ON THE
GENERAL USE OF FIREARMS
BY THE ENGLISH,
IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. {213}
(_Enter_, _on the walls_, _the Master Gunner and his Son_.)
_Master Gunner_.—“Sirrah, thou know’st how Orleans is besieg’d,
And how the English have the suburbe won.”
_Son_.—“Father, I know; and oft have shot at them,
Howe’er, unfortunate, I miss’d my aim.”
_Master Gunner_.—“But now thou shalt not. Be thou rul’d by me:
Chief Master Gunner am I of this town;
Something I must do to procure me grace.
The Prince’s espials have informed me,
How the English, in the suburbs close intrench’d,
Wont, through a secret grate of iron bars
In yonder tower, to overpeer the city;
And thence discover how, with most advantage,
They may vex us, with shot, or with assault.
To intercept this inconvenience,
A piece of ordnance ’gainst it I have plac’d;
And fully even these three days have I watch’d
If I could see them.”
SHAKESPEARE’S _Henry VI._ part 1, act i. scene 4.
(_Before Orleans_.)
IT is a fact admitted by historians, that in the reign of King Edward
III., the English, not unfrequently, made use of cannons in sieges,
during their wars with the French; but whether they ever used them in the
open field, in the fourteenth century, as has been asserted, is a point
which may well be doubted.
History is replete with instances of the extreme caution and reluctance,
with which the English adopt innovations upon ancient customs, even when
recommended by the probability of improvement. Their implicit belief in
the excellence of the long bow, and the proud recollection of the
splendid victories which they had obtained by means of it, would, for a
considerable period of time, render it a useless task, to attempt to
convince them, of the superiority of the newly discovered military
engines. Until their efficacy had been often proved, their shape and
workmanship had attained some degree of perfection, and the artificers
employed in their production, had become sufficiently skilful, to make
different kinds and sizes, one description of which was portable, and was
eventually called Hand Cannon, Hand Gun, or Hand Culverin, and,
subsequently, Harquebuss, Arquebuse, Haquebut, Hackbut and Hagbut, the
origin of the modern Musket, the advantages of the recently discovered
engines of war, would be very slow in disclosing themselves; and would by
no means be sufficiently obvious, to induce a warlike nation,
precipitately to admit them into general use.
The change in the art of war, by the application of gunpowder to military
purposes, was extremely slow and gradual.
If any person, ignorant of, or not reflecting upon, that circumstance,
should ask, at what period the ancient weapons were laid aside, and
firearms introduced in their stead; the answer is readily and correctly
given. There never was such a period. More than two centuries elapsed,
after the common application of gunpowder to warlike purposes in Europe,
before the English and the other European nations, entirely relinquished
the use of bows and arrows, and in lieu of them, but by slow degrees
adopted the use of firearms.
Archery for the purposes of war, had not been altogether abandoned in
this country, even at the breaking out of the civil war, in the reign of
Charles I.
It has been correctly remarked by Mr. Grose, in his _Military
Antiquities_, {215a} that there is amongst old soldiers, a great dislike
to innovations, because, by adopting new weapons, and, consequently, a
new exercise, the old and expert soldiers find themselves in a worse
state than new recruits, as they have not only a new exercise to learn,
but also the old one to forget.
Indeed, as late as the year 1557, so evenly did the public opinion run,
between the comparative efficacy of the ancient and new systems, that in
that year, by an act of Parliament (of the 4th and 5th of Philip and
Mary), {215b} respecting the providing of armour and weapons, various
persons, in Wales, Lancashire, and Cheshire, were required to provide and
keep a haquebut; or, in lieu of one, the alternative was given to each of
them, to keep a long bow and sheaf of arrows, in such instances, where he
was required by that act, to provide himself with the former.
Some interesting and curious examples may be found of the use of cannons
of various kinds, by the English, in their wars with the French, in the
fourteenth century, in the reign of Edward III.; {215c} but although it
is indisputable that they were then made use of in sieges, and in the
defence of fortified places, there does not appear to be any evidence,
that they were made use of in that century, in the field, by the English;
{216a} and the defective construction of the cannons of the time of
Edward III., and the silence of the English and French historians, raise
very strong doubts, whether they ever were so used at that period.
It is, however, the use of them in the fifteenth century, to which our
attention is at present to be devoted. Although writers admit the
occasional use of cannons and other firearms by the English, in that
century, it has been commonly imagined, that they were not generally used
by them until the following one. I, therefore, shall endeavour to show,
that that idea is not correct, and that in the fifteenth century,
firearms of various descriptions and sizes, were in general use by them,
as principal and important military weapons; that they appear seldom to
have undertaken any warlike expedition of magnitude without them; that
they constantly attacked and defended towns and fortresses with them;
that they used them in the open field; and also, that there is some
evidence of guns being in use even on shipboard. The English, as early
as in the middle of that century, were also sometimes armed with portable
guns, or small arms, then called Hand Coulevrines, or hand guns; and they
are expressly mentioned by Monstrelet by the name of “Coulevrines à
main,” and he states, that they were reserved to the English, at Caen, in
1450, when they capitulated under the Duke of Somerset. This was
considerably earlier than the period, when Mr. Grose, in his work on
_Military Antiquities_, {217a} supposes that they were first used in
England; as he mentions the year 1471, on the occasion of the landing of
Edward IV. at Ravenspur, as the period of their introduction into this
country.
Monstrelet, as will be afterwards noticed, mentions “Petis Canons” as
having been carried in eight little boats across the Seine, by the
English, in attacking Pont de l’Arche, in 1418, which, and also the
“Artillerie menue,” occasionally mentioned by him, probably apply to guns
of a size small enough to be portable. {217b}
We cannot well entertain doubts of the fact of the English having made
use of portable firearms in the fifteenth century, when we reflect that
there is undisputed historical evidence of the use of them, at that
period, by continental nations, who reckoned them by thousands in their
armies; and that before the close of that century, they appear to have
been even used on the Continent by cavalry as well as by infantry. {218a}
Very early in the fifteenth century, firearms varied very much in size,
appearance, and denomination; and even as early as in the year 1406, the
Duke of Burgundy and the King of France, in preparing for the siege of
Calais, had, according to Monstrelet, “bombardes, canons, artilleries,”
&c. &c. We also learn from the same authority, that in 1430, in raising
the siege of Compeine, which was defended by the English, the Duke of
Burgundy was obliged to abandon his ordnance, consisting of “bombardes,
canons, veuglaires, serpentines, coulevrines, et autre artilleries.”
The word Artillery, and also the word Engine, did not, however, apply in
the fifteenth century exclusively to cannons; for both words were
frequently used to designate all projectile weapons, such as balistæ,
long-bows, cross-bows, guns of various descriptions, bombards (somewhat
resembling the modern mortars), and also portable firearms.
