same as those of the Western Development Company, except that

Mr. Colton, who had taken one-ninth of the Western Development Company

stock in 1875, was not a stockholder, and that Mrs. Hopkins at the

beginning took no part. Even the capital stock was placed at the same

amount, $5,000,000.

The main accomplishment of the Pacific Improvement Company was the

construction of the Southern Pacific between Mojave and The Needles.

Besides this, however, it extended the Southern Pacific from Soledad

to San Miguel, built the Southern Pacific in Arizona and the Southern

Pacific in New Mexico, completed the California and Oregon, and Oregon

and California railroads, and continued the Northern Railroad from

Willows to Tehama. The contracts made were similar to those executed by

the Western Development Company, although the consideration varied.[182]

The Pacific Improvement Company is still in existence. After the

construction work for which it was incorporated was completed, Mr.

Huntington sold his stock to the Hopkins estate. This gave to the

Hopkins interest, then represented by Mr. Searles, possession of

50 per cent of the stock of the Pacific Improvement Company. The

other 50 per cent remained in the hands of the Stanford and Crocker

interests. At a later date the Searles stock passed to the University

of California. The Pacific Improvement Company is now in process of

liquidation. It owns some thirty town sites, a considerable amount of

real estate, including much unimproved property in the Potrero district

of San Francisco, land in the Monterey peninsula, and other property

in Buffalo, New York. It has, besides, the stock and bonds of certain

railroad companies, stock of the Carbondale Coal Company of Washington,

and of the Oakland Water Front Company of Oakland, California, and what

is still more important, it holds a large number of bills receivable

covering property of all sorts which it has sold in recent years but

which has not been entirely paid for. The Pacific Improvement Company’s

construction outfit was sold to the Central Pacific in 1883.

The last of the construction companies, the Southern Development

Company, became responsible for construction east of the Arizona state

line when the Pacific Improvement Company left the field. It was of

minor importance and may be dismissed with a word. In respect to

ownership and operation it resembled the Contract and Finance Company,

the Western Development Company, and the Pacific Improvement Company.

Identical Control of Companies

There is a great deal of history about the operation of the various

construction companies mentioned, that has not been, and perhaps

never will be, written. The men out on the road seem to have known

little about any of them. The contact of these men was with Stanford,

Huntingdon, Hopkins, and Crocker. They neither knew nor cared whether

they received orders from the associates in their capacities as

directors of the Central Pacific or of the Southern Pacific, or as

stockholders in one of the construction companies. Nor was it easy

for them to keep informed. The same construction force moved from

place to place. The same man in the same pay-car paid off employees

of the Central Pacific, the Southern Pacific, and the construction

companies indiscriminately.[183] The same general shops furnished track

materials.[184] The same equipment was found on all the different

lines, except perhaps on the northern division. There was small wonder

that even the higher engineering officials were unable to locate

accurately the stretches built for each of the principal companies

which they served, nor that men under them should have been altogether

confused.

As a matter of fact, the various corporations interested in the

building of the Southern Pacific were, after 1870, only different

manifestations of the activities of one group of men. It does not

appear that any attempt was ever made to interest outside investors.

On the contrary, Hopkins, Huntington, Colton, and perhaps the other

partners as well, agreed that if anything happened to one of them,

their stock in the Western Development Company should not go to outside

parties until the existing stockholders had had a chance to take

it.[185]

This was a distinct contrast to the attitude of the same men when

the Contract and Finance Company was formed, and indicates that they

anticipated no such difficulty in raising funds as they had experienced

when they built the Central Pacific. Had this not been true, it

is probable that they would have let the Southern Pacific alone,

competition or no competition.

Construction Financing

Under the terms of their contracts with the Southern Pacific, the

construction companies received substantially all of the stock and

bonds which that company put out. The same parties were, therefore,

directly or indirectly in control both of the railroad and of the

companies which did work for the railroad. These securities had,

however, no market for many years, at any price. County donations,

of which there were a few, also yielded but little, and the federal

land grant was not easily or early sold. The real source of financial

supplies for the Contract and Finance Company and its successors,

the Western Development and the Pacific Improvement companies, in

their work upon the Southern Pacific, were the Central Pacific, as a

corporation, and the associates as individuals.

As in the case of the Contract and Finance Company, the associates paid

no money on their stock subscriptions, but deposited funds in varying

amounts which were credited to them as loans. Interest was paid on

these advances at rates varying from 6 to 10 per cent. It appears that

the contributions by the associates to the Western Development Company

began to be considerable in May, 1876. By January, 1877, they had

reached the sum of $3,421,458.35. By March, 1878, the total advance was

in the neighborhood of $11,000,000. It remained at this figure through

1878, and the major part of 1879. The largest contributions were made

by the estate of Mark Hopkins and by Collis P. Huntington, though both

Crocker and Stanford kept substantial balances. There is no record of

the size of advances made to the Pacific Improvement Company, but we

know that the same general practice was continued.

In addition to the advances made by the Huntington group, the

construction companies benefited substantially by the assistance

rendered them by the Central Pacific. This was a sort of help which the

Central Pacific itself and the persons who built it had never known.

It took a variety of forms. A very obvious service which the Central

Pacific could and did offer was the operation of sections of the

Southern Pacific as fast as completed in connection with the Central

Pacific main line. Besides this, the Central Pacific acted as banker

when the construction companies had spare funds. More important still,

the Central Pacific on occasion lent considerable sums to the Western

Development Company. This was later denied by representatives of the

Central Pacific, but the evidence seems conclusive that the loans were

made.[186]

Similar advances were probably made by the Central Pacific to the

Pacific Improvement Company,[187] and to the Contract and Finance

Company, sometimes without interest. Money in the Central Pacific

sinking fund was invested in this way, at interest.[188] Like use

was made of surplus funds belonging to the Occidental and Oriental

Steamship Company, which the Central Pacific was holding, until the

Union Pacific discovered the matter, and, being interested in the

money, demanded that its share be handed over.[189] There is even

evidence that the associates borrowed money from the Central Pacific

between 1874 and 1878, and that the treasurer of the company entered

the sums taken on so-called “cash-tags,” carrying them as cash in his

accounts.[190] How much all these transactions amounted to, it is very

difficult to say, but it is probable that the aggregate was large.

Profits of Associates

There is no way of estimating the profits which Stanford, Huntington,

Hopkins, and Crocker drew out of the Western Development, Pacific

Improvement, and Southern Development companies. We know they were

great, because the associates died very rich men. Mark Hopkins engaged

in no important enterprise outside of his hardware business, except in

railroad construction and operation, and yet in 1878 he left an estate

appraised at over $19,000,000. Eleven years later, Charles Crocker’s

estate was appraised at $24,142,475.84.[191] Stanford’s estate was

not appraised in 1893, or at least no figures of value were made

public, and Huntington did not die until long afterwards. Inasmuch as

the associates up to 1878 were all interested in the same business

together, and since the most important of their investments were in

railroad construction work, it is fair to assume that the profits

of the construction companies were considerable. Whatever they were

it must, however, be remembered that they consisted in the main of

Southern Pacific securities and of California real estate, neither of

which were immediately salable. As a construction enterprise, the whole

Southern Pacific affair was speculative. It was from the point of view

of the owners of the Central Pacific alone that the construction of the

Southern Pacific presented itself as a necessary policy, both for the

protection of an existing investment, and for the full exploitation of

the possibilities of monopoly in California.[192]

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