CHAPTER I

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THE JOURNAL

OF

NEGRO HISTORY

Volume IV

1919

Table of Contents

Vol IV--January, 1919--No. 1

Primitive Law and the Negro ROLAND G. USHER

Lincoln's Plan for Colonizing Negroes CHARLES H. WESLEY

Lemuel Haynes W. H. MORSE

The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada FRED LANDON

Documents

Benjamin Franklin and Freedom

Proceedings of a Mississippi Migration Convention in 1879

How the Negroes were Duped

Remarks on this Exodus by Federick Douglass

The Senate Report on the Exodus of 1879

Some Undistinguished Negroes

Book Reviews

Notes

Vol IV--April, 1919--No. 2

The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures ROBERT E. PARK

The Company of Royal Adventurers GEORGE F. ZOOK

Book Reviews

Notes

Vol IV--July, 1919--No. 3

Negroes in the Confederate Army CHARLES H. WESLEY

Legal Status of Negroes in Tennessee WILLIAM LLOYD IMES

Negro Life and History in our Schools C. G. WOODSON

Grégoire's Sketch of Angelo Solimann F. HARRISON HOUGH

Documents

Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918

Book Reviews

Notes

Vol IV--October, 1919--No. 4

Labor Conditions in Jamaica Prior to 1917 E. ETHELRED BROWN

The Life of Charles B. Ray M. N. WORK

The Slave in Upper Canada W. R. RIDDELL

Documents

Notes on Slavery in Canada

Additional Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918

Book Reviews

Notes

Biennial Meeting of Association

THE JOURNAL

OF

NEGRO HISTORY

VOL. IV--JANUARY, 1919--No. I

PRIMITIVE LAW AND THE NEGRO

The psychology of large bodies of men is a surprisingly difficult

topic and it is often true that we are inclined to seek the

explanation of phenomena in too recent a period of human development.

The truth seems to be that ideas prevail longer than customs, habits

of dress or the ordinary economic processes of the community, and the

ideas are the controlling factors. The attitude of the white man in

this country toward the Negro is the fact perhaps of most consequence

in the Negro problem. Why is it that still there lingers a certain

unwillingness, one can hardly say more, in the minds of the best

people to accept literally the platform of the Civil War? Why were the

East St. Louis riots possible? I am afraid that a good many of the

Negro race feel that there is a distinct personal prejudice or

antipathy which can be reached or ought to be reached by logic, by

reason, by an appeal to the principles of Christianity and of

democracy. For myself I have always felt that if the premises of

Christianity were valid at all, they placed the Negro upon precisely

the same plane as the white man; that if the premises of democracy

were true for the white man, they were true for the black. There

should be no artificial distinction created by law, and what is much

more to the purpose, by custom simply because the one man has a skin

different in hue than the other. Nor should the law, once having been

made equal, be nullified by a lack of observance on the part of the

whites nor be abrogated by tacit agreements or by further legislation

subtly worded so as to avoid constitutional requirements. Each man and

woman should be tested by his qualities and achievements and valued

for what he is. I am sure no Negro asks for more, and yet I am afraid

it is true, as many have complained, that in considerable sections of

this country he receives far less.

I have long believed that we are concerned in this case with no

reasoned choice and with no explainable act, but with an unconscious

impulse, a subconscious impulse possibly, with an illogical,

unreasonable but powerful and in-explainable reaction of which the

white man himself is scarcely conscious and yet which he feels to be

stronger than all the impulses created in him by reason and logic.

What is its origin? Is there such a force? I think most will agree

there is such an instinctive aversion or dislike.

I am inclined to carry it back into the beginnings of the race, back

to the period of pre-historic law and to that psychological origin

which antedates the records of history, in the strict sense, to that

part of racial history indeed where men commonly act rather than

write. The idea of prehistoric law is that obligation exists only

between people of the same blood. Originally, charitable and decent

conduct was expected only of people of the same family. Even though

the family was by fact or fiction extended to include some hundreds or

even thousands of people, the fact was still true. The law which bound

a man limited his good conduct to a relatively few people. Outside the

blood kin he was not bound. He must not steal from his relatives, but

if he stole from another clan, his relatives deemed it virtue. If he

committed murder, he should be punished within his clan, but

protected, if possible, by his clan, if he murdered someone outside

it. The blood kin became the definite limitation of the ideas of right

and responsibility. This was true between whites. All whites were not

members of any one man's blood kin.

Palpably more true was this distinction between the Negro and the

white man. The Negro could not by any fiction be represented as one of

the blood kin. The Romans extended the legal citizenship to cover all

white men in their dominions. It was the fictitious tie of the blood

kin, but its plausibility was due to the fact that they were all

white. I do not remember to have seen any proof that the Negro

inhabitants of the Roman African colonies were considered Roman

citizens. This is one of the oldest psychological lines in human

history; the rights which a man must concede to another are limited by

the relationship of blood. _Prima facie_ there could be no blood

relationship between the Negro and the white man. There could

therefore be no obligation on the white man's part to the Negro in

prehistoric law. This notion has, I think, endured in many ways down

to the present day as a subconscious, unconscious factor behind many

very vital notions and ideas. Is it not true that international law

has been, more often than not, a law between white men?

The next point I hesitate somewhat to make because it is difficult to

state without over-emphasis and without saying more than one means. I

think it probable that in one way or another the idea of Christianity

became connected with the notion of the blood kin and in that sense

limited to the blood kin of those to whom Jesus came. Everyone is

familiar with the Jewish notion that Jesus was their own particular

Messiah, and that the Gentiles were foreclosed claims upon him. As

Christianity grew, it grew still among the white nations, and the

notion of it was not, I think, extended for a good many centuries to

any except white people. The premises of Christianity unquestionably

included the Negro, but the notion of the blood kin excluded him, and

Christianity, like other religious ideas, was limited to the people

who first created it and to those who were actually or by some

plausible fiction their kin in blood. The idea of the expansion of the

blood kin by adoption either of an individual or of a community of

individuals was very old and thoroughly well established, but I think

the idea never was applied to Negroes, Indians, or Chinamen except in

unfrequent cases of individuals. A volume would be required to bring

forward all the available evidence regarding this idea, and another

perhaps to examine and develop it, to consider and weigh the _pros_

and meet the _cons_. But it will perhaps suffice for present purposes

to throw out the idea for consideration without an attempt at more

considerable defense.

Another fact which has been most difficult to explain has been the

continued lynchings of Negroes not merely for crimes against women,

but for all sorts of other crimes, large and small. Here the traces of

primitive law are very much clearer. Lynching is after all nothing

more nor less than the old self-help. The original notion was that the

individual should execute the law himself when he could, and that he

was entitled in case of crime to assistance from the community in the

execution of the law upon the offender. Murder, arson, rape and the

theft of cattle were the particular crimes for which self-help by the

individual and by the community in his assistance were authorized by

primitive law. The preliminaries and formularies were very definite,

but they do not look to us of the present day like procedure. It is

true, however, that there are very few lynchings in which these

formulas have not been unconsciously followed. There must be a hue and

cry and pursuit along the trail. The murderer must be immediately

pursued. The person against whom the crime is committed or his next of

kin must raise an immediate outcry, and they and the neighbors must

proceed at once in pursuit. If they caught the criminal within a

reasonable distance or within a reasonable time, they then were

endowed by primitive law with the right to execute justice upon him

themselves. Commonly the criminal was hanged (even for theft) when

caught in the act, but barbarous punishments were not uncommon. That

was legal procedure, provided the cry was raised, the pursuit

undertaken, and the criminal caught within a reasonable number of

hours or days as the case might be. The mob had the right to execute

the law, and it is not often that lynchings take place long periods

after the commission of the crime. Such for many centuries was the law

in Europe for whites. Self-help applied in particular to men of

different tribes or communities who were not of the same blood kin.

If self-help applied under certain conditions within the blood kin as

it unquestionably did, that is to say, within the law, it applied with

greater force to all classes and offenders who were outside the blood

kin and were outside the law. If a stranger or an alien came within

the community bounds and did not sound his horn, community law

sanctioned his instant killing by anyone who met him. Men could not

peaceably enter the precincts of the German tribes as late as the year

500 or 600 A.D. without being liable to instant death unless they

complied with certain definite formularies. Until within five hundred

years, the stranger was practically without rights in any country but

his own, and might be dealt with violently by individuals or bodies of

citizens. One has but to remember the tortures visited upon the Jews

in all European countries with impunity to realize the truth of the

doctrine of self-help when applied to strangers. There was literally

no law to govern the situation. The courts did not deal with it, no

penalties were provided for the restraining of individuals or of the

community at large, dealing with strangers until a relatively recent

time.

Is it not true that the difference in blood between the Negro and the

white man has caused a survival of this notion of self-help, today

illogical, unreasonable, absurd, but powerful none the less despite

its technical infraction of the law of the land? Is not the lynching

of a Negro or of a white man simply the old primitive self-help with

the hue and cry and the execution of the victim when caught by the mob

or by the sheriff's posse? There is perhaps no field of speculation so

fascinating as this of the survival of bygone customs, traditions, and

notions, in present society. At the same time he will be a poor and

uncritical student who will not recognize the ease of erecting vast

structures upon slender foundations. My purpose in this article is

not to allege the necessary truth of this proposition, but, if

possible, to stimulate along different lines than has been common the

researches of those who are interested in the psychological attitude

of the white man toward the Negro.

There will be no doubt those who will exclaim that if I am right in

this analysis of the problem--indeed, if there be any reasonable

modicum of truth in what I say--then the solution of the problem will

be difficult in the extreme. The whole method of attack upon it will

be altered. A long educational campaign will become the main feature,

intended to expose the true basis of the white man's denial of real

equality to the Negro race. It will look like a battle too long to be

waged with courage because the victory will be far in the future. I do

not agree. The attack, if properly directed, and vigorously followed

up, will, like the assault of the woman suffragists upon equally

ancient instinctive promptings, be unexpectedly successful. The walls

of the fortress are thin and the defenders the wraiths of a dim past.

ROLAND G. USHER.

LINCOLN'S PLAN FOR COLONIZING THE EMANCIPATED NEGROES[1]

The colonization of the emancipated slaves had been one of the

remedies for the difficulties created by the presence of freedmen in

the midst of slave conditions. The American Colonization Society was

founded in 1816 with the object of promoting emancipation by sending

the freedmen to Africa. Some of the slave States, moreover, had laws

compelling the freedmen to leave the State in which they had formerly

resided as slaves. With an increasingly large number securing legal

manumission, the problem caused by their presence became to the

slaveholding group a most serious one. The Colonization Society,

therefore, sought to colonize the freedmen on the west coast of

Africa, thus definitely removing the problem which was of such concern

to the planters in slaveholding States.

The colony of Liberia, on the west coast of Africa, was chosen as a

favorable one to receive the group of freed slaves. Branches of the

Colonization Society were organized in many States and a large

membership was secured throughout the country. James Madison and Henry

Clay were among its Presidents. Many States made grants of money and

the United States Government encouraged the plan by sending to the

colony slaves illegally imported. But to the year 1830 only 1,162

Negroes had been sent to Liberia. The full development of the cotton

gin, the expansion of the cotton plantation and the consequent rise in

the price of slaves forced many supporters of both emancipation and

colonization to lose their former ardor.

As the antebellum period of the fifties came on these questions loomed

larger in the public view. The proposition for colonizing free Negroes

grew in favor as the slavery question grew more acute between the

sections. Reformers favored it, public men of note urged its adoption

and finally, as the forensic strife between the representatives of the

two sections of the country developed in intensity, even distinguished

statesmen began to propose and consider the adoption of colonization

schemes.[2]

Abraham Lincoln, as early as 1852, gave a clear demonstration of his

interest in colonization by quoting favorably in one of his public

utterances an oft-repeated statement of Henry Clay,--"There is a moral

fitness in the idea of returning to Africa her children, whose

ancestors have been torn from her by the ruthless hand of fraud and

violence."[3] In popular parlance, however, Lincoln is not a

colonizationist. He has become not only the Great Emancipator but the

Great Lover of the Negro and promoter of his welfare. He is thought

of, popularly always, as the champion of the race's equality. A visit

to some of our emancipation celebrations or Lincoln's birthday

observances is sufficient to convince one of the prevalence of this

sentiment. Yet, although Lincoln believed in the destruction of

slavery, he desired the complete separation of the whites and blacks.