Some descriptions of cannons, as, for example, those called bombards,
{219a} which are considered to have been the first in use, threw large
stones or balls, by a parabolic curve, against places besieged, whilst
others were afterwards introduced, of a different description, which sent
balls direct, or point blank.
In 1414, one Nicholas Merbury was Master of the Ordnance to Henry V.,
“Magistro Operationum Ingeniorum & Gunnarum.” {219b} There was also a
Master of the Ordnance in 1481, in the reign of Edward IV.; and a warrant
was then issued for the payment of £100 to the Master of the Ordnance,
for the purchase of draught horses. {219c}
I apprehend that it will not be denied, that it affords very strong
evidence of this destructive instrument of war, being brought to
considerable perfection, and into general use, when the genus had thus
become subdivided into species, and when a public officer existed, whose
province it was to superintend that particular department of military
affairs.
Later on, in the same century, it became still more subdivided, and
appears to have consisted of many varieties; for we read of bombards,
cannons, mortiers, veuglaires, guns, serpentines, ordnance, fowlers,
coulevrines, hand-coulevrines, hand-guns, haquebuts, &c. &c.; from which
it may be presumed, that gunnery had then become a science, and occupied
a great portion of the attention of the military.
The bombard is supposed to have derived its name from the sound
proceeding from its explosion; the mortier or mortar, from its
death-dealing or destructive nature; the serpentine basilisk and
coulevrine, from some fancied resemblance in their appearance or effects
to a serpent; the fowler, to the rapid and birdlike flight of its ball;
and some of the large bombards were jocularly called “bourgeoise,” from
their constant residence in one place, their weight rendering them
inconvenient to move. {220}
Under whatever name or form, however, this destructive engine appeared,
its general effects were, to a certain extent, similar; and I venture to
think, that the authorities, which will now be referred to in
chronological order, furnish strong proofs of its having become, not in
occasional, but in general use for warlike purposes by the English, in
the fifteenth century.
CHRONOLOGICAL REFERENCES.
1400 TO 1500.
1403, 8th September.—Warrant of the 4th Henry IV. relative to the safe
custody of the castle of Laghadyn, in Wales, “Utpote, in personis
Defensalibus, victualibus, armaturis, artillariis, et omnibus aliis
rebus, pro hujusmodi munitione garnisturâ et custodiâ ejusdem Castri,
necessariis et opportunis.”—8 Rymer’s _Fædera_, fo. 328; folio edition.
1404, 29th August.—Warrant of the 5th Henry IV. respecting the giving up
of the castle or fortalice of Fascastle, in Scotland, to the Warden of
the East Marches, “unâ cum artillaria, et aliis Rebus nostris,
quibuscumque, in eodem Castro sive Fortalitio, existentibus.”—Same, fo.
370.
The word “artillery,” as has been already stated, was formerly often used
to denote cannons and other weapons, the operation and efficacy of which
entirely depended upon gunpowder, and also projectile weapons of various
descriptions, such as long-bows, cross-bows of different kinds and sizes,
_balistæ catapultæ_, &c. &c., which were used in war quite independently
of gunpowder. The same observation also applies to the word “engine.”
The English very frequently not only used engines which depended upon
gunpowder for their operation, but others which were independent of it,
in order to cast stones, &c., in sieges, in the fifteenth century. It is
impossible, in every instance which will be noticed in the following
pages, to determine clearly in which of those senses the word “artillery”
or “engine” is used; and it must be left to the judgment of the reader to
decide the meaning from the context.
1405.—Henry IV., at the siege of Berwick Castle, “caused a peece of
Artillerie to be planted against one of the Towers, and at the first shot
overthrowing part thereof, they within were put in such feare that they
simplie yeelded themselves.”—Holinshed’s _Chronicles_, vol. i. fo. 530.
1405, 4th March.—In the 6th Henry IV., in a warrant enumerating the
stores and articles in the castle of “Hadlegh” [_Quære_ Harlech, in
Merionethshire], “De stuffura pro Castro de Hadlegh,” there is mentioned
amongst a variety of armour, weapons, and other articles, “Unum longum
ferrum pro Gunnis opturandis.”—8 Rymer’s _Fædera_, fo. 384.
Same year.—In the attack by Count St. Pol upon the castle of Mark, near
Calais, and the relief by the English forces, “Et avecques eux menerent
dix ou douze chars chargez de vivres et artilleries.”—_Chroniques de
Monstrelet_, edition of 1572, vol. i. fo. 20.
The English also took away “tous les biens, chars, et artilleries,
qu’avoient là menez leurs adversaries.”
And on the attempt upon the town of Andres the “Anglois de Calais
issirent de leur ville, à tout foison de canons et autres instrumens de
guerre, qu’ils avoient gaignez sur les Français, devant Merc.”—Same, vol.
i. fo. 21.
Same year.—At the unsuccessful attack by the English upon the Castle de
l’Escluse, the garrison “tant que par le trait, Canons et autre deffence
rebouterent leurs adversaires,” &c.—Same, fo. 21.
1406.—Preparations by the Duke of Burgundy and the King of France for the
siege of Calais, “Et y avoit aussi tres grand quantité de Charois menans
bombardes, Canons, artilleries, vivres, et autres besonges necessaires à
guerre.”—1 _Monstrelet_, fo. 27.
Although the cannons in the two last instances were not used by, but were
intended to be used against, the English, yet it has been considered
advisable to notice them, in order to show that they were then commonly
used in the wars in which the English were engaged, and were intended in
each instance to be used against a town defended by the latter; and also
to prove that at that period there were firearms of various
denominations.
Same year, 7th Henry IV.—Account of the military stores stated by Henry
Somer to have been delivered to William Loveney, Treasurer to the King’s
sister, Philippa, Queen of Denmark, Norway, Sweden, &c., “2 Gunnes, 40
Libras pulveris pro Gunnes, 40 Petras pro Gunnes, 40 Tampons, 4 Touches,
1 Mallet, 2 Fire pannes, 40 Pavys, 24 Arcus, et 40 Garbas Sagittarum, pro
Stuffura cujusdam navis, ordinata pro aula ejusdem Reginæ versus Dauciam,
per Indenturam,” &c.; also “prædictis 2 canoins 40 l. pulveris,” &c.—8
_Fædera_, fo. 447.
The above document furnishes evidence of the use of stone balls for
cannons in 1406; and, although the language is not at all conclusive, it
may be worthy of consideration whether it does not also afford some
slight evidence of guns being in use on shipboard at that early date.
1407, 12th September.—Indenture of 8th Henry IV. between the King and
Rees ap Griffith and others, containing the terms of the surrender by
them of the castle of Aberystwith, in Wales, “facient seu faciet
liberationem plenam Canonum seu instrumentorum Anglicè Gunnes vocatorum,
arcuum, sagittarum, Balistarum, et aliorum Instrumentorum, infra dictum
Castrum,” &c.—8 _Fædera_, fo. 498.
1413, 1st September.—Warrant of the 1st Henry V. to John Sprong and John
Louth, empowering them to take and provide “ad tot Equos, Boves,
Plaustra, et Carectas, quot pro cariagio certorum gunnorum nostrorum, ac
aliarum Rerum pro eisdem Gunnis necessarium, à villa Bristolliæ usque
Civitatem nostram Londoniæ indiguerint,” &c.—9 _Fædera_, fo. 49.
1414, 22nd September.—Warrant of the 2nd Henry V. to Nicholas Merbury,
“Magistro Operationum, Ingeniorum, et Gunnarum nostrorum, ac aliarum
Ordinationum nostrarum, pro guerrâ,” and to John Louth, “Clerico earundem
Operationum,” to take and provide “ad tot Lathomos, Carpentarios,
Serratores, Fabros, et Laboratores, quot pro operationibus Ingeniorum,
Gunnarum, et Ordinationum prædictorum, necessarii fuerint, cum
sufficienti maeremio Ferro,” &c.—Same, fo. 159.
In that warrant Nicholas Merbury is distinctly mentioned as the Master of
the Ordnance; yet, notwithstanding the existence of that document, and of
another which will be afterwards referred to, of 22nd Edward IV., Mr.
Grose, in his _Military Antiquities_, vol. i. page 198, states that the
first Master of the Ordnance that he could find on record was only in the
first year of the reign of Richard III.; and it is strange that, in a
note in vol. i. page 401, he afterwards mentions Nicholas Merbury as
having been Master of the Ordnance in the 2nd year of Henry V., but he
does not allude to the existence of any such officer in the reign of
Edward IV.
1414, 26th September.—Warrant of the 2nd Henry V. to the Collectors of
the customs and subsidies, and keepers of the passages of the port of
London, &c., prohibiting the exportation of gunpowder without a special
permission, “aliquod Gunpoudre versus partes exteras, in portu prædicto,
absque speciali mandato nostro, transmitti permittatis.”—9 _Fædera_, fo.
160.
1415.—The army of Henry V., on landing in France, is stated to have been
composed of “environ six mille bacinets et 24 mille archiers sans les
Canoniers et autres usans de flondelles et engins, {224} dōt ils avoiēt
grād abondance.”—_Monstrelet_, vol. i. fo. 218.
It appears very difficult to ascertain the kind of instrument meant by
“flondelles.” It seems far-fetched to consider it as a corruption of the
words “frondes” (slings), besides which, there is not, as far as I am
aware, any authority for supposing that the English used slings in
battle. A word nearly similar (“fondeffles”) also occurs in 1
_Monstrelet_, p. 27, and is used in conjunction with “eschelles,” which
is evidently scaling ladders, which raises the presumption that it was
some engine used in sieges.
Same year.—At the siege of Harfleur the English “asseirent leurs gros
engins {224} les lieux plus convenables entour la dicte ville, et
prestement icelle moult travaillerent par grosses pierres et dammageans
les murs,” &c. &c. * * * “le Traict et pouldre de canons envoyez a iceux
[the Besieged] par le Roy de France furent rencontrez et prins des dits
assiegeans.”—_Monstrelet_, vol. i. p. 218.
1418, 10th February.—Warrant in 5th Henry V. to John Louthe:—“Clerico
operationum Ordinationis nostræ;” and to John Benett, of Maidstone,
mason, to press workmen to make “septem milium Lapidum pro Gunnes de
diversis sortibus.”—9 _Fædera_, fo. 542.
John Louthe, clerk of the Ordnance, and this warrant, in which he is
named, are noticed by Grose, vol. i. p. 198.
Same year.—Warrant to the same John Louthe, to procure workmen and
materials:—“Quot pro factura trescentorum Pavys Grossorum pro Gunnis,
Quaterviginti Blokk, et septem milium Tampons pro eisdem, Quinquaginta
jugorum de Ligno pro Bobus infra trahendis, Centum Cathenarum pro eisdem,
Duodecim Carectarum Grossarum pro Gunnis Grossis supracariandis, viginti
piparum de Pulvere de Carbonibus silicis, necessaria fuerint.”—_Fædera_,
fo. 543.
The use of the words “Pavys grossorum pro Gunnis,” goes a long way to
prove that gunners, like archers, were covered or protected in action, at
that period, by the shield-like instruments called the Pavaise, Pavys, or
Pavache.
Same year.—In the passage of the Seine, in his advance upon Pont de
l’Arche, the English commander:—“vint pour passer Seine à tout huict
petit naviaux; dedans lesquels il se meit en l’eaue accompaignè de son
fils aáge de quinze ans, de soixante combattans et un seul cheval, avec
petis canons, et autres habillemens de guerre: si feit nager en une
petite isle qui estoit au meillieu de l’eaue, de laquelle ils pouvoient
plainement traire sur les Francois dessusdits, qui gardoient le
rivage.”—_Monstrelet_, vol. i. fo. 262.
1418.—Henry V.:—“avec toute sa puissance et gens de guerre et grande
multitude d’engins et artilleries, assiegea la tres puissante et noble
ville de Rouen, au mois de Juing,” &c. &c.; and directed against the
gates and walls “plusieurs grosses bombardes et d’autres engins,” &c.;
and the besieged used “bombardes, canons, engins vollans, arbalestres, et
autres instrumens de guerre,” &c. &c.—_Monstrelet_, vol. i. fos. 264,
265.
The artillery, cannon, and powder, on the surrender of the
under-mentioned cities, towns, or castles, are stipulated in the Treaties
of Surrender, to be given up to the English, or to remain for their use:—
1417. Touque.—“Vitaillez et Artillarie,” &c.—9 fo. 480
Rymer’s _Fædera_,
Villiers.—“Vitaille et Artillerie,” &c. 487
Caen.—“Arbalastres, Treit, et autres 490
Articlarie,” &c.
Falaize.—“Artilleries, Trait, Pouldre, 533
Canons,” &c.
1418. Cambray.—“Pouldres, Canons,” &c. 552
Hambye.—“Tous leurs Artilleries,” &c. 553
St. Lo.—“Poudres, Canons, et autres 554
abillemens de guerre,” &c.
Hommet.—“Toutes leurs Artilleries,” &c. 555
Constance.—“Touz vivres et Artilleries,” &c. 556
Charenton.—“Canons, Pouldres, et tout autre 557
manere de Trait,” &c.
St. Sauveur Le Visconte.—“Leur Artillerie, et 566
les autres armures,” &c.
Juiry.—“Poudres, Canons,” &c. 585
1419. Rouen.—“Artillariæ, Pulveres, et alia 665
quæcumque habilimenta guerrarum,” &c.