Throughout his political career Lincoln persisted in believing in the

colonization of the Negro.[4] In the Lincoln-Douglas debates the

beginning of this idea may be seen. Lincoln said: "If all earthly

power were given me, I should not know what to do as to the existing

institution. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves and send

them to Liberia--to their own native land. But a moment's reflection

would convince me that, whatever of high hope (as I think there is)

there may be in this, in the long run its sudden execution is

impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would all

perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus shipping and

surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times

ten days. What then? Free them all and keep them among us as

underlings? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I

think that I would not hold one in slavery at any rate, yet the point

is not clear enough for me to denounce people upon. What next? Free

them and make them politically and socially our equals? My own

feelings will not admit of this, and if mine would, we well know that

those of the great mass of whites will not. Whether this feeling

accords with sound judgment is not the sole judgment, if indeed it is

any part of it."[5]

A few years later in a speech in Springfield, Lincoln said:[6] "The

enterprise is a difficult one, but where there is a will there is a

way, and what colonization needs most is a hearty will. Will springs

from the two elements of moral sense and self-interest. Let us be

brought to believe it is morally right, and at the same time favorable

to, or at least not against our interests to transfer the African to

his native clime, and we shall find a way to do it, however great the

task may be."[7] It is apparent, therefore, that before coming to the

presidency, Lincoln had quite definite views on the matter of

colonization. His interest arose not only with the good of the

freedmen in view, but with the welfare of the white race in mind, as

he is frank enough to state.

After being made President, the question of colonization arose again.

Large numbers of slaves in the Confederate States not only became

actually free by escape and capture but also legally free through the

operation of the confiscation acts. In this new condition, their

protection and care was to a considerable extent thrown upon the

government. To solve this problem Lincoln decided upon a plan of

compensated emancipation which would affect the liberation of slaves

in the border States, and he further considered the future of the

recently emancipated slaves and those to be freed.[8]

Taking up this question in his first annual message, he said: "It

might be well to consider, too, whether the free colored people

already in the United States could not so far as individuals may

desire be included in such colonization," (meaning the colonization of

certain persons who were held by legal claims to the labor and service

of certain other persons, and by the act of confiscating property used

for insurrectory purposes had become free, their claims being

forfeited). "To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the

acquiring of territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond

that to be expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practiced

the acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of

constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one to us.... On

this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the

acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute

necessity--that without which the government itself cannot be

perpetuated?"[9]

Congress responded to this recommendation in separate acts, providing

in an act, April 16, 1862, for the release of certain persons held to

service or labor in the District of Columbia, including those to be

liberated by this act, as may desire to emigrate to the Republic of

Hayti or Liberia, or such other country beyond the limits of the

United States, as the President may determine, provided the

expenditure does not exceed one hundred dollars for each

immigrant.[10] The act provided that the sum of $100,000 out of any

money in the Treasury should be expended under the direction of the

President to aid the colonization and settlement of such persons of

African descent now residing in the District of Columbia.[11] It

further provided that later, on July 16, an additional appropriation

of $500,000 should be used in securing the colonization of free

persons.[12] A resolution directly authorizing the President's

participation provided "that the President is hereby authorized to

make provision for the transportation, colonization and settlement in

some tropical country beyond the limits of the United States, of such

persons of the African race, made free by the provisions of this act,

as may be willing to emigrate, having first obtained the consent of

the government of said country to their protection and settlement

within the same, with all the rights and privileges of freemen."[13]

The consent of Congress was given under protest and opposition from

some individual members. Charles Sumner in and out of Congress

attacked the plan with vigor,[14] but in spite of this opposition the

recommendation was carried.

On several occasions Lincoln seized the opportunity to present his

views and plans to visiting groups and committees. On July 16, 1862,

when the President was desirous of securing the interest of the border

State representatives in favor of compensated emancipation the plan

for colonization came to light. His appeal to these representatives

was: "I do not speak of emancipation at once but of a decision to

emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be

obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large

enough to be company and encouragement to one another the freed people

will not be so reluctant to go."[15]

Again on the afternoon of August 14, 1862, the President gave an

audience to a committee of men of color at the White House. They were

introduced by Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration. E. M.

Thomas, the chairman, remarked that they were there by invitation to

hear what the executive had to say to them. Having all been seated the

President informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by

Congress and placed at his disposal for the purpose of aiding

colonization in some country, of the people, or a portion of those of

African descent, thereby making it his duty as it had been for a long

time his inclination to favor that cause. "And why," he asked, "should

the people of your race be colonized and where? Why should they leave

this country? You and we are different races. We have between us a

broader difference than exists between almost any other two races.

Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss, but this physical

difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think. Your race

suffer very greatly, many of them, by living among us, while ours

suffer from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If this

is admitted it affords a reason why we should be separated. If we deal

with those who are not free at the beginning and whose intellects are

clouded by slavery we have very poor material to start with. If

intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this

matter much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that we

have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white men and not

those who have been systematically opposed."

The place the President proposed at this time was a colony in Central

America, seven days' run from one of the important Atlantic ports by

steamer. He stated that there was great evidence of rich coal mines,

excellent harbors, and that the new colony was situated on the

highways from the Atlantic or Caribbean to the Pacific Oceans. He told

this delegation of men to take their full time in making a reply to

him. The delegation withdrew, and we are unable to discover any

information regarding the reply. Evidently the group of men never

returned to make reply to the appeal of the President.[16]

In the Second Annual Message December 1, 1862, more practical

suggestions were made to Congress by the President. Says he:

"Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African

descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colonization as

was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties at home and

abroad--some upon interested motives, others upon patriotic

considerations, and still others influenced by philanthropic

sentiments have suggested similar measures; while on the other hand

several of the Spanish American Republics have protested against the

sending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these

circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any State

without first obtaining the consent of the government, with an

agreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the

rights of freemen. I have at the same time offered to several States

situated within the tropics, or having colonies there to negotiate

with them, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor

the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective

territories upon conditions which shall be equal, just and humane.

Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries to which colonies of

African descent from here could go with certainty of being received

and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons

contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to go to those

countries as to some others, nor so willing as I think their interest

demands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this respect is

improving; and that ere long there will be an augmented and

considerable migration to both countries from the United States."

Later in the same message Congress is requested to appropriate money

and prepare otherwise for colonizing free colored persons with their

own consent at some place without the United States. The President

continues: "I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I

strongly favor colonization and yet I wish to say there is an

objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country,

which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted

that their presence would injure and displace white labor and white

laborers. Is it true then that colored people can displace any more

white labor by being free than by remaining slaves? If they stay in

their old places they jostle no white laborers; if they leave their

old places they leave them open to white laborers. Logically then

there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation even without

deportation would probably enhance the wages of white labor and very

surely would not reduce them. Reduce the supply of black labor by

colonizing the black laborer out of the country and by precisely so

much you increase the demand for and wages of white labor."[17]

Pursuant to the power given the President, negotiations were begun

with the foreign powers having territory or colonies within the

tropics, through the Secretary of State, W. H. Seward, mainly to

ascertain if there was any desire on the part of these governments for

entering into negotiation on the subject of colonization. Negotiations

were to be begun only with those powers which might desire the benefit

of such emigration. It was suggested that a ten years' treaty should

be signed between the United States and the countries desiring

immigration. The latter were required to give specific guarantees for

"the perpetual freedom, protection and equal rights of the colonies

and their descendants." Before and after the transmission of the

proposals to foreign countries, propositions came from the Danish

Island of St. Croix in the West Indies, the Netherland Colony of St.

Swinam, the British Colony of Guiana, the British Colony of Honduras,

the Republic of Hayti, the Republic of Liberia, New Granada and

Ecuador. The Republics of Central America, Guatemala, Salvador, Costa

Rica, and Nicaragua, objected to such emigration as undesirable.[20]

Great Britain rejected the proposal as a governmental proposition on

the ground that it might involve the government in some difficulty

with the United States government because of fugitives, and therefore

expressed her disagreement with such a convention. Seward had asserted

that there was no objection to voluntary emigration; the government of

British Honduras and Guiana then appointed immigration agents who were

to promote the immigration of laborers by using Boston, New York and

Philadelphia as emigration ports.

The President came to be of the firm opinion that emigration must be

voluntary and without expense to those who went. This was repeatedly

asserted according to reports of the Cabinet meeting by Gideon

Wells.[21] The Netherlands sought to secure a labor supply for the

colony of Swinan for a term of years, using the freedmen as hired

laborers. Seward objected to the acceptance of such a proposal.

Of all the propositions offered President Lincoln seemed satisfied

with two--one was for the establishment of a colony in the harbor of

Chiriqui in the northeastern section of the State of Panama,[22] near

the republics of New Granada and Costa Rica. The situation seemed

favorable not only because of the ordinary advantages of soil and

climate but also because of its proximity to a proposed canal across

the Isthmus of Darien and because of its reputedly rich coal fields.

There were two objections to this plan. One was the existence of a

dispute over territory between the republics of Costa Rica and

Granada. The other grew out of a specific examination of the coal

fields by Professor Henry of the Smithsonian Institute.[23] His report

doubted the value of the coal bed and advised a more thorough

examination before closing the purchase. Before the project could be

examined a more acceptable proposition appeared. In addition it also

developed that there was opposition to Negro emigration from several

of the States of Central America.[24]

An effort was then made to establish a colony on the island of A'Vache

in the West Indies. This colony was described in a letter to the

President by Bernard Kock, represented to be a business man. This site

was described as the most beautiful, healthy and fertile of all the

islands belonging to the Republic of Hayti, and in size of about one

hundred square miles. "As would be expected," writes Kock, "in a

country like this, soil and climate are adapted for all tropical

production, particularly sugar, coffee, indigo, and more especially

cotton which is indigenous. Attracted by its beauty, the value of its

timber, its extreme fertility and its adaptation for cultivation, I

prevailed on President Geffrard of Hayti to concede to me the island,

the documentary evidence of which has been lodged with the Secretary

of the Interior."[25]

On December 31, 1862, there was signed a contract by which, for a

compensation of $50 per head, Kock agreed to colonize 5,000 Negroes,

binding himself to furnish the colonies with comfortable homes, garden

lots, churches, schools and employ them four years at varying rates.

He further agreed to obtain from the Haytian government a guarantee

that all such emigrants and their posterity should forever remain

free, and in no case be reduced to bondage, slavery or involuntary

servitude except for crimes; and they should specially acquire, hold

and transmit property and all other privileges of persons common to

inhabitants of a country in which they reside. It would be further

stipulated that in case of indigence resulting from injury, sickness

or age, any such emigrants who should become pauperous should not

thereupon be suffered to perish or come to want, but should be

supported and cared for as is customary with similar inhabitants of

the country in which they should be residents.[26]

Kock also proposed a scheme to certain capitalists in New York and

Boston. This had nothing to do with the contract with the President.

He proposed to transport 500 of these emigrants at once, begin work on

the plantations, and by the end of the following September--a period

of eight or nine months--he estimated that this group could raise a

crop of 1,000 bales of cotton. It was planned that the colonists

should secure from the island a profit of more than 600 per cent in

nine months. Kock estimated his necessary expenses as $70,000, and all

expense incurred by freighting ships and collecting immigrants was to

be borne by the government. It soon became known to the government

that Kock had sought the aid of capitalists and money makers.

Suspicion as to the honesty of his purposes was then aroused. It was

finally discovered also that he was in league with certain

confederates to hand over slaves to him as captured runaways on the

condition of receiving a price for their return. Lincoln investigated

the matter and discovered that Kock was a mere adventurer and the

agreement with him was cancelled.[27]

A certain group of capitalists, whose names are not mentioned, then

secured the lease from Kock and entered into contract with the

government through the Secretary of the Interior, April 6, 1863.[28]

Under this agreement a shipload of colonists from the contrabands at

Fortress Monroe, said to number 411-435, were embarked.[29] An

infectious disease broke out through the presence on board of patients

from the military hospital on Craney Island and from twenty to thirty

died. On the arrival in the colony no hospitals were ready, no houses

were provided, and the resulting conditions were appalling. Kock was

sent along as Governor, and he is said to have put on the air of a

despot and by his neglect of the sick and needy to have made himself

obnoxious.

Rumors of the situation came to the President and he sent a special

agent, D. C. Donnohue, who investigated the matter and made a report.