Monstreville.—“Canons, Poudres, et toutz 674
aultres bastons et abillemens pour la guerre
et defens,” &c.
Eu, Monceaux, St. Marien, le Gaillera, et 696
Guilleimcourt.—“Artillerie et abillemens de
guerre,” &c. &c.
Grand Goulet et Petit Goulet.—“Vivres et 699
Artillerie,” &c.
1420.—The English, at the siege of the Town and Castle of
Monstreau:—“combattans icelle de gros engins pour desrompre les portes et
murailles;” also, “feirent de tous costez approcher de la forteresse
plusieurs gros engins {227} pour icelle confondre et
abattre.”—_Monstrelet_, vol. i. pp. 291, 292.
Same year.—At the siege of Melun, by the English:—“feirent en plusieurs
lieux asseoir leurs engins volans, bombardes, canons et autres instrumens
et habillemens de guerre pour desrompre confondre et abbatre les murs de
la ville,” &c.—Same, fo. 293.
Same year.—In the Treaty between Henry V. and the Duke of Bourbon, as
given at length in Goodwin’s _Life of Henry V._, a stipulation was
introduced for the restoration of “ammunition and artillery.”—Goodwin’s
_Life of Henry V._, book vii. p. 295.
1421.—At the siege of Meaulx, by Henry V.:—“feit dresser plusieurs engins
contre les portes et murailles de la ville pour l’abattre et demolir,”
&c.
“Et brief ensuivant gaigna une petite isle assez pres du Marché en
laquelle il feit asseoir plusieurs grosses bōbardes, qui moult
terriblement greverēt les maisons du dit Marché et aussi les murailles
d’icelle,” &c.—_Monstrelet_, vol. i. fos. 310, 312.
1422.—At the siege of St. Valery, by the English, under the Earl of
Warwick, they “commencerent à abattre la dicte ville de leurs pierres et
engins sans cesser, jettans contre les murs d’icelle en les derompant en
plusieurs lieux.”—Same, fo. 317.
Same year.—At the siege of Meulan, by the Duke of Bedford, he “là feit
dresser contres les portes et murailles grans engins pour icelle
confondre et abattre;” and in the Articles of Capitulation, it is
provided that the fortress shall be given up, “fortiffiée et garnie de
canons pouldres et arbalestres,” &c.—Same, vol. ii. fo. 2.
1427.—The French and Bretons, on raising the siege of St. James de
Beuron, defended by the English:—“delaissant audit siege grand foison de
bombardes vivres et autres artilleries.”—_Monstrelet_, vol. ii. fo. 35.
1428, March.—Indenture, in 6th Henry VI., containing the terms on which
Thomas de Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, engaged to serve in France, with
an army, by which it was stipulated that he was to be paid 1000
marks:—“pour convertir et employer en cannons, pierres, charretes,
pincees de feer, chasbles, et autres choses necessaires, pour iceulx
canons,” &c.; and which also stipulates for the earl’s including in the
number of men-at-arms, “quatre Maistres Cannoniers;” each of whom was to
be considered as equal to a man-at-arms at 20 deniers Easterlings per
day, and that the earl should have, at the King’s expense, “Escipeson
pour les canons, pierres, et aultres choses, touchans et regardans le
fait de l’artillerie.”—10 _Fædera_, fo. 392.
Same year, 25th March.—Warrant in 6th Henry VI., for payment, amongst
other matters, to John Parker, of Cheshunt, of 1000 marks:—“Pour
converter et employer en canons, pierres, en charretes, chariottz, pinces
de feer, chasbles, et autres choses necessaires pour icelz canons,”
&c.—Same, fo. 395.
Same year, 28th April.—Warrant in 6th Henry VI., to John Parker, to seize
and provide carriages for the conveyance of “canones, petras,” &c.
&c.—Same, fo. 397.
Same year.—At the siege of Orleans, Thomas de Montacute, Earl of
Salisbury, was mortally wounded by the splinters of a stone, shot from a
cannon (“_veuglaire_”), whilst reconnoitering there. The besieged
defended themselves “en faisans plusieurs saillies en tirant de canons
coulevrines et autres artilleries.”
The Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, is mentioned as sending, under the
charge of Sir John Fastolf {228} (of Norfolk), to the English, at this
siege, “de quatre à cinq cēs que chars que charrettes,” loaded with
“vivres, artilleries, et autres marchandizes;” and after an engagement
with the French (called by them the “Battle of the Herrings”), the
English proceeded in good order, “à tout leur charroy, et leur
artillerie, comme brigandines, heaulmes, arbalestres, bastons à feu, et
plusieurs autres armeures qu’il fault a gens de guerre par aucuns pou de
jours devant la dictè ville,” &c.—_Monstrelet_, vol. ii. fos. 38, 40, 41.
1430.—At the siege of Compeigne by the English (under the Earl of
Huntingdon) and the Burgundians, the unsuccessful result of an attack by
the French upon part of the works of the besiegers, is ascribed to “la
grande déffence de ceux de dedans qui estoient en une grosse compaignie
de combattans et bien pourveuz d’artillerie.” In raising the siege,
there were left behind of the Burgundian ordnance, “tres grand nombre de
grosses bombardes, canons, veuglaires, serpētines, coulevrines, et autres
artilleries avec plusieurs engins,” &c.—Same, vol. ii. fo. 64.
1431.—The French, after a temporary success against the castle of Rouen,
were compelled to give it up again to the English, on account of the want
of provisions, and being “combattus de plusieurs gros engins que les dits
Anglois feirent asseoir contre la grosse tour.”—Same, fo. 78.
1432.—The English under the Earl of Arundel, advancing from Paris towards
Ligny-sur-Marne, had “foison de chars et charrettes, canons, artilleries,
et autres instrumens de guerre,” &c.; and at Ligny, “Si feit Le Compte
d’Arondel asseoir une grosse bombarde contre l’arche du pont levis de la
ville, lequelle du premier coup qu’elle jecta rompit la dicte arche,” &c.
&c.; also, “y assis grosses bombardes, dont ils avoient fait battre et
travailler la muraille d’icelle.”—2 _Monstrelet_, fo. 81.
1435.—The Earl of Arundel, in advancing to attack the castle of Gerberoy,
took with him “Vivres et viandes artilleries et autres plusieurs
instrumens de guerre a tout lesquels il se meit a chemin,” but was
attacked and discomfited by the garrison, which “feiret apporter une
coulevrine qu’ils avoiēt en leur fort, laquelle au secōd coup qu’ils la
feirent jetter, ferit le dit Compte parmy la jambe vers la cheville du
pied;” of which wound he soon afterwards died at Beauvais.—Same, vol. ii.
fos. 101, 102.