Donnohue elaborately described the deplorable situation of the

inhabitants, the wretched condition of the small houses and the

prevalence of sickness. He further reported that the Haytian

government was unwilling that emigrants should remain upon the island

and that the emigrants themselves desired to return to the United

States. Acting upon the report, the President ordered the Secretary of

War to dispatch a vessel to bring home the colonists desiring to

return.[30] On the fourth of March the vessel set sail and landed at

the Potomac River opposite Alexandria on the twentieth of the same

month. On the twelfth of March, 1864, a report was submitted to the

Senate showing what portion of the appropriation for colonization had

been expended and the several steps which had been taken for the

execution of the acts of Congress.[31] On July 2, 1864, Congress

repealed its appropriation and no further effort was made at

colonization.[32]

The failure of this project did not dim the vision of the successful

colonization of the freed slaves in the mind of President Lincoln. As

late as April, 1865, according to report, the following conversation

is said to have ensued between the President and General Benjamin F.

Butler: "But what shall we do with the Negroes after they are free?"

inquired Lincoln. "I can hardly believe that the South and North can

live in peace unless we get rid of the Negroes. Certainly they cannot,

if we don't get rid of the Negroes whom we have armed and disciplined

and who have fought with us, to the amount, I believe, of some 150,000

men. I believe that it would be better to export them all to some

fertile country with a good climate, which they could have to

themselves. You have been a staunch friend of the race from the time

you first advised me to enlist them at New Orleans. You have had a

great deal of experience in moving bodies of men by water--your

movement up the James was a magnificent one. Now we shall have no use

for our very large navy. What then are our difficulties in sending the

blacks away?... I wish you would examine the question and give me your

views upon it and go into the figures as you did before in some degree

as to show whether the Negroes can be exported." Butler replied: "I

will go over this matter with all diligence and tell you my

conclusions as soon as I can." The second day after that Butler called

early in the morning and said: "Mr. President, I have gone very

carefully over my calculations as to the power of the country to

export the Negroes of the South and I assure you that, using all your

naval vessels and all the merchant marines fit to cross the seas with

safety, it will be impossible for you to transport to the nearest

place that can be found fit for them--and that is the Island of San

Domingo, half as fast as Negro children will be born here."[33]

This completes all of the evidence obtainable concerning Lincoln's

thought and plan for the colonization of the slaves freed by his

proclamation. From the earliest period of his public life it is easily

discernable that Abraham Lincoln was an ardent believer and supporter

of the colonization idea. It was his plan not only to emancipate the

Negro, but to colonize him in some foreign land. His views were

presented not only to interested men of the white race, but to persons

of color as well. As may have been expected, the plan for colonization

failed, both because in principle such a plan would have been a great

injustice to the newly emancipated race, and in practice it would have

proved an impracticable and unsuccessful solution of the so-called

race problem.

CHARLES H. WESLEY.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Cf. Chapter XVII, Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln, a History_.

[2] President Fillmore in his last message to Congress proposed a plan

for Negro colonization and advocated its adoption. This part of his

message was suppressed on the advice of his cabinet; but even had this

not been done, there is no reason to suppose that the plan would have

been adopted. President Buchanan made arrangements with the American

Colonization Society for the transportation of a number of slaves

captured on the slaver, Echo, in 1858.

[3] Eulogy on Henry Clay, delivered in the State House at Springfield,

Illinois, July 16, 1852. The quotation here noted is taken from a

speech by Henry Clay before the American Colonization Society, 1827.

Lincoln continued: "If as friends of colonization hope, the present

and coming generations of our countrymen shall by any means succeed in

freeing our land from the dangerous presence of slavery, and at the

same time in restoring a captive people to their long lost fatherland

with bright prospects for the future, and this too so gradually that

neither races nor individuals shall have suffered by the change, it

will be a glorious consummation." _The Works of Abraham Lincoln_,

Federal Edition, edited by A.B. Lapsley, VIII, pp. 173-174.

[4] "The political creed of Abraham Lincoln embraced among other

tenets, a belief in the value and promise of colonization as one means

of solving the great race problem involved in the existence of slavery

in the United States.... Without being an enthusiast, Lincoln was a

firm believer in Colonization." Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln--A

History_, VI, p. 354.

[5] Speech at Peoria, Ill., in reply to Douglas. _Life and Works of

Abraham Lincoln_, II, Early Speeches. Centenary Edition, edited by

M.M. Miller. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates, October 16, 1854; p. 74.

[6] In the same speech, Lincoln said: "I have said that the separation

of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation.... Such

separation, if ever effected at all, must be effected by

Colonization." _The Works of Abraham Lincoln_, Federal Edition, edited

by A. B. Lapsley, II, p. 306.

[7] Nicolay and Hay, _Speeches, Letters and State Papers, Abraham

Lincoln_, I, p. 235. Lincoln's Springfield Speech, June 26, 1857.

[8] _Ibid._, VI, p. 356.

[9] Richardson, _Messages and Papers of the Presidents_, VI, p. 54.

First Annual Message, December 3, 1861.

[10] Section XI of Act approved April 16, 1862.

[11] Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, VI, p. 356. Act approved July

16, 1862.

[12] Raymond, _Life, Public Services and State Papers_, p. 504.

[13] Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, VI, p. 357.

[14] Charles Sumner in a speech before a State Committee in

Massachusetts, said: "A voice from the west--God save the

west--revives the exploded theory of colonization, perhaps to divert

attention from the great question of equal rights. To that voice, I

reply, first, you ought not to do it, and secondly, you cannot do it.

You ought not to do it, because besides its intrinsic and fatal

injustice, you will deprive the country of what it most needs, which

is labor. Those freedmen on the spot are better than mineral wealth.

Each is a mine, out of which riches can be drawn, provided you let him

share the product, and through him that general industry will be

established which is better than anything but virtue, and is, indeed,

a form of virtue. It is vain to say that this is a white man's

country. It is the country of man. Whoever disowns any member of the

human family as brother disowns God as father, and thus becomes

impious as well as inhuman. It is the glory of republican institutions

that they give practical form to this irresistible principle. If

anybody is to be sent away, let it be the guilty and not the

innocent."--_Charles Sumner's Complete Works_, XII, Section 3, p. 334.

[15] Nicolay and Hay, _Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln_, II, p. 205.

Nicolay and Hay, _A History of Abraham Lincoln_, VI, p. 356.

[16] Raymond, _Life, Public Services and State Papers of Abraham

Lincoln_, p. 504. Nicolay and Hay, _Complete Works of Abraham

Lincoln_, VIII, p. 1.

[17] Richardson, _The Messages and Papers of the President,

1789-1897_, p. 127. _Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln_, VIII, p. 97.

[18] A section of the emancipation proclamation states that it is the

President's purpose upon the next meeting of Congress to recommend the

adoption of a practical measure so that the effort to "colonize

persons of African decent with their consent, upon this continent or

elsewhere with the previously obtained consent of the governments

existing there," will be continued. Nicolay and Hay, _A History_, VI,

p. 168.

[19] It is interesting to note that the colored population seemed very

little in favor of colonization. "It is something singular that the

colored race--those in reality most interested in the future destinies

of Africa--should be so lightly affected by the evidences continually

being presented in favor of colonization." _The National

Intelligencer_, October 23, 1850. But an address issued by the

National Emigration Convention of Colored people held at Cleveland,

Ohio, urged the colored inhabitants of the United States seriously to

consider the question of migrating to some foreign clime. See also

JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, "Attitude of Free Negro on African

Colonization," I.

[20] _Diplomatic Correspondence_, Part I, p. 202. Nicolay and Hay.

_Complete Works_, p. 357.

[21] "Mr. Bates was for compulsory deportation. The Negro would not,"

he said, "go voluntary." "He had great local attachment but no

enterprise or persistency. The President objected unequivocally to

compulsion. The emigration must be voluntary and without expense to

themselves. Great Britain, Denmark and perhaps other powers would take

them. I remarked there was no necessity for a treaty which had been

suggested. Any person who desired to leave the country could do so

now, whether white or black, and it was best to have it so--a

voluntary system; the emigrant who chose to leave our shores could and

would go where there were the best inducements." _Diary of Gideon

Wells_, I, p. 152.

[22] Cf. Account by Charles K. Tuckerman, _Magazine of American

History_, October, 1886.

[23] Joseph Henry said to Assistant Secretary of State, September 5,

1862: "I hope the government will not make any contracts in regard to

the purchase of the Chiriqui District until it has been thoroughly

examined by persons of known capacity and integrity. A critical

examination of all that has been reported on the existence of valuable

beds of coal in that region has failed to convince me of the fact."

Chiriqui is described in report Number 148, House of Representatives,

37th Congress, Second Session, July 16, 1862, by John Evans,

geologist.

[24] "There was an indisposition to press the subject of Negro

Emigration to Chiriqui at the meeting of the Cabinet against the

wishes and remonstrances of the states of Central America." _Diary of

Gideon Wells_, I, p. 162.

[25] Manuscript Archives of the Department of the Interior.

[26] Nicolay and Hay, _A History_, VI, p. 361.

[27] Richardson, _Message and Papers of the President_, I, p. 167.

[28] Nicolay and Hay, _A History_, VI, p. 362.

[29] Complete records to substantiate this statement have not been

discovered.

[30] Lincoln addressed thus the Secretary of War, February 1, 1864:

"Sir; You are directed to have a transport ... sent to the colored

colony of San Domingo to bring back to this country such of the

colonists there as desire to return. You will have a transport

furnished with suitable supplies for that purpose and detail an

officer of the quartermaster department, who under special

instructions to be given shall have charge of the business. The

colonists will be brought to Washington unless otherwise hereafter

directed to be employed and provided for at the camps for colored

persons around that city. Those only will be brought from the island

who desire to return and their effects will be brought with them."

[31] Nicolay and Hay, _Complete Works_, II, p. 477.

[32] _Statutes at Large_, XIII, p. 352.

[33] Butler's _Reminiscences_, pp. 903-904.

LEMUEL HAYNES

Lemuel Haynes was born July 18, 1753, at West Hartford, Conn. He was a

man of color, his father being of "unmingled African extraction, and

his mother a white woman of respectable ancestry in New England." She

was then a hired girl in the employ of a farmer who had a neighbor to

whom belonged the Negro to whom the woman became attached. Haynes took

neither the name of his father nor of his mother, but probably that of

the man in whose home he was born. It is said that his mother, in a

fit of displeasure with her host for some supposed neglect, called her

child by the farmer's name. Mr. Haynes took the young mother to task,

and while yet the baby was but a few days old, she disappeared. As she

was the daughter of a Tolland County farmer, Mr. Haynes shielded the

family from disgrace by having the child take his name with that of

Lemuel which in Hebrew signifies "consecrated to God." The mother

never had anything to do with her child, and it is said she married a

white man, and lived a respectable life. Lemuel providentially met his

mother once in an adjoining town, at the house of a relative, fondly

expecting that he would receive some kind attentions from her. He was

sadly disappointed, however, for she eluded the interview. Catching a

glimpse of her at length when she was attempting to escape from him he

accosted her in the language of severe but merited rebuke.

Mr. Haynes kept Lemuel till he was five months old, and then had him

"bound out" to Deacon David Rose, of Granville, Massachusetts, a man

of singular piety. There Lemuel grew up, and lived for thirty-two

years. One condition of his indenture was that, in common with other

children, he should enjoy the usual advantage of a district school

education. Yet, as schools of that section were decidedly backward,

his early opportunities for instruction were very limited. Like other

farmer boys, however, he was instructed in the fundamentals of

education and the principles of religion. His duties often kept him

from school, or caused him to arrive at a late hour. Yet he said, "As

I had the advantage of attending a common school equal with other

children, I was early taught to read, to which I was greatly attached

and could vie with almost any of my age."[1] He soon formed the habit

of studying the Bible and early made a profession of faith in the

Christian religion. While young he was baptized by the Reverend

Jonathan Huntington.

He quickly mastered the studies of the district school but he

struggled forward, becoming his own teacher and subjecting his mind to

unremitting and severe discipline. The scarcity of books was one of

the severest difficulties which he had to encounter. There was no

public library in the place. The Bible, Psalter, spelling-book, and

perhaps a volume or two of sermons, comprised the library of the

intellectual people of those towns. But says he: "I was constantly

inquiring after books, especially in theology. I was greatly pleased

with the writings of Watts and Doddridge, and with Young's _Night

Thoughts_. My good master encouraged me in the matter."[2]

There came a turning point in Haynes's life when in 1775 the excellent

and pious Mrs. Rose died. She had been more to him than an employer.

Adopting him as her own son in early infancy, she tenderly trained him

up to intellectual and Christian manhood. Speaking of this, Haynes

said: "Soon after I came of age, God was pleased to take my mistress

away, to my inexpressible sorrow. It caused me bitter mourning and

lamentation."[3] Prostrated thus, he sought relief from his affliction

in the service of the continental army.

Lemuel Haynes was a patriot of the Revolution. He early imbibed those

great principles respecting "the rights of man," in defense of which

the colonies fought Great Britain. In 1774 he enlisted as a minute

man. Under the regulations of this enlistment he was required to spend

one day in the week in manual exercises, and to hold himself in

readiness for actual service, but soon after the battle at Lexington

the following year he joined the regular army at Roxbury. The next

year he volunteered to join the expedition to Ticonderoga to expel the

enemy. Referring to this service in an address some years later Haynes

said: "Perhaps it is not ostentatious in the speaker to observe that

in early life he devoted all for the sake of freedom and independence,

and endured frequent campaigns in their defense, and has never viewed

the sacrifice too great. And should an attack be made on this sacred

ark, the poor remains of life would be devoted to its defense."

After the close of his northern campaign he returned to his former

home to engage in agricultural pursuits. But while thus engaged he

little anticipated the designs of Providence concerning him. Improving

his leisure hours, he had made considerable progress in the study of

theology. At length he selected his text, and composed a sermon,

without education or teacher. It happened thus: In the family of

Deacon Rose, the evening preceding the Sabbath was customarily devoted

to family instruction and religious worship. Haynes was occasionally

asked to read from the sermons of Watts, Whitefield, Doddridge or

Davies. Called upon to read as usual one evening, he slipped into the

book his own sermon which he had written, and read it to the family.

Greatly delighted and edified by this sermon read with unusual

vivacity and feeling, Deacon Rose, who was then blind, inquired:

"Lemuel, whose work is that which you have been reading? Is it

Davies's sermon, or Watts's, or Whitefield's?" Haynes blushed and

hesitated, but at last was obliged to confess the truth--"It's

Lemuel's sermon."[4]

It was then discovered that in this young man was the promise of

usefulness. The community encouraged him to look forward to the

Christian ministry. Referring to this, he said: "I was solicited by

some to obtain a collegiate education, with a view to the gospel

ministry. A door was opened for it at Dartmouth College, but I shrunk

at the thought. Reverend Mr. Smith encouraged me with many others. I

was at last persuaded to attend to studying the learned languages. I

was invited (1779) by the Reverend Daniel Farrand, of Canaan,

Connecticut, to visit him. I accordingly did. With him I resided some

time, studying the Latin language."[5]

How long he studied under Mr. Farrand is not known. He devoted a part

of his time to belles lettres and the writing of sermons. While with

Mr. Farrand, Haynes composed a poem which was surreptitiously taken

from his desk and afterward delivered by a plagiarist at a certain

college on the day of commencement. During these years he labored in

the field to defray the expense of board and tuition, but the mind of

this student underwent unusual development for which Mr. Haynes

retained to the end of life a grateful remembrance of his friend and

patron.

After making an extensive study of the Latin language, he felt a

desire to study Greek that he might read the New Testament in the

original, but he had no means to prosecute this study. While in doubt

as to how he could attain so desirable an end the Reverend William

Bradford, of Wintonbury, a small parish composed, as its name imports,

of a part of three towns, Winsor, Farmington and Symsbury, offered to

instruct him in the Greek language. This benefactor promised also to

secure there for Mr. Haynes a school paying him sufficient money to

defray his expenses. Mr. Haynes said: "I exerted myself to the utmost

to instruct the children of my school, and found I gave general

satisfaction. The proficiency I made in studying the Greek language I

found greatly exceeded the expectations of my preceptor."[6] He was

thus serving as a "spiritual teacher in a respectable and enlightened

congregation in New England, where he had been known from infancy only

as a servant boy, and under all the disabilities of his humble

extraction." "That reverence which it was the custom of the age to

accord to ministers of the gospel," says his biographer, "was

cheerfully rendered to Mr. Haynes."[7] All classes and ages were

delighted with the sweet, animated eloquence of the man. In

consideration of his talents Middlebury College later conferred upon

him the degree of master of arts.[8]

This led friends to advise that he should be licensed to preach, and

on November 29, 1780, after "an examination in the languages,

sciences, doctrines and experimental religion," he was licensed and

preached intelligently from Psalm 96:1. He was ordained soon

thereafter. Then came an early call to begin his ministry at the

Congregational meeting house at Middle Granville, where he labored

five years, preaching eloquently with zeal. The time was one of moral

darkness with intemperance, profanity and infidelity rife. Strange

doctrines intruded. Vice came boldly forward, but, like a rock, the

young minister stood by his Lord and faith.

Among the pious in the church was Bessie Babbitt. She was a woman of

considerable education and was engaged as a teacher in her town.

Looking to Heaven for guidance, she was led, with consistent delicacy,

to offer her heart to her pastor. He commended the proposal to God in

prayer, and consulted other ministers. Knowing his birth and race, he

sought their counsel. They advised in favor, and on September 22,

1773, they were married. There began then their happy married life

which was blessed with nine children.[9]

From his small retired parish, among the companions of his childhood,

he was called to Torrington, Connecticut, where he continued preaching

two years to large audiences.[10] It is said that at Torrington a

leading citizen was much displeased that the church should have "a

nigger minister," and, to show his disrespect, this man went to church

and sat with his hat on his head. "He hadn't preached far," said he,

"when I thought I saw the whitest man I ever knew in that pulpit, and

I tossed my hat under the pew."

The number of communicants increased during the term of his residence

in Torrington. Some of the most respectable families from adjoining

towns, particularly from Goshen, became his warmest friends, who

constantly attended on his ministry. His biographer says: "The aged

refer to his ministry with many delightful recollections. He was held

in high estimation, especially by the church, and was esteemed by all

classes as "an apt and very ready man in the pulpit." The mere mention

of his name even now, after the lapse of half a century, seems to

renew in their minds interesting associations. The church and society

were strengthened by his labors, and many wished to retain him as

their permanent pastor. The sensibility of a few individuals

prevented, it is said, the accomplishment of their desires.

His eloquence and Christian nobility won him much attention and led to

his being called to the pastorate of the Congregational Church in West

Rutland, Vermont. The town was a country seat, and the church was one

of importance. Then in the meridian of life, rich with the spirit and

devoted to his calling, he was singularly successful; and while there

were those who saw in him "that colored minister," all knew his pure

white soul. The first year of his pastorate he received forty-two

members by profession. In 1803 there came a great revival, and there

were one hundred and three conversions, together with one hundred and

fifty in the adjoining town of Pittsfield. Five years later there was

another revival and Haynes received one hundred and nine. Naturally he

was in demand by other churches as a revival preacher.

At this time New England was in a very backward state. The genial

influence of science and religion had not been generally felt. There

was no college in Vermont and its only academy was the one at Norwich,

near Dartmouth College. There were not more than four or five

Congregational ministers on the west side of the Green Mountains. A

religious revival of considerable extent, under the preaching of

Reverend Jacob Wood and others, had resulted in the formation of small

churches. Certain parts of Connecticut were not much more advanced. In

1804 the Connecticut Missionary Society, therefore, appointed Mr.

Haynes to labor in the destitute sections of Vermont. In 1809 he was

appointed to a similar service by the Vermont Missionary Society. In

this capacity Haynes became a great factor in the religious awakening

throughout New England at that time.

In 1814 he was fraternal delegate from the Vermont to the Connecticut

Ministers' Association at Fairfield. On his way thither he stopped on

Sunday at New Haven, where, at the Blue Church (formerly Dr.

Edwards'), he preached a sermon to a crowded house, having in the

audience President Dwight of Yale and many distinguished people. At

Fairfield the association insisted on his preaching the annual sermon.

Haynes soon exhibited evidences of being no ordinary man. He readily

engaged in the heated theological discussion of his time, taking first

rank as a theologian.[11] His most interesting debate was that with

the famous Hosea Ballou, whom Haynes vanquished in his famous sermon

based on the text, _Ye shall not surely die_. Many strange doctrines

were then abroad. A writer says: "The Stoddardian principle of

admitting moral persons, without credible evidence of grace, to the

Lord's Supper, and the half-way covenant by which parents, though not

admitted to the Lord's Supper, were encouraged to offer their children

in baptism, prevailed in many of the churches. Great apathy was

prevalent among professing Christians, and the ruinous vices of

profaneness, Sabbath-breaking and intemperance were affectingly

prevalent among all classes. The spark of evangelical piety seemed to

be nearly extinct in the churches. Revivals of religion were scarcely

known except in the recollections of a former age. Some of the

essential doctrines of grace were not received even by many in the

churches.[12] Respecting the operations of the Holy Spirit, Mr. Haynes

adopted the same principles as Edwards and Whitefield. He became

effective in dispelling some of these clouds of doubt, bringing the

people back to a more righteous conduct. Out of it he emerged a man of

fame.

Happy as was this apostle in his work at Rutland the violent political

controversy of his time was divided between two militant parties with

one of which every freeman felt that he should be allied. Imbued with

the spirit of the American Revolution, Haynes could not be neutral.

"In principle," says his biographer, "he was a disciple of Washington

and, therefore, favored those measures conducive of national

government."[13] As party spirit rapidly developed into deeply rooted

rancor, sharp differences of opinion led to controversy in his parish.

Invited to preach on political occasions and in some cases to the

public through the press, he discussed political affairs with such

keenness and sarcasm that unprincipled parasites in his community were

much disturbed. In one of his discourses he used the following

expression: "A dissembler is one proud of applause--will advertise

himself for office--dazzling the public man with high pretext, like

aspiring Absolom, 'Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every

man might come unto me and I would do him justice.' Such subjects to

applause and hypocrisy will, even when the destinies of their country

are at stake, be to a commonwealth what Arnold was to American freedom

or Robespierre to a French Republic."[14]

It was not long before political excitement disturbed the harmony

between the pastor and the people in West Rutland. On certain

occasions Haynes was treated with unkindness and even with abuse by

unprincipled men. Scandalous reports concerning him were circulated

and he was denounced with profane language. But he gloried in

tribulations, knowing that "tribulations worketh patience and patience

experience and experience hope and hope maketh not ashamed." Observing

the signs of the times, therefore, and governed by prayerful

deliberation he felt that he should sever his connection with his

church in Rutland. Accordingly, on the 27th of April, 1818, at a

council convened to consider the serious question the pastoral

relation was by mutual consent dissolved.

Haynes was then invited to preach in Manchester, Vermont, a desirable

town west of the Green Mountains. Because of his reputation as a

preacher here Haynes had the helpful contact of the Honorable Richard

Skinner, who in early life was elected a member of Congress and

afterwards served as a judge of the Supreme Court and finally as

Governor of Vermont. He associated also with Joseph Burr, the liberal

benefactor of several literary and religious institutions.

In 1822 Haynes removed from Manchester to Granville, New York. He had

enjoyed the support of the best people in that New England community

and had usually found them a generous and enlightened people. Under

his ministration at Manchester the church was much enlarged, but he

was now declining in intellectual vivacity and realized that, although

there was entire harmony between him and the people in Manchester,

they should have a younger man. His church accordingly yielded to the

desire of the Congregational Church in Granville, New York, and he

took leave of Vermont to preach in another State.

In going to Granville, Haynes connected with the renowned Deacon Elihu

Atkins, of Granville, with whom he had corresponded for more than

thirty years. There had been a cherished intimacy between them from

their youth. Atkins had for years relied upon the convincing

instruction which he endeavored to obtain through correspondence with

Haynes. These letters show the tenderness and the watchfulness of a

pastor over a flock, which reminds one of the relation existing

between Paul and the aged Philemon. During the eleven years which he

spent at Granville, his congregation was decidedly edified. Thousands

of persons giving evidence of their piety, joined the church and lived

above reproach. While laboring among these people he died in the year

1833.

Thus passed away the man who was regarded by those who knew him as a

worker of unusual ability and a preacher of power. Says his

biographer: "Although the tincture of his skin, and all his features

bore strong indications of his paternal original, yet in his early

life there was a peculiar expression which indicated the finest

qualities of mind. Many, on seeing him in the pulpit, have been

reminded of the inspired expression, 'I am black, but comely.' In his

case the remarkable assemblage of grace which was thrown around his

semi-African complexion, especially his eye, could not fail to

prepossess the stranger in his favor."[15]

He was a man of a feeling heart, always sensibly affected at the sight

of human suffering. His sensibility knew no bounds. He exhibited

quickness of perception and had the advantage of a never-failing

memory. The confidence generally reposed in him by both ministers and

the people credit him with having mature judgment. Although lacking in

what is commonly known as classical education, as he never penetrated

very far into the Greek and Latin classics, his mind was decidedly

literary. He read the Latin language fairly well but had never read

more than the Greek testament and Septuagint. He was well read,

however, in the English classics and his discourses show taste for the

beauties of poetry and elegant composition.