1435.—At the siege of St. Denys, by Lord Talbot: “Toutesfois les
dessusdictes portes et murailles furent fort empirées en plusieurs lieux
par les engins d’icieux assiegeans.”—Same, fo. 116.
1436.—At the siege of Calais, by Philip Duke of Burgundy, his forces had
a great number of “ribauldequins, portans canons, coulevrines,
arbalestres, et plusieurs autres gros engins,” &c.—Same, vol. ii. fo.
129.
Whilst he was riding to reconnoitre the town, which was defended by the
English, “vint une grosse pierre de canon au plus pres de luy laquelle
occist une trompette et trois chevaux, dont celuiy du Seigneur de
Saveuses estoient l’un.”—Same, fo. 130.
In the above quotation, the word “engine” seems to apply to such
instruments of war as cannons, culverins, cross-bows, &c., and it tends
to confirm what has been stated before, that the word was used both in
describing those projectile weapons which were used with gunpowder, and
also those which were used without it.
In raising the siege, the Burgundians left behind them, “plusieurs gros
engine et autres habillemens de guerre qui estoient au dit Duc de
Bourgongne; pource qu’on ne pouvoit trouver de chars ne de chevaux pour
les emmenener;” and, upon the Duke of Burgundy’s ordering Jean de Croy to
withdraw from the siege of Guisnes, he accordingly dislodged, “mais
aucunes gros engins demourerent là, par ce qu’on ne les pouvoit chargèr
sur les chars,” &c.—Same, fo. 133.
1439.—The Earl of Somerset, at the siege of the castle of Folleville, “Si
feit prestement apprester une petite bombarde qu’il avoit amenée avecques
luy, laquelle estoit excellentement bonne et roide, avec autres engins:
lesquel engins bombardes et canons a l’une des fois occirent le Capitaine
de Leans quand elles furent jectées.”—_Monstrelet_, fo. 166.
1440.—At the siege of Harfleur, the English, under Somerset, “assevient
contre la porte et muraille d’icelle ville plusieurs bombardes et autres
habillemens de guerre,” &c.—Same, vol. ii. fo. 169.
1441.—The English, under the Duke of York, Governor of France and
Normandy, attempting to relieve Ponthoise, “avoient avecques eux tres
grand nombre de chars, charettes, et chevaux chargez de vivres et
artilleries,” &c.—Same, fo. 184.
The use of “petits canons et coulevrines,” by the French, at this siege,
is also mentioned.—Same, fo. 186.
1449.—At the siege, by Count St. Pol, of the castle of Nogent, defended
by the English, the French vanguard entered the basse court, and gained
the barrier, “mais pource qu’ils doubtoient fort les canons ils se
retrahirent pour attendre leurs compaignons.”—Same, vol. iii. fo. 10.
1449.—Assault of Ponteau de Mer, defended by the English, when the
French, under Dunois, “entrerent tous dedans icelle ville autant d’une
costé que d’autre: moyēnant aussi et par le feu de fusées qui y furent
jettées par dedans les fossez ou ils estoient en l’eaue jusques au col,”
&c.—_Monstrelet_, vol. iii. fo. 11.
Same year.—The French, under Dunois, having come against Harcourt,
defended by the English, the former, in making their approaches,
“esquelles fut tué d’un canon un moult vaillant homme d’armés de la
garnison de Louviers, et un Anglois fut pareillement tué d’une
coulevrine,” &c.—Same, fo. 15.
Same year.—At the capitulation of the palace and castle of Rouen, by the
Duke of Somerset, he stipulated for the departure in safety of himself
and the English forces, with their goods, “reservé prisonniers et grosses
artilleries,” &c.—3 _Monstrelet_, fo. 21.
1449.—At the siege of Honfleur, defended by the English, under Curson,
who “faisoient grand devoir d’eux deffendre et de tirer canons et autres
traicts sur les Francois,” &c.—Same, fo. 26.
1450.—At the siege of Bayeux, by the French, defended by the English,
“desquelles deux parties en y eut plusieurs de morts de traict et de
coulevrines,” &c.—Same, fo. 28.
Same year.—At the siege of St. Sauveur Le Vicomte, defended by the
English, “fut tué d’un canon, un vaillant escuyer du pays de Berry, noīné
Jean de Blanchefort.”—Same, fo. 28.
Same year.—On the surrender of Caen, by the Duke of Somerset, to the
French, he stipulated for the departure of the English, with their
effects, but with a proviso as to delivering up the prisoners, acquitting
the burgesses, and others in the town, of all demands, and not taking
away any thing of theirs. “Et avec ce qu’ils lasseroient toute
artillerie grosse et menue, reservé arcs, arbalestes et coulevrines à
main.”—Same, fo. 30.
We have therefore here the hand-coulevrine (hand-culverin or hand-gun)
distinctly mentioned as in use amongst the English. It was in all
probability an iron cylinder or barrel, of clumsy and unwieldy form, let
into a wooden stock, and fired from a rest or crutch, by means of a
match. Mr. Grose seems not to have been aware of the above, and, in his
_Military Antiquities_, vol. i. page 153, and vol. ii. page 29, he
mentions the year 1471, upon the landing of Edward IV. at Ravenspur, in
Yorkshire, as the period of the first introduction of hand-guns into this
country.
1450.—Amongst the charges against William Duke of Suffolk, was, that
having the custody of the castle of Wallingford, “he hath fortified it,
and repaired it, and also stuffed it with gunnes, gunepowder, and other
habilimentez of werre,” &c.—_Rot. Parl._ 28 Henry VI. vol. v. fo. 177.
Same year.—In the 28th Henry VI., Conay ap Rice was called “yoman gonner
of oure citee and castell of Westchestre,” &c.—_Rot. Parl._ 28 Henry VI.
vol. v. fo. 198.
Same year.—A representation appears on the Parliamentary Rolls, of the
insufficient state of defence of the Isle of Wight, and that the castle
was not then provided “with gonnes, gonnepowder, crosse-bowes, quarelles,
longe-bowes, arowes, longe-speres, axes, and gleyves,” &c.—Same, fo. 204.
Same year.—And also that Harry Bruyn, Esquire, who had been appointed
lieutenant of the Isle of Wight, had bestowed a “gret good of his own,
bothe in gonnys and in arcerie,” &c., in that island.—Same, fo. 205.
Same year.—Upon the insurrection of Jack Cade, when he and his followers
came to London, the mayor applied to Lord Scales, who commanded in the
Tower of London, for assistance against the rebels, and he promised “his
ayde with shoting of ordinaunce,” &c.—_Hall_, fo. 150.
The Lord Scales promised “his aid with shooting off the artillerie in the
Tower,” &c.—1 _Holinshed_, fo. 634.