Haynes was always industrious, his early habits having been formed in

the rigid pursuits of business. At home he was a man of the highest

domestic virtue. His family government was strictly parental, based on

reason and principle, not on passion or blind indulgence. He was

always strict, ever adhering to a standard of the most Puritanic

order. Having early formed the high ideals of uprightness, no man

could ever bring against him the charge of dishonesty. Above all he

was a man of consistent piety and resignation to the will of God.

His dying testimony was: "I love my wife, I love my children, but I

love my Saviour better than all." A plain marble marks his grave. On

it is this inscription, prepared by himself:

"Here lies the dust of a poor hell-deserving sinner, who ventured

into eternity trusting wholly on the merits of Christ for

salvation. In the full belief of the great doctrines he preached

while on earth, he invites his children and all who read this, to

trust their eternal interest on the same foundation."

So lived and died one of the noblest of the New England Congregational

ministers of a century ago. Of illegitimate birth, and of no

advantageous circumstances of family, rank or station, he became one

of the choicest instruments of Christ. His face betrayed his race and

blood, and his life revealed his Lord.

W. H. MORSE.

HARTFORD, CONN.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel

Haynes_, p. 36.

[2] _Ibid._, p. 38.

[3] The pious Deacon Rose lived some years thereafter and had the

pleasure of seeing Lemuel a distinguished man. See Cooley, _Sketches

of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel Haynes_, p. 40.

[4] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel

Haynes_, p. 48.

[5] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel

Haynes_, p. 60.

[6] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel

Haynes_, p. 63.

[7] _Ibid._, p. 66.

[8] Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 677.

[9] _Ibid._, p. 678.

[10] Special Report of the United States Commissioner of Education,

1871, p. 342.

[11] Woodson, _The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861_, p. 280.

[12] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel

Haynes_, p. 67.

[13] _Ibid._, p. 169; _Annals of the American Academy of Political and

Social Science_, XLIX, p. 234.

[14] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel

Haynes_, p. 170.

[15] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel

Haynes_, pp. 372-373.

THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF CANADA

The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada was one of the forms in which the

abolition sentiment of the province of Upper Canada made its

contribution to the final settlement of the great issue in the

neighboring country. Though founded comparatively late in the

struggle, it was, after all, rather the union of forces long active

than the creation of some new weapon to aid the battle. The men and

women who composed its membership were abolitionists long before the

society was founded. Its purpose was solely to bring united effort to

bear upon the great task and the great responsibility that fell upon

Canada when the passing of the Fugitive Slave Bill drove the Negroes

from the North into Canada by the hundreds, if not by the thousands.

With newcomers arriving every day, destitute, friendless and more or

less dazed by the experiences through which they had passed, it was no

small task that these Canadian abolitionists had undertaken to care

for the fugitives, give them opportunities for education and social

advancement and enable them to show by their own efforts that they

were capable of becoming useful citizens.

The society had its birth in Toronto in February, 1851. There had been

attempts before this to found such an organization but they had come

to nothing. By 1851, however, the situation in the United States had

changed and the effect had at once shown itself in Canada, so that the

time was ripe for the bringing into one body of the various

individuals who had been showing themselves the friends of the slave.

The Society of Canada continued active right through the fifties and

early sixties, not resting until the aim for which it had been founded

had been accomplished. With the close of the Civil War there was a

large emigration of Negroes back to their own land where their freedom

had been bought in blood, and the need of any large organization to

look after their welfare as a race gradually ceased. During its period

of active work, however, the society spread out from Toronto to all

the larger cities and towns where there was a Negro population, and in

both educational and relief work showed itself an energetic body.

Included in its active membership were some of the best-known men in

the province and as its organ it had an outstanding newspaper, _The

Globe_, of Toronto.

The meeting held in Toronto was large and enthusiastic. _The Globe_ of

Toronto of March 1, gives almost five columns to the report of the

proceedings. The mayor of the city acted as chairman and the opening

prayer was made by Rev. Dr. Michael Willis, the principal of Knox

Presbyterian Theological College. A series of four resolutions were

proposed and endorsed. The first of these declared as a platform of

the society that "slavery is an outrage on the laws of humanity" and

that "its continued practice demands the best exertions for its

extinction." A second resolution, proposed by Dr. Willis, declared the

United States slave laws "at open variance with the best interests of

man, as endowed by our great creator with the privilege of life,

liberty and the pursuit of happiness." A third resolution expressed

sympathy with the abolitionists in the United States, while the fourth

and concluding resolution proposed the formation of the Anti-Slavery

Society of Canada. "The object," it declared, "shall be to aid in the

extinction of slavery all over the world by means exclusively lawful

and peaceable, moral and religious, such as by the diffusing of useful

information and argument, by tracts, newspapers, lectures and

correspondence, and by manifesting sympathy with the houseless and

homeless victims of slavery flying to our soil."

Rev. Dr. Willis was chosen as the first president, an office which he

filled during the whole of the period of the struggle. Rev. William

McClure, a Methodist clergyman of the New Connection branch, was named

as secretary, with Andrew Hamilton as treasurer and Captain Charles

Stuart, corresponding secretary. A large committee was also named

including, among others, George Brown, editor of _The Globe_, and

Oliver Mowat, later a premier of the province of Ontario.

The aims of the society, as set forth in the resolution of

organization, called for both educational and relief work. No time was

lost in beginning each of these. Within a month after the founding of

the society it was holding public meetings, both in Toronto and

elsewhere throughout the province. The speakers included George

Thompson, the noted English abolitionist; Fred Douglass, the Negro

orator, and Rev. S. J. May, of Syracuse. Some hostility developed,

_The Patriot_ charging George Thompson with being an abolitionist for

sordid motives, while _The Leader_ called him a "hireling." Thompson,

defending himself, declared that if he had sold his talents, as

charged, he would not be found fighting the slaves' battle but would

be sitting by the side of bloated prostitution in Washington." There

were even some clerical critics of the society and its work. _The

Church_, a denominational publication, took the ground that Canada was

not bound in any way to denounce "compulsory labor." It was quite

sufficient to welcome the slave when he came to Canada. To this _The

Globe_ replied that it was "truly melancholy to find men in the

nineteenth century teaching doctrines which are only fit for the

darkest ages."[1]

All through these earlier years of the society's history the public

meetings were continued, much use being made of men like Rev. S. R.

Ward and Rev. J. W. Loguen, who had known at first hand what slavery

meant to their race. Rev. S. R. Ward was appointed an agent of the

society in 1851 and traveled the province over, giving the facts with

regard to slavery to awaken Canadian sentiment against it and asking

aid and kindness for the fugitives then coming to the country in large

numbers. Mr. Ward was instrumental in forming branches and auxiliaries

of the society at a number of places and has left on record his own

impressions of the efforts that were put forth on behalf of the

refugees.[2]

_The Globe_, under Brown as editor, was a stout ally. Brown's personal

interest in the fugitives was marked. His private generosity to the

needy has been recorded by one of his biographers but greater service

was rendered through the columns of his paper. He was outspoken in

denunciation of anything that savored of an alliance with slavery.

Canada, he believed, should stand four square against the whole system

of human bondage. "We, too, are Americans," he declared on one

occasion. "On us, as well as on them, lies the duty of preserving the

honor of the continent. On us, as on them, rests the noble trust of

shielding free institutions."[3]

Relief work in Toronto was looked after by a Ladies' Auxiliary, this

being the general practice wherever branches were organized. The wives

of the officers of the general or parent society figured largely in

the work at Toronto. During the first year of the work in that city

more than $900 was raised by the Ladies' Auxiliary. The report for

1853-5 says: "During the past inclement winter much suffering was

alleviated and many cases of extreme hardship prevented. Throughout

the year the committee continued to observe the practice of appointing

weekly visitors to examine into the truth of every statement made by

applicants for aid. In this way between 200 and 300 cases have been

attended to, each receiving more or less according to their

circumstances."[4] A night school opened in Toronto gave to the

younger men and women an opportunity to get a little education.

The Canadian Society, at an early date in its history, entered into

working relations with the anti-slavery societies of Great Britain and

the United States. At the first anniversary meeting, held in March,

1852, a letter was presented from Lewis Tappan, secretary of the

American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, enclosing a resolution of

the executive of the American society to the effect that the committee

had heard of the formation of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada at

Toronto with much satisfaction, and that they would be pleased to

maintain correspondence with this society and unite their efforts for

the promotion of the great cause of human freedom on this continent

and throughout the world. At the same meeting there were read messages

of greeting from S. H. Gay, secretary of the American Anti-Slavery

Society, and from John Scoble, secretary of the British and Foreign

Anti-Slavery Society.[5] At this first anniversary meeting the society

was able to report a change in public sentiment toward its aims. At

the start there had been coldness and some prejudice but this had

largely disappeared and some who had formerly been hostile were now

supporters.

The colonization question was before the society in its early period.

In August, 1851, Toronto was visited by Rev. S. Oughten, a Jamaican,

and later by William Wemyss Anderson, also of Jamaica. The question

was also brought to the attention of the government of the province

and the Governor-General asked the executive of the society to tender

its opinion of the plan. Their decision was altogether unfavorable to

colonization whether in Trinidad or Jamaica. With regard to Trinidad

their opinion was that slavery in a modified form still existed there.

Jamaica, they thought, had nothing to attract the refugee more than

Canada, and the society was placed on record as approving the findings

of the Great North American convention of colored people, which had

met in Toronto the preceding September, to the effect that western

Canada was the most desirable place of resort for colored people on

the American continent, and that colored people in the United States

should emigrate to Canada rather than to the West Indies or Africa,

since in Canada they would be better able to assist their brethren

flying from slavery. With regard to the American Colonization Society

the finding of the Canadian Anti-Slavery Society was that its

professions of promoting the abolition of slavery were "altogether

delusive." It had originated with slaveholders and was protected by

them to rid the country of free Negroes. "A colonization and a bitter,

pro-slavery man are almost convertible terms," it was stated.[6]

The attitude taken by the church bodies in Canada towards this new

movement is of interest. In general there was not much active support.

George Brown brought forward a resolution at the 1852 meeting,

deploring the indifference of some church bodies. Dr. Willis had been

instrumental in getting the Presbyterians in line, a strong stand

having been taken by the synod which declared by resolution that

slavery was "inhuman, unjust and dishonoring to the common creator as

it is replete with wrong to the subjects of such oppression." A second

resolution called upon churches everywhere to testify against

legislation which violated the commands of God and declared that the

synod must condemn any alliance between religion and oppression, no

matter how the latter might be bolstered up by the use of Scripture.

At the 1857 meeting the attitude of the churches was again to the

front. Dr. Willis thought it was time that every church synod and

conference in Canada should give up one day of its sessions to prayer

and humiliation over the presence of human slavery so nearby. It was

the duty of all the churches to remonstrate on this question. Rev. Dr.

Dick, who followed, declared that the church was "the bulwark of the

system." There were churches in Canada which fraternized with those in

the United States that patronized slavery. He was equally outspoken on

the attitude of the Sons of Temperance in deciding, against his

protest, to shut out Negroes from its membership. There were several

protests at this 1857 meeting against some slight evidences of race

prejudice. Rev. Mr. Barrass said that, as the Negroes in Toronto set

an example to the whites in morality, there was the less reason for

any prejudice. Thomas Henning, the secretary of the society, probably

put the matter right when he pointed out that talk of prejudice must

not be understood as general. Negroes were not excluded from the

schools, and the laws were administered to white and black alike. He

drew attention to the dismissal of a magistrate who had been suspected

of conniving at the return of a fugitive, as also to the case of a

member of Parliament who had sought to have Negro immigration stopped

and had been simply laughed at.

Necessity for action along industrial lines to provide suitable

employment for the fugitives was emphasized by the Canadian

Anti-Slavery Society and efforts were made to give the black man a

fair chance in his new home. The question of cheap land for the

immigrants was also kept to the front with the idea of making the

refugees more self-dependent and preventing them from congregating in

the cities and towns. Some idea of the extent of the relief work being

carried on at this time may be gained from the statement presented at

the 1857 meeting which showed disbursements of more than $2,200, a

total of over 400 having been relieved.