1451.—At the siege of Bayonne, the English made a sortie, and were
attacked by Bernard de Biarn and his forces, when he was wounded by the
shot from a culverin, which pierced through his shield, and injured his
leg. “Et ainsi que le dit messire Bernard s’en retournoit de la dicte
escarmouche il fut frappé d’une coulevrine, qui perca son pavois et entra
la plommée dedās sa jambe,” &c.—_Monstrelet_, vol. iii. fo. 38.
1452.—The Duke of York, at Brent Heath, near Dartford, “encamped his army
very strongly bothe with trenches and artillery.”—Hall’s _Chronicles_,
fo. 163.
1454.—In the thirty-second year of Henry VI. the castle of Calais, and
the castles and fortresses in the marches of it, were directed to be
provided with “vitaile ordonnance habiliments of werre and artillerie.”—5
_Rot. Parl._ fo. 255.
1455.—At the first battle of St. Albans, the Yorkists are mentioned, in
the _Rolls of Parliament_, as being assembled, “with grete multitude of
people harneised, and other abillementis of werre, as gonnes and other,
and come to the toune of Seint Albones,” &c.—_Rot. Parl._ 38 Henry VI.
vol. fo. 347.
1457–8.—A letter has been published from John Bokking, to Sir John
Fastolf, of Norfolk, {234} from which the following is an extract:—“And
my lord of Caunt’bury tolde me yat ye Frenche men have ben before yow,
and yt ye shotte many gonnes, and so he tolde all ye lords, I have
desirid hym to move ye counsell for refreshing of ye toun of Yermowth wt
stuff of ordnance and gonnes and gonne powdre, and he said he
wolde.”—Fenn’s _Collection of Original Letters_ (_occasionally called the
Paston Letters_), vol. i. p. 156.
1459.—The act of attainder of the 38th year of the reign of Henry VI.,
mentions the encampment of the Yorkists at Ludford, near Ludlow, and
states that they “traiterously raunged in bataill, fortefied their chosen
ground, their cartes with gonnes sette before their batailles;” * * *
“and than and there shotte their seid gonnes, and shotte as wele at youre
most roiall persone, as at youre lordes and people with you than and
there beying.”—_Rot. Parl._ 38th Henry VI. vol. v. fo. 348.
1459.—At the Duke of Somerset’s repulse from Calais, “the artillarie shot
so fierseley both out of the toune and Risebancke,” &c.—_Hall_, fo. 175.
Same year.—Attack by Sir John Denham upon Sandwich, where he “tooke the
principall shippes of the Kynge’s navie then liying at the port, well
furnished with ordinaunce and artillarie,” &c.—Same, fo. 175.
From the above passage it seems not unreasonable to infer that cannons
were at that date used on shipboard by the English.
Same year.—Osbert Mountforth was sent towards Guisnes, to assist the Duke
of Somerset, and was attacked and captured whilst lying in Sandwich, by
John Denham and John Wenlock, and the former was badly wounded in the
thigh, by a bombard, “in crure cum bombardo.”—_Annales W. Wyrcestrii_.
1460.—At the siege of the Tower of London, which was defended by the
Lancastrians under Lord Scales, who “dayly shote their ordenaunce out,
and had likewise great ordinaunce shott at them.”—Hall’s _Chronicles_,
fo. 176.
Same year.—“And they that were within the Tower cast wild fire into the
city, and shot many small gunnes, whereby they brent and slew men, women,
and children, in the streetes; also they of the city layd great guns on
the further side of the Thames against the Tower, and brake the walls in
divers places.”—Stow’s _Annals_, pp. 408, 409.
Same year.—At the battle of Northampton, “the King’s ordinance of guns
might not be shot, there was so great raine that day.”—Stow’s _Annals_,
fo. 409; see also Speed’s _History_, fo. 844.
The exact date uncertain, but in the reign of Henry VI.—An account is
given in Fenn’s _Collection of Original Letters_, of a sea-fight, which
took place in the reign of Henry VI., between some English ships and some
ships of Holland, Zealand, Flanders, &c., in which Robert Wenyngton
appears to have commanded the English vessels; and he states that the
enemy’s ships “schotte atte us a 1000 gonnys and quarrell owte of nu’ber,
and have slayn meny of my felyschyp and meymyd all soo.”—The meaning
seems to be, that there were 1000 discharges from the enemy’s guns. The
engagement is noticed here, although the guns were used on board the
enemy’s vessels, because there can scarcely be a doubt, that if they were
used on board those vessels, at that period, they must also have been in
use on board English vessels.—Fenn’s _Collection of Original Letters_,
vol. i. p. 210.
1463.—At the siege of the castle of Bamborough, after the battle of
Hexham, when defended by Sir Ralph Grey, the Earl of Warwick, “cum
maximis bumbardis, obsedit idem castrum. Et ibi in casu quoque cujusdem
parietis castri, excussione bumbardi, cecidit dictus R. Gray quem
credebant mortuum.” _Annales W. Wyrcestrii_.
Same year.—At the sieges of the castles of Alnwick, Dunstanborough, and
Bamborough, ordnance was sent from Newcastle, sufficient both for the
sieges and for the field, in case any action in the field should be
fought. Ordnance was, at the same period, conducted from Newcastle to
Warkworth Castle, to the Earl of Warwick.—Fenn’s _Collection of Original
Letters_, vol. i. p. 274.
1464.—In the fourth year of Edward IV., Henry Cressewell held the office
of “kepyng of the artillery within oure castell of Pountfret, in oure
shire of York.”—5 _Rot. Parl._ 4 Edw. IV. fo. 532.
Same year.—John Newburgh held the office “of keping of the artellerye
within oure castell of Carnarvan, and gunner of alle oure townes and
castells within Northewales.” &c.—Same, 4 Edward IV. fo. 543.
1464.—Roger Kelsall held “the office of the artyllary withynne our
castell of Chestre.”—_Rot. Parl._ 4 Edward IV. fo. 546.
1467–8.—Henry Cresswell continued to hold the office of keeping the
artillery of the castle of Pontefract.—Same, 7 and 8 Edw. IV. fo. 585.
1469.—A letter of permission of this year, from the Duke of Norfolk, has
been published, authorizing John Paston and the persons who had held the
manor of Caistor, in Norfolk, against the duke (Caistor Castle had been
besieged by him), to depart, with goods, horses, and harness, “except
gonnes, crosse-bows, and quarrels, and alle other hostlements [warlike
implements], to the said maneur annexed and belonginge.”—Fenn’s
_Collection of Original Letters_, vol. ii. p. 27.
Same year.—At the battle fought near Hornfield, Lincolnshire, often
called Lose Coat Field, the forces of Edward IV. “set on the Lincolnshir
men, and sparkelid [scattered] them with his ordinaunce,” &c.—2 Lel.
_Coll._ fo. 502, p. 719.
“And losyde his gonnys of his ordynaunce uppone them and faught with
them, and anone the comons fledde away.”—_MS. Chronicle_, by J.