Reference has been made to the support given the society by _The

Globe_, of Toronto. For this George Brown was given the credit but it

must be said in justice that no small share of the credit for _The

Globe's_ attitude should go to the lesser known brother, Gordon Brown,

who was regarded by many as really more zealous for abolition than

George Brown. This was tested during the Civil War period when the

turn of sentiment against the North in Canada brought much criticism

upon _The Globe_. There was a disposition on the part of George Brown

to grow lukewarm in his support of the North, but Gordon Brown never

wavered and is said to have threatened on one occasion to leave the

paper if there were any more signs of hauling down the colors. When

the war was over American citizens in Toronto presented Gordon Brown

with a gold watch suitably inscribed, an indication possibly of the

opinion of that day with regard to his services.

One duty of the American anti-slavery societies which fell but lightly

on the Canadian society was the watching of legislation and the courts

to see that the Negro obtained his rights. It was rare indeed that

anything of this kind called for action in Canada, the only case of

any importance that arose being that of the Negro, Anderson, whose

return to Missouri was sought on a charge of killing his master in

1853. A slave catcher from Missouri recognized him in Canada in 1860

and had him arrested. The case was fought out in the courts, twice

going against the Negro and then being appealed to the English Court

of Queen's Bench, which granted a writ of habeas corpus. Anderson was

defended by Gerrit Smith and the case attracted great attention

throughout Canada. The executive of the Canadian Anti-Slavery Society

kept the case well under observation and made its position quite clear

by a resolution declaring that principles of right and humanity should

prevail. In the end Anderson was acquitted.

The sentiment that was created in Canada by the friends of the

fugitive in the decade before the Civil War had its effect when that

struggle began. Sir John Macdonald, premier of Canada, made careful

investigation to find out how many Canadians were in the northern

armies and placed the number at 40,000.[7] The spirit that animated

the youth of the North in this moral struggle was powerful in the

minds of many of these young Canadians. There was present in Canada

not a little of the feeling of responsibility for the honor of the

continent that George Brown voiced and both by peaceful means and by

the sword the people of the British-American province to the North had

their part in striking off the shackles from the slave in the South.

FRED LANDON.

PUBLIC LIBRARIAN,

LONDON, CANADA

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _The Globe_, April 1, 1851.

[2] Ward, _Autobiography of a Fugitive Slave_.

[3] Lewis, _George Brown_, p. 114.

[4] Drew, _North Side View of Slavery_, p. 328.

[5] Anti-Slavery Society of Canada, First Annual Report, p. 10.

[6] First Annual Report, pp. 12-13.

[7] _Letters of Goldwin Smith_, p. 377.

DOCUMENTS

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND FREEDOM

Of the fathers of the republic who first saw the evils of slavery,

none made a more forceful argument against the institution than

Benjamin Franklin. A man of lowly estate himself, he could not

sympathize with the man who felt that his bread should be wrung from

the sweat of another's brow. Desiring to see the institution

abolished, Franklin early connected himself with the anti-slavery

forces of Pennsylvania and maintained this attitude of antagonism

toward it until his death. His printing press was placed at the

disposal of the pamphleteers who by their method endeavored to

influence public opinion, and as a means of effecting the liberation

of the blacks he cooperated with others in educating them as a

preparation for citizenship.

His first effort to promote the education of the Negroes was the

assistance he gave the work established by Dr. Thomas Bray, who passed

a large part of his life in performing deeds of benevolence and

charity. This philanthropist became acquainted at the Hague with M.

D'Allone, who approved and promoted his schemes. M. D'Allone, during

his lifetime, gave to Dr. Bray a considerable sum of money, which was

to be applied to the conversion of Negroes in America. At his death he

left an additional sum of nine hundred pounds for the same object. Dr.

Bray formed an association for the management and proper disposal of

these funds. He died in 1730, and the same trust continued to be

executed by a company of gentlemen, called "Dr. Bray's Associates."

Franklin was for several years one of these workers.

Writing about this work, he said to a friend:

I have not yet seen Mr. Beatty, nor do I know where to write to

him. He forwarded your letter to me from Ireland. The paragraph

of your letter, inserted in the papers, related to the negro

school. I gave it to the gentlemen concerned, as it was a

testimony in favor of their pious design. But I did not expect

they would print it with your name. They have since chosen me one

of the Society, and I am at present chairman for the current

year. I enclose you an account of their proceedings.[1]

Franklin's argument against slavery was economic as well as moral. He

said:

It is an ill-grounded opinion that, by the labor of slaves,

America may possibly vie in cheapness of manufactures with

Britain. The labor of slaves can never be so cheap here as the

labor of working men is in Britain. Any one may compute it.

Interest of money is in the colonies from six to ten per cent.

Slaves, one with another, cost thirty pounds sterling per head.

Reckon then the interest of the first purchase of a slave, the

insurance or risk on his life, his clothing and diet, expenses in

his sickness and loss of time, loss by his neglect of business

(neglect is natural to the man who is not to be benefited by his

own care or diligence), expense of a driver to keep him at work,

and his pilfering from time to time, almost every slave being by

nature a thief, and compare the whole amount with the wages of a

manufacturer of iron or wool in England, you will see that labor

is much cheaper there than it ever can be by Negroes here. Why

then will Americans purchase slaves? Because slaves may be kept

as long as a man pleases, or has occasion for their labor; while

hired men are continually leaving their masters (often in the

midst of his business and setting up for themselves).[2]

The Negroes brought into the English sugar islands have greatly

diminished the whites there; the poor are, by this means,

deprived of employment, while a few families acquire vast

estates, which they spend on foreign luxuries, and educating

their children in the habit of those luxuries; the same income is

needed for the support of one that might have maintained one

hundred. The whites who have slaves, not laboring, are enfeebled,

and therefore not so generally prolific; the slaves being worked

too hard, and ill fed, their constitutions are broken and the

deaths among them are more than the births; so that a continual

supply is needed from Africa. The northern colonies, having few

slaves, increase in whites. Slaves also pejorate the families

that use them; the white children become proud, disgusted with

labor, and, being educated in idleness, are rendered unfit to get

a living by industry.[3]

As the following letter indicates, Franklin was in close touch with

one of the most ardent anti-slavery men of his day, Anthony Benezet,

whose pamphlets he often published:

LONDON, 22 August, 1772.

_Dear Friend_,

I made a little extract from yours of April 27th, of the number

of slaves imported and perishing, with some close remarks on the

hypocrisy of this country, which encourages such a detestable

commerce by laws for promoting the Guinea trade; while it piqued

itself on its virtue, love of liberty, and the equity of its

courts, in setting free a single Negro. This was inserted in the

_London Chronicle_, of the 20th of June last.

I thank you for the Virginia address, which I shall also publish

with some remarks. I am glad to hear that the disposition against

keeping Negroes grows more general in North America. Several

pieces have been lately printed here against the practice, and I

hope in time it will be taken into consideration and suppressed

by the legislature. Your labors have already been attended with

great effects. I hope, therefore, you and your friends will be

encouraged to proceed. My hearty wishes of success attend you,

being ever, my dear friend, yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.[4]

The same sentiments of Franklin are expressed in the following letter

to Dean Woodward in 1773:

LONDON, 10 April, 1773.

_Reverend Sir_,

Desirous of being revived in your memory, I take this

opportunity, by my good friend Mrs. Blacker, of sending you a

printed piece, and a manuscript, both on a subject you and I

frequently conversed upon with concurring sentiments, when I had

the pleasure of seeing you in Dublin. I have since had the

satisfaction to learn, that a disposition to abolish slavery

prevails in North America, that many of the Pennsylvanians have

set their slaves at liberty, and that even the Virginia Assembly

have petitioned the King for permission to make a law for

preventing the importation of more into that colony. This

request, however, will probably not be granted, as their former

laws of that kind have always been repealed, and as the interest

of a few merchants here has more weight with government than that

of thousands at a distance.[5]

The following letter from Richard Price attests Franklin's interest

and efforts in behalf of the slaves:

HACKNEY, 26 September, 1787.

_My dear Friend_,

I am very happy when I think of the encouragement which you have

given me to address you under this appellation. Your _friendship_

I reckon indeed one of the distinctions of my life. I frequently

receive great pleasure from the accounts of you, which Dr. Rush

and Mr. Vaughan send me. But I receive much greater pleasure from

seeing your own hand.

I have lately been favored with two letters, which have given me

this pleasure, the last of which acquaints me, that my name has

been added to the number of the corresponding members of the

Pennsylvania Society for Abolishing Negro Slavery, of which you

are president, and also brought me a pamphlet containing the

constitution and the laws of Pennsylvania, which relate to the

object of the Society. I hope that you and the Society will

accept my thanks, and believe that I am truly sensible of the

honor done me. As for any services I can do, they are indeed but

small; for I find, that, far from possessing, in the decline of

life, your vigor of body and mind, every kind of business is

becoming more and more an incumbrance to me. At the same time,

the calls of business increase upon me, as you will learn in some

measure from the Report at the end of the Discourse, which you

will receive with this letter.

A similar institution to yours, for abolishing Negro slavery, is

just formed in London, and I have been desired to make one of the

acting committee, but I have begged to be excused. I have sent

you some of their papers. I need not say how earnestly I wish

success to such institutions. Something, perhaps, will be done

with this view by the convention of delegates. This convention,

consisting of many of the first men, in respect of wisdom and

influence, in the United States, must be a most august and

venerable assembly. May God guide their deliberations. The

happiness of the world depends, in some degree, on the result. I

am waiting with patience for an account of it.[6]

At the instigation of Franklin, the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting

the Abolition of Slavery and the Relief of Free Negroes Unlawfully

held in Bondage[7] published this address:

It is with peculiar satisfaction we assure the friends of

humanity, that, in prosecuting the design of our association, our

endeavours have proved successful, far beyond our most sanguine

expectations.

Encouraged by this success, and by the daily progress of that

luminous and benign spirit of liberty, which is diffusing itself

throughout the world, and humbly hoping for the continuance of

the divine blessing on our labors, we have ventured to make an

important addition to our original plan, and do therefore

earnestly solicit the support and assistance of all who can feel

the tender emotions of sympathy and compassion or relish the

exalted pleasure of beneficence.

Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature, that its

very extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care, may

sometimes open a source of serious evils.

The unhappy man, who has long been treated as a brute animal, too

frequently sinks beneath the common standard of the human

species. The galling chains, that bind his body, do also fetter

his intellectual faculties, and impair the social affections of

his heart. Accustomed to move like a mere machine, by the will of

a master, reflection is suspended; he has not the power of

choice; and reason and conscience have but little influence over

his conduct, because he is chiefly governed by the passion of

fear. He is poor and friendless; perhaps worn out by extreme

labor, age, and disease.

Under such circumstances, freedom may often prove a misfortune to

himself, and prejudicial to society.

Attention to emancipated black people, it is therefore to be

hoped, will become a branch of our national policy; but, as far

as we contribute to promote this emancipation, so far that

attention is evidently a serious duty incumbent on us, and which

we mean to discharge to the best of our judgment and abilities.

To instruct, to advise, to qualify those, who have been restored

to freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty, to

promote in them habits of industry, to furnish them with

employments suited to their age, sex, talents, and other

circumstances, and to procure their children an education

calculated for their future situation in life; these are the

great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted, and

which we conceive will essentially promote the public good, and

the happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected

fellow-creatures.

A plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution without

considerable pecuniary resources, beyond the present ordinary

funds of the Society. We hope much from the generosity of

enlightened and benevolent freemen, and will gratefully receive

any donations or subscriptions for this purpose, which may be

made to our treasurer, James Starr, or to James Pemberton,

chairman of our committee of correspondence.

Signed, by order of the Society,

B. FRANKLIN, _President_.

Philadelphia, 9th of November, 1789.

Writing to John Wright in London in 1789, Franklin showed that he

never neglected the movement to abolish the slave trade:

PHILADELPHIA, 4 November, 1789.

I wish success to your endeavours for obtaining an abolition of

the Slave Trade. The epistle from your Yearly Meeting, for the

year 1768, was not the _first sowing_ of the good seed you

mention; for I find by an old pamphlet in my possession, that

George Keith, near a hundred years since, wrote a paper against

the practice, said to be "given forth by the appointment of the

meeting held by him, at Phillip James's house, in the city of

Philadelphia, about the year 1693"; wherein a strict charge was

given to Friends, "that they should set their Negroes at liberty,

after some reasonable time of service, &c., &c." And about the

year 1728, or 1729, I myself printed a book for Ralph Sandyford,

another of your Friends in this city, against keeping Negroes in

slavery, two editions of which he distributed gratis. And about

the year 1736 I printed another book on the same subject for

Benjamin Lay, who also professed being one of your Friends, and

he distributed the books chiefly among them. By these instances

it appears, that the seed was indeed sown in the good ground of

your profession, though much earlier than the time you mention,

and its springing up to effect at last, though so late, is some

confirmation of Lord Bacon's observation, that _a good motion

never dies_; and it may encourage us in making such, though

hopeless of their taking immediate effect.[8]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin, Correspondence_, VII, pp.

201-202.

[2] _Ibid._, II, p. 314.

[3] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, p. 316.

[4] _Ibid._, VIII, pp. 16-17.

[5] _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, VIII, p. 42.

[6] _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, X, p. 320.

[7] _Ibid._, II, p. 515.

[8] _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, X, p. 403.

ON THE SLAVE TRADE

"Dr. Franklin's name, as President of the Abolition Society, was

signed to the memorial presented to the House of Representatives of

the United States, on the 12th of February, 1789, praying them to

exert the full extent of power vested in them by the Constitution, in

discouraging the traffic of the human species. This was his last

public act. In the debates to which this memorial gave rise, several

attempts were made to justify the trade. In the _Federal Gazette_ of

March 25th, 1790, there appeared an essay, signed Historicus, written

by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a Speech, said to have been

delivered in the Divan of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the

prayer of the petition of a sect called _Erika_, or Purists, for the

abolition of piracy and slavery. This pretended African speech was an

excellent parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia. All the

arguments urged in favor of Negro slavery are applied with equal force

to justify the plundering and enslaving of Europeans. It affords, at

the same time, a demonstration of the futility of the arguments in

defense of the slave-trade, and of the strength of mind and ingenuity

of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furnishes, too, a no

less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of other

times and nations, than his celebrated _Parable against Persecution_.

And as the latter led many persons to search the Scriptures with a

view to find it, so the former caused many persons to search the

bookstores and libraries for the work from which it was said to be

extracted."--Dr. Stuber.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE FEDERAL GAZETTE.[1]

March 23d, 1790.

_Sir_,

Reading last night in your excellent paper the speech of Mr.

Jackson in Congress against their meddling with the affair of

slavery, or attempting to mend the condition of the slaves, it

put me in mind of a similar one made about one hundred years

since by Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim, a member of the Divan of Algiers,

which may be seen in Martin's Account of his Consulship, anno

1687. It was against granting the petition of the sect called

_Erika_, or Purists, who prayed for the abolition of piracy and

slavery as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does not quote it; perhaps

he has not seen it. If, therefore, some of its reasonings are to

be found in his eloquent speech, it may only show that men's

interests and intellects operate and are operated on with

surprising similarity in all countries and climates, whenever

they are under similar circumstances. The African's speech, as

translated, is as follows:

"Allah Bismillah, &c. God is great, and Mahomet is his Prophet.

"Have these _Erika_ considered the consequences of granting their

petition? If we cease our cruises against the Christians, how

shall we be furnished with the commodities their countries

produce, and which are so necessary for us? If we forbear to make

slaves of their people, who in this hot climate are to cultivate

our lands? Who are to perform the common labors of our city, and

in our families? Must we not then be our own slaves? And is there

not more compassion and more favor due to us as Mussulmen, than

to these Christian dogs? We have now above fifty thousand slaves

in and near Algiers. This number, if not kept up by fresh

supplies, will soon diminish, and be gradually annihilated. If we

then cease taking and plundering the infidel ships, and making

slaves of the seamen and passengers, our lands will become of no

value for want of cultivation; the rents of houses in the city

will sink one half; and the revenue of government arising from

its share of prizes be totally destroyed! And for what? To

gratify the whims of a whimsical sect, who would have us, not

only forbear making more slaves, but even manumit those we

have.[2]

"But who is to indemnify their masters for the loss! Will the

state do it? Is our treasury sufficient? Will the Erika do it?

Can they do it? Or would they, to do what they think justice to

the slaves, do a greater injustice to the owners? And if we set

our slaves free, what is to be done with them? Few of them will

return to their countries; they know too well the greater

hardships they must there be subject to; they will not embrace

our holy religion; they will not adopt our manners; our people

will not pollute themselves by intermarrying with them. Must we

maintain them as beggars in our streets, or suffer our properties

to be the prey of their pillage? For men accustomed to slavery

will not work for a livelihood when not compelled. And what is

there so pitiable in their present condition? Were they not

slaves in their own countries?

"Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the Italian states governed

by despots, who hold all their subjects in slavery, without

exception? Even England treats its sailors as slaves; for they

are, whenever the government pleases, seized, and confined in

ships of war, condemned not only to work, but to fight, for small

wages, or a mere subsistence, not better than our slaves are

allowed by us. Is their condition then made worse by their

falling into our hands? No; they have only exchanged one slavery

for another and I may say a better; for here they are brought

into a land where the sun of Islamism gives forth its light, and

shines in full splendor, and they have an opportunity of making

themselves acquainted with the true doctrine, and thereby saving

their immortal souls. Those who remain at home have not that

happiness. Sending the slaves home then would be sending them out

of light into darkness.[3]

"I repeat the question, What is to be done with them? I have

heard it suggested, that they may be planted in the wilderness,

where there is plenty of land for them to subsist on, and where

they may flourish as a free state; but they are, I doubt, too

little disposed to labor without compulsion, as well as too

ignorant to establish a good government, and the wild Arabs would

soon molest and destroy or again enslave them. While serving us,

we take care to provide them with everything, and they are

treated with humanity. The laborers in their own country are, as

I am well informed, worse fed, lodged, and clothed. The condition

of most of them is therefore already mended, and requires no

further improvement. Here their lives are in safety. They are not

liable to be impressed for soldiers, and forced to cut one

another's Christian throats, as in the wars of their own

countries. If some of the religious mad bigots, who now tease us

with their silly petitions, have in a fit of blind zeal freed

their slaves, it was not generosity, it was not humanity, that

moved them to the action; it was from the conscious burthen of a

load of sins, and a hope, from the supposed merits of so good a

work, to be excused from damnation.[4]

"How grossly are they mistaken to suppose slavery to be

disallowed by the Alcoran! Are not the two precepts, to quote no

more, '_Masters, treat your slaves with kindness; Slaves, serve

your masters with cheerfulness and fidelity_,' clear proofs to

the contrary? Nor can the plundering of infidels be in that

sacred book forbidden, since it is well known from it, that God

has given the world, and all that it contains, to his faithful

Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it of right as fast as they conquer

it. Let us then hear no more of this detestable proposition, the

manumission of Christian slaves, the adoption of which would, by

depreciating our lands, and houses, and thereby depriving so many

good citizens of their properties, create universal discontent,

and provoke insurrections, to the endangering of government and

producing general confusion. I have therefore no doubt, but this

wise council will prefer the comfort and happiness of a whole

nation of true believers to the whim of a few _Erika_, and

dismiss their petition."

The result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came to this

resolution: "The doctrine, that plundering and enslaving the

Christians is unjust, is at best _problematical_; but that it is

the interest of this state to continue the practice, is clear;

therefore let the petition be rejected."

And it was rejected accordingly.

And since like motives are apt to produce in the minds of men

like opinions and resolutions, may we not, Mr. Brown, venture to

predict, from this account, that the petitions to the Parliament

of England for abolishing the slave-trade, to say nothing of

other legislatures, and the debates upon them, will have a

similar conclusion? I am, Sir, your constant reader and humble

servant,

HISTORICUS.[5]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, p. 517.

[2] _Ibid._, II, pp. 518-519.

[3] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, pp. 519-520.

[4] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, pp. 520-521.

[5] _Ibid._, II, p. 521.

THE PROCEEDINGS OF A MISSISSIPPI MIGRATION CONVENTION IN 1879[1]

The convention of the planters of the Mississippi Valley, which

has attracted the attention of the entire county, ever since the

call for its assembly was published, met in this city, this

morning. Delegates from all sections of the country are present

and more are expected. The original intention was to hold the

meeting of the convention in the Operahouse, but owing to the

large crowd present, and the warm weather, the place of meeting

was changed to the Concert Garden.

At half past twelve Judge Farrar called the meeting to order, and

requested Gen. W. R. Miles to act as temporary chairman. On

taking the chair the General delivered a short address and then

announced that the convention would proceed to permanent

organization.

A committee of twenty on permanent organization was appointed.

While the committee was out the convention was addressed by Judge

H. Simrall, of Mississippi, and Hon. Henry S. Foote, of

Louisiana.

The following gentlemen were elected permanent officers of the

convention:

President--Gen. W. R. Miles, of Yazoo county.

Vice-presidents--T. F. Cassell, of Tennessee; James Hill, of

Jackson, Mississippi; H. B. Robinson, of Arkansas; David Young,

of Louisiana.

Secretary--A. W. Crandall, Louisiana.

Assistant Secretaries--Jno. A. Galbreth, Jackson; J. D. Webster,

Washington county.

Sergeant at Arms--J. B. Pegram, Vicksburg.

Assistant sergeant at Arms--J. W. Crichloy, Vicksburg; George

Volker, Vicksburg; G. W. Walton, Vicksburg; Wesley Crayton,

Vicksburg.

After appointing a committee on credentials, the convention took

a recess until three o'clock.

SECOND DAY

The convention was called to order by the president at half past

nine.

Col. W. L. Nugent, chairman of the committee, presented the

following preamble and resolutions:

_Mr. President._ Your committee on resolutions beg leave

respectfully to report that they have inquired into the causes

which have given rise to the recent exodus of our colored

population, as far as possible within the limited time allowed,

and while these causes are difficult to ascertain, owing to the

exceptional cases of all kinds brought to their attention, they

believe the following to include those which may be considered

prominent:

1st. The low price of cotton and the partial failure of the crop

of the past year.

2d. The irrational system of planting adopted in some sections,

whereby labor was deprived of intelligence to direct it, and the

presence of economy to make it profitable.

3d. The vicious system of credit fostered by laws permitting

laborers and tenants to mortgage crops before they were grown or

even planted.

4th. The apprehension on the part of many colored people,

produced by insidious reports circulated among them, that their

civil and political rights are endangered, or are likely to be.

5th. The hurtful and false rumors, diligently disseminated, that

by emigrating to Kansas, the colored people would obtain lands,

mules and money from the government without cost to themselves,

and become independent forever.

It is a matter of astonishment to your committees that the

colored people could be induced to credit the idle stories

circulated of a promised land, where their wants would be

supplied, and their independence secured, without exertion on

their part. It was going to the extent of ignorance and credulity

to credit them; and yet evidences of an undoubted character was

furnished your committee as to this matter. It is one of the

factors in a movement the end of which we cannot now forecaste.

There are in the State of Mississippi alone five million five

hundred thousand acres of land belonging to the United States now

subject to homestead entries. Any thrifty colored man in the

South can pre-empt one hundred and sixty acres of this land at

the moderate cost of about eighteen dollars. Lands in Kansas

cannot be acquired for less. In no part of the civilized world

can unskilled labor secure a larger return, by honest toil, than

among us, but idleness accompanied by extravagance produces

suffering and want here as elsewhere.

Your committee believes that the legislation of our States should

be shaped so as to foster habits of industry among the colored

people, elevate the standard of social morals, and improve and

preserve our common school system.

Diverse views have been expressed by parties equally desirous of

reaching the same conclusion: To ascertain grievances and apply

as far as it can be done by us, the proper redress. If the single

purpose of all was to accomplish this result, without the

influences which our past experiences have engendered to expect

it, this might be done; but it can only be done with full

knowledge of all the facts. That errors have been committed by

the whites and blacks alike as each in turn have controlled the

government of the States here represented, may be safely

admitted. Disregarding the past, burying its dead with it,

standing upon the living present, and looking hopefully to the

future which is before us, your committee think their duty

accomplished when they have adopted and reported these

resolutions:

Resolved, That the interests of planters and laborers, landlords

and tenants are identical; and that they must prosper or suffer

together; and that it is the duty of the planters and landlords

of the States here represented to devise and adopt some contract

system with laborers and tenants by which both parties will

receive the full benefit of labor governed by intelligence and

economy.

Resolved, That this convention does affirm that the colored race

has been placed by the constitution of the United States and the

States here represented, of the laws thereof, on a plane of

absolute legal equality with the white race; and does declare

that the colored race shall be accorded the practical enjoyment

of all rights, civil and political, guaranteed by the said

constitution and laws.

Resolved, That, to this end, the members of this convention

pledge themselves to use whatever of power and influence they

possess, to protect the colored race against all dangers in

respect to the fair expression of their wills at the polls, which

they may apprehend may result from fraud, intimidation or "bull

dozing," on the part of the whites. And as there can be no

liberty of action without freedom of thought, they demand that

all elections shall be fair and free and that no repressive

measure shall be employed by the colored people to deprive their

own race of any part of the fullest freedom in the exercise of

the highest right of citizenship.