Warkworth, p. 8, _printed for the Camden Society_.
1470.—Vaucler and his forces, on the Earl of Warwick’s attempting to
enter Calais, “luy tirerent de grans coups de canon.”—_Philippe de
Commines_, c. iv. fo. 65.
Same year.—On the Earl of Warwick preparing to return to England, the
Duke of Burgundy equipped a fleet of vessels of war, “tous fort
avaitaillez et garniz d’artillerie et gens de guerre, d’Anglois,
Bourgonguons, Picards, et autres.”—_Autres nouvelles Chroniques added to
Monstrelet_, fo. 164.
Same year.—The Earl of Warwick, on his arrival in England, went to
Bristol, “et illec avoit laissé son artillerie, et de ses bagues, quand
il s’en alla en Normandie.”—Same, fo. 165.
1471, 5th March.—Warrant after the restoration of Henry VI. to Thomas
Mainwaring, Thomas Corwen, Thomas Aghton, &c., to provide for conveying a
cannon from Bristol to Hornby Castle, and to deliver it to Sir Thomas
Stanley of Stanley, for the purposes of the siege of that castle, “cum
nos appunctuaverimus quendam canonem nostrum vocatum Mile End, una cum
toto apparatu, et aliis necessariis eidem pertinentibus,” &c. &c.—11
_Fædera_, 699.
1471.—Edward IV. landed at Ravenspur, with Lord Hastings, Lord Say, “and
IXC Englisch men and IIIC Fleminges, with hange gunnes.”—2 Lel. _Coll._
fo. 503, p. 721.
It can scarcely admit of any doubt that hand-guns must have been the
weapons there meant, and that they were so called from being sufficiently
light to be portable by the hand. The word “hange” seems to be merely a
corruption of the word “hand,” {238} which is confirmed by the following
authority:—
“And had with him IXC of Englismenne and three hundred of Flemmynges with
hande-gonnes.”—_MS. Chronicle_, by Warkworth, p. 18, _printed for the
Camden Society_.
1471.—On the occasion of Edward IV.th’s public entry into London, before
the battle of Barnet, “the eleventh of Aprill, King Edward quietlie made
his entrie into the citie with his power, having five hundred smokie
gunners marching foremost, being strangers, of such as he had brought
over with him.”—1 _Holinshed_, fo. 683.
It seems tolerably clear that the 500 men there described as smoke
gunners, were armed with portable firearms, and probably carried lighted
matches; and, although the numbers do not tally, we cannot well doubt
that they were the same men already mentioned as armed with “hange-guns,”
or “hande-gonnes.”
1471.—On the night before the battle of Barnet, between the forces of
Edward IV. and the Earl of Warwick, “and shotte gunnes al night one at
the other.”—1 Lel. _Coll._ fo. 504.
“And eche of them loosede gonnes at othere alle the nyght.”—_MS.
Chronicle_, by Warkworth, p. 16, _printed for the Camden Society_.
Besides which, we also learn from Holinshed, that the Lancastrians,
during the night before the battle, continually discharged their cannons
at the camp of Edward IV.; and Holinshed adds:—
“The King would not suffer anie of his gunnes in all that night to be
shot off, least thereby they might have gessed the ground, and so
levelled their artillerie to his annoyance.”—Holinshed’s _Chronicles_,
vol. i. fo. 684.
Same year.—A small cannon-ball, weighing a pound and a half, was dug up
near the obelisk erected upon Gladmore Heath, where the battle of Barnet
was fought.—Hutton’s _Bosworth Field_, Introduction, p. xxxv.
1471.—In the march of Queen Margaret and her army from Gloucester towards
Tewkesbury, “the Lord Beaucampe toke from her rereward, more ordinance
then she might have wel spared, which did to her no smal
prejudice.”—Hall’s _Chronicles_, fo. 31.
Same year.—At the battle of Tewkesbury the Yorkists were well furnished
“with great artillerie,” and the Lancastrians defended themselves “with
shot of arrowes and great artillerie, although they had not the like
plentie of guns as the King had.”—1 _Holinshed_, fo. 687.
1471, May 14th.—Thomas Neville, called the Bastard of Falconbridge, and
the common people, and undisciplined forces under him, being denied a
passage through the city of London, “sette upon diverse parties therof,
as Bysshoppes Gate, Algate, London Brydge, and a long the waters syde,
and shot gonnes and arowes, and fyred the gates with cruell malyce, as
Bysshoppes Gate and Algate, and fought,” &c.—Fabyan’s _Chron._, fo. 223.
1471.—Another old writer (Leland) states, that “they shot his ordinaunce
at the cyte and brent aboute London Bridge and at Aldgate.”—1 Lel.
_Coll._ fo. 506.
Another account states that he “loosede his gonnes into the citee.”—_MS.
Chronicle_, by Warkworth, p. 19, _printed for the Camden Society_.
Same year.—And another writer states, that “Hereupon, having brought
certeine peeces of artillerie foorth of their ships, they planted the
same alongst the water side right over against the citie, and shot off
lustilie, to annoie them within, so much as was possible. But the
citizens on the other side lodged their great artillerie against their
adversaries, and with violent shot thereof so galled them, that they
durst not abide in anie place alongst the water side, but were driven
even from their owne ordinance.”—1 _Holinshed_, fo. 690.
Same year.—At the renewal of the truce between Edward IV. and the Duke of
Brittany, stipulations were introduced for the safety of merchants, “de
harnois, d’armures, d’artilleries,” &c.—11 _Fædera_, fo. 726.
1474, 8th December.—Warrant of 14 Edward IV. to Richard Copeote, to
provide whatever was requisite for “bumbardos, canones, culverynes,
fowelers, serpentynes, et alios canones quoscumque, ac pulveres, sulphir,
saltpetyr, petras, ferrum, plumbum, et omnimodas alias stuffuras, pro
eisdem canonibus necessarias et oportunas,” &c.—Same, fo. 841.
1475.—In the enumeration of the English forces in the fourteenth year of
Edward IV., we find ordnance repeatedly mentioned. {240}—Same, fo. 844.
Same year,—With the forces of Edward IV., when in France, there were a
great number of men whose province it was to pitch their tents, attend
upon their artillery, and enclose their camp, “pour servir a leur
artillerie et clorre leur cāp.”—_Philippe de Commines_, book iv. ch. v.
fo. 93.
1475.—Before the interview between the English and French Kings, Edward
IV. was about a league from Picquigny, “accompaigné de vignt mille
Anglois bien artillez de dās son dit parc.”—_Nouvelles Chroniques added
to Monstrelet_, fo. 181.
1480.—Edward IV., in his preparations for the invasion of Scotland, with
an army commanded by the Duke of Gloucester, “wherefore al the winter
season he mustred his souldiers, prepared his ordinance, rigged his
shippes, and left nothyng apperteignying to the warre unpurveyed or
unloked for.”—Hall’s _Chronicles_, fo. 54.
“even in the winter season mustered his men, prepared his artillery, and
rigged his ships, that nothing should bee unready at the next
spring.”—_Speed’s Annals_, fo. 876.
1480–1, 2nd March.—Warrant of 20th Edward IV. to William Temple, to seize
and provide for the expedition against Scotland, whatever was requisite
for “bumbardos, canones, culverynes, fowelers, serpentynes, et alios
canones quoscumque, ac pulveres, sulphureos, saltpetre, petras, ferrum,
plumbum, et omnimodas, alias stuffuras, pro eisdem canonibus necessarias
et oportunas,” &c.—12 _Fædera_, fo. 140.
1482, 30th June.—Warrant of 22nd Edward IV. to the Bishop of Lincoln,
Keeper of the Privy Seal, authorising him to cause John Ebryngton,
Treasurer of the Household, to pay £200 “unto our moost dere brothre
Richard Duc of Gloucestre, for the cariage of his ordenance into
Scotland.” The carriage of the ordnance is afterwards twice mentioned,
and it then directs the payment of £100 “unto the Maistre of oure
Ordenance, for the bying of 120 draught horsez, for the cariage of our
seid Ordenance fro our seid towne of Newcastell, northward,” &c.—12
_Fædera_, fo. 158. {241}
That document consequently furnishes another instance of a Master of the
Ordnance prior to the reign of Richard III. {242}
1483 to 1485.—King Richard III., in altering the north part of Warwick
Castle, “beganne and half finished a mighty towre, or strength, for to
shoote out gunnes.”—4 Lel. _Itin._ fol. 163_b_.
1483.—On the 30th of December there was a great fire at Leadenhall, in
London, which, besides other damage, burnt “all the stockes for gunnes,
and other like provision, belonging to the Citty.”—Stow’s _Annals_, fo.
466.
1485.—In the account given by Philippe de Commines, of the assistance
afforded by the French King to the Earl of Richmond, for his expedition
to England, it is stated that “Peu de temps apres, ou luy paya trois ou
quatre mille hommes, pour le passage seulement: et fut baillee par le Roy
qui est de present, à ceux qui estoyent avec luy, une bonne somme
d’argent, et quelques pieces d’artillerie: et ainsi fut conduict, avec le
navire de Normandie, pour descendre en Galles, dont il estoit.”—_Philippe
de Commines_, 5me livre, fo. 151.
Same year.—In the act of attainder passed after the battle of Bosworth,
it is stated that the forces and adherents of Richard III. were “with
banners spred, mightyly armed and defenced with all manner armes, as
gunnes, bowes, arrowes, speres, gleves, axes, and all other manner
articles apt or needful to gef and cause mightie battaille agen oure said
soveraigne Lord,” &c. _Rot. Parl._ 1 Henry VII. vol. vi. fo. 276; see
Appendix No. III.
1485.—“Cannon balls, of a small size, have also been dug up in the field
of the battle of Bosworth.”—Hutton’s _Bosworth Field_, pp. 82 and 97.
Same year.—In the 1st Henry VII., Nicholas Leventhorp held the office of
“keping of the artillerie within the castell of Pountfrett, parcell of
the Duchie of Lancastre, within the countie of York,” &c.—_Rot. Parl._ 1
Henry VII. vol. vi. fo. 341.
1487.—Documents selected from the Municipal Archives of the city of York,
connected with the Earl of Lincoln’s rebellion, and the imposture of
Lambert Simnel, in the reign of Henry VII., have been published: one of
which is of the 23rd of April, 1487, from the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs,
and common council of York, to the King, representing that the “said
citie is not well furnesshed with artilment and stuff of ordnaunce,” and
praying that “some of youre ordnaunce and artilment of werr might be sent
hidder.”
Collection of “Original documents relating to Lambert Symnell’s
rebellion, in the second year of King Henry VII.;” selected from the
Municipal Archives of the city of York, by Robert Davies, Esq., F.S.A.;
communicated to the meeting of the Archæological Institute of Great
Britain and Ireland, held at York, in 1846: published in 1847, p. 10.
A reply, of the 30th of April, written by order of the King, to the
application, has been preserved, stating that William Tunstall, constable
of the castle of Scarborough, was ordered, by royal letters, to deliver
to them “twelve serpentynes, some more some less, of diverse sortes,
garnysshed with chambre and powder thereunto according.”—_Ibid._, p. 15.
A further communication, of the 14th of May, was made from the mayor,
aldermen, sheriffs, &c., of York, to the King, representing that he had
addressed William Tunstall, the constable of the castle of Scarborough,
by letter, “for 12 serpentynes, with chambre and powdre garnysshed
sufficiently for the same,” to be delivered to that city; and that they
had applied accordingly for them, and had been answered “by your said
constable, that ther is not 4 serpentynes within your said castell;” and
praying the King “to provide for ordinaunce to be sent to this your said
citie, for the more defence of the same.”—_Ibid._, pp. 20, 21.
1487.—In the act of attainder, passed after the battle of Stoke, against
the Earl of Lincoln and his adherents, it is stated that they were “with
force and armes, that ys to saye, swerdys, speris, marespikes, bowes,
gonnes, harneys, brigandynes, hawberkes, and many other wepyns and
harneys defensible,” &c.—_Rot. Parl._ 3 Henry VII. vol. vi. fo. 397; see
App. No. V.
1492, 8th Henry VII.—In the request and application to Henry VII. by the
commanders of the English army before Boulogne, for concluding peace, one
reason assigned is, “the King’s ordinaunce and artillerye must nedys come
by sea from Englond and Caleis,” &c.—12 _Fædera_, fo. 492.
1495.—The act of attainder against Sir William Stanley and others,
alleged to have been adherents of Perkin Warbeck, states, that the latter
landed at Deal, in Kent, on the 3rd of July, in the tenth year of Henry
VII., accompanied by a great multitude of people, rebels and traitors,
“with baners displayed, and with armours defensives, as jakkes, salettis,
brigandynes, bowes, billes, haubertes, curesses, gunnes, speres,
marispikes, crosse-bowes, and other enhabilments of warres,” &c.—_Rot.
Parl._ 11 Henry VII., 1495, vol. vi. fo. 504.
1497.—In the preparations for the battle of Blackheath, between Henry the
VII.th’s forces and the Cornish insurgents, some of the commanders in the
army of the former “were appointed, with some cornets of horse, and
bandes of foot, and good store of artillery wheeling about, to put
themselves beyond the hill, where the rebels were encamped,” &c.—Bacon’s
_Life of Henry VII._ (in Kennett’s _Lives of the Kings and Queens of
England_), fo. 619.