Resolved, That the unrestricted credit system pervading the

States here represented, based upon liens and mortgages on stock

and crops to be grown in the future, followed by a failure of

that crop, has provoked distrust, created unrest, and disturbed

their entire laboring population. All laws authorizing liens on

crops for advances constituted on articles other than those of

prime necessity at moderate profits, where such advances are made

by landlords, planters or merchants, should be discontinued and

repealed.

Resolved, That this convention call upon the colored people here

represented to contradict the false reports circulated among and

impressed upon the more ignorant and credulous; to instruct them

that no lands nor mules nor money await them in Kansas or

elsewhere without labor or price and to report to the civil

authorities all persons engaging in disseminating any such

reports.

Resolved, That it is the constitutional right of the colored

people to migrate where they please, and to whatever State they

may select for their residence; but this convention urges them to

proceed on their movement towards migration as reasonable human

beings, providing in advance, by economy and effective labor, the

means for transportation and settlement, and sustain their

reputation for honesty and fair dealing, by preserving intact

until completion the contracts for labor and leasing, which they

have made. If, when they have done this, they still desire to

leave, all obstacles to their departure be removed; all

practicable assistance will be afforded to them, and their places

will be supplied with other and contented labor.

Your committee believe that if the views employed in the

foregoing resolutions are practically carried out by the people

of both races, in good faith, the disquiet of our people will

subside. We appeal to the people of both races, in the States

here represented, to aid us in carrying these resolutions into

effect, and to report to the authorities all violations of the

laws and all interference with private rights.

W. L. NUGENT,

_Chairman_.

Gov. Foote moved to amend by substituting other resolutions, and

addressed the convention in support of his motion.

Speeches were made in favor of the original resolutions by Judge

Simrall, Hon. James Hill, Capt. W. B. Pittman, Mr. Robinson, of

Arkansas, and Col. Nugent.

At the conclusion of Col. Nugent's address the resolutions were

adopted unanimously and the convention adjourned sine die.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] These proceedings appeared in _The Vicksburg Commercial Daily

Advertiser_, May 5, 1879.

HOW THE NEGROES WERE DUPED[1]

WASHINGTON LETTER TO _New York Herald_.

Gorgeously illuminated chromo-lithographs of Kansas scenes have

been distributed among the blacks. The gentleman who has seen

some of these chromos writes that the most ravishing presentment

of rural life in Kansas is depicted. The Negroes look on the

State as a second paradise, compared with which old Canaan is a

Florida swamp. One of these pictures, entitled "A Freedman's

Home," represents a fine landscape, with fields of ripening grain

stretching away to the setting sun.

In the foreground, illuminated by a marvelous sunset, stood the

freedman's home. It was a picturesque cottage with gables, dormer

windows and wide verandas. French windows reached down to the

floor, and through the open casements appeared a seductive scene

in the family sitting room. The colored father, who had just

returned from his harvest fields, sat in an easy chair reading a

newspaper, while the children and babies rollicked on the floor

of the piazza. Through the open door of the kitchen the colored

wife could be seen directing the servants and cooks who were

preparing the evening meal. In the parlor, however, was the most

enchanting feature, for at a grand piano was poised the belle of

the household, and beside the piano where she was playing stood

her colored lover, devouring her with his eyes while he

abstractedly turned the leaves of her music. Just to one side of

the dwelling appeared a commodious barn and carriage house and

workmen busily engaged in putting in order their reapers and

mowers for the following day.

In one of these pictures, "Old Auntie" sits on the veranda

knitting stockings while she gazes on herds of buffalo and

antelope, which are feeding on the prairies beyond the wheat

fields. Approaching the gate a handsome colored man is seen

coming in from the hunt, with a dead buck and a string of wild

turkeys slung over his shoulders. These agricultural cartoons, in

vivid coloring, the writer reports are doing much to influence

the minds of the more ignorant Negroes.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This appeared in _The Vicksburg Commercial Daily Advertiser_, May

6, 1879.

REMARKS ON THIS EXODUS BY FREDERICK DOUGLASS[1]

WASHINGTON, May 6.

Fred. Douglass, marshal of the District, is out in a very strong

letter, published in the _National View_, the new Greenback organ

here, vigorously opposing the emigration of Negroes from the

South. He earnestly advises the colored men to remain at home.

The letter has caused a good deal of annoyance among the leading

Republicans, who have been vigorously working up this movement,

believing that it was a godsend to them and would be a strong

issue in future campaigns.

Fred. Douglass winds up his letter as follows:

"I am opposed to this exodus, because it is an untimely

concession to the idea that white people and colored people

cannot live together in peace and prosperity unless the whites

are a majority and control the legislation and hold the offices

of the State. I am opposed to this exodus, because it will pour

upon the people of Kansas and other Northern States a multitude

of deluded, hungry, homeless people to be supported in a large

measure by alms. I am opposed to this exodus, because it will

enable our political adversaries to make successful appeals to

popular prejudice (as in the case of the Chinese) on the ground

that these people, so ignorant and helpless, have been imported

for the purpose of making the North solid by outvoting

intelligent white Northern citizens. I am opposed to this exodus,

because 'rolling stones gather no moss;' and I agree with Emerson

that the men who made Rome or any other locality worth going to

see stayed there. There is, in my judgment, no part of the United

States where an industrious and intelligent man can serve his

race more wisely and efficiently than upon the soil where he was

born and reared and is known. I am opposed to this exodus because

I see in it a tendency to convert colored laboring men into

traveling tramps, first going North because they are persecuted,

and then returning South because they have been deceived in their

expectations, which will excite against themselves and against

our whole race an increasing measure of popular contempt and

scorn. I am opposed to this exodus because I believe that the

conditions of existence in the Southern States are steadily

improving, and that the colored man there will ultimately realize

the fullest measure of liberty and equality accorded and secured

in any section of our common country.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This appeared in _The Vicksburg Commercial Daily Advertiser_, May

7, 1879.

THE SENATE REPORT ON THE EXODUS OF 1879

Hearing of the commotion among the Negroes in Louisiana and

Mississippi in 1879, Senator D. W. Voorhees, of Indiana, offered the

following resolution which was accepted:

Whereas, large numbers of Negroes from the Southern States, and

especially from the State of North Carolina, are migrating to the

Northern States, and especially to the State of Indiana; and,

Whereas, it is currently alleged that they are induced to do so

by the unjust and cruel conduct of their white fellow citizens

toward them in the South; therefore,

_Be it Resolved_, That a committee of five members of this body

be appointed by its presiding officer, whose duty it shall be to

investigate the causes which have led to the aforesaid migration,

and to report the same to the Senate; and said committee shall

have power to send for persons and papers, compelling the defense

of witnesses, and to sit at any time.[1]

Thereupon Senator William Windom, of Minnesota, offered the following

amendment which led to the discussion of all sorts of phases of the

race problem and finally to a majority and minority report on the

exodus:[2]

_And Be it Therefore Resolved_, That in case said committee shall

find that said migration of colored people from the South has

been caused by cruel and unjust treatment or by the denial or

abridgement of personal or political rights, have so far inquired

and reported to the Senate, first; what, if any, action of

Congress may be necessary to secure to every citizen of the

United States the full and free enjoyment of all rights

guaranteed by the constitution; second; where the peaceful

adjustment of the colored race of all sectional issues may not be

best secured by the distribution of the colored race through

their partial migration from those States and congressional

districts where, by reason of their numerical majority, they are

not allowed to freely and peacefully exercise the rights of

citizenship; and third; that said committee shall inquire and

report as to the expediency and practicability of providing such

territory or territories as may be necessary for the use and

occupation of persons who may desire to migrate from their

present homes in order to secure the free, full, and peaceful

enjoyment of their constitutional rights and privileges.[2a]

REPORT

_The Select Committee, appointed by the Senate to investigate the

causes which have led to the migration of the Negroes from the

Southern States to the Northern States, having duly considered

the same, beg leave to submit the following report_:[3]

On the 18th day of December, 1879, the Senate passed the

following resolution:

Whereas, large numbers of Negroes from the Southern States are

emigrating to the Northern States; and,

Whereas, it is currently alleged that they are induced to do so

by the unjust and cruel conduct of their white fellow-citizens

towards them in the South, and by the denial or abridgement of

their personal and political rights and privileges; therefore,

_Be it Resolved_, That a committee of five members of this body

be appointed by its presiding officer, whose duty it shall be to

investigate the causes which have led to the aforesaid

emigration, and to report the same to the Senate; and said

committee shall have power to send for persons and papers, and to

sit at any time.

In obedience to this resolution the committee proceeded to take

testimony on the 19th day of January, and continuing from time to

time until 153 witnesses had been examined, embracing persons

from the States of North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,

Louisiana, Texas, Missouri, Kansas, and Indiana. Much of this

testimony is of such a character as would not be received in a

court of justice, being hearsay, the opinions of witnesses, &c.,

but we received it with a view to ascertaining, if possible, the

real state of facts in regard to the condition of the Southern

colored people, their opinions and feelings, and the feelings and

opinions of their white neighbors. We think it clearly

established from the testimony that the following may be said to

be the causes which have induced this migration of the colored

people from various portions of the South to Northern States,

chiefly to Kansas, and Indiana: That from North Carolina, the

State to which we first directed our attention, was undoubtedly

induced in a great degree by Northern politicians, and by Negro

leaders in their employ, and in the employ of railroad lines.

Examining particularly into the condition of the colored men in

that State, it was disclosed by the testimony of whites and

blacks, Republicans and Democrats, that the causes of discontent

among those people could not have arisen from any deprivation of

their political rights or any hardship in their condition. A

minute examination into their situation shows that the average

rate of wages, according to the age and strength of the hand for

field labor, was from eight to fifteen dollars per month,

including board and house to live in, garden and truck patches,

around the house, fire-wood, and certain other privileges, all

rent free.

These, added to the extra labor which could be earned by hands

during the season of gathering turpentine and resin, or of

picking cotton made the general average of compensation for labor

in that State quite equal to if not better than in any Northern

State to which these people were going, to say nothing of the

climate of North Carolina, which was infinitely better adapted to

them.

The closest scrutiny could detect no outrage or violence

inflicted upon their political rights in North Carolina for many

years past. They all testified that they voted freely; that their

votes were counted fairly; that no improper influence whatsoever

was exerted over them; and many were acquiring real estate, and

were enjoying the same privileges of education for their

children, precisely, that the whites were enjoying.

It was also disclosed by the testimony that there existed aid

societies in the city of Washington, in the city of Topeka,

Kans., Indianapolis, and elsewhere throughout the West, whose

avowed object was to furnish aid to colored men migrating to the

West and North; and notwithstanding that the agents and members

of these societies generally disclaimed that it was their

intention to induce any colored men to leave their homes, but

only to aid in taking care of them after they had arrived, yet it

was established undeniably, not only that the effect of these

societies and of the aid extended by them operated to cause the

exodus originally, but that they stimulated it directly by

publishing and distributing among the colored men circulars

artfully designed and calculated to stir up discontent. Every

single member, agent, friend, or sympathizer with these societies

and their purposes were ascertained to belong to the Republican

party, and generally to be active members thereof. Some of the

circulars contained the grossest misrepresentation of facts, and

in almost all cases the immigrants expected large aid from the

government of clothes, or land, or money or free transportation,

or something of that kind. Hundreds of them, on given days at

various points in the South, crowded to the depots or to the

steamboat landings upon a rumor that free transportation was to

be furnished to all who would go. It was also disclosed by the

testimony on the part of some very candid and intelligent

witnesses that their object in promoting this exodus of the

colored people was purely political. They thought it would be

well to remove a sufficient number of blacks from the South,

where their votes could not be made to tell, into close States in

the North, and thus turn the scale in favor of the Republican

party.

Wages, rents, method of cropping on shares, &c., were inquired

into in all of the Southern States mentioned, and the fact

ascertained that the aggregate was about the same as in North

Carolina. In most of the Southern States, where wages were higher

than in North Carolina, expenses were also higher, so that the

aggregate, as before stated, was about the same.

One cause of complaint alleged as a reason for this exodus of the

colored people from the South was their mistreatment in the

courts of justice. Directing our attention to this the committee

have ascertained that in many of the districts of the South the

courts were under entire Republican control--judges, prosecuting

attorneys, sheriffs, &c., and that there were generally as many

complaints from districts thus controlled as there were from

districts which were under the control of the Democratic

officials; and that the whole of the complaints taken together

might be said to be such as are generally made by the ignorant

who fail to receive in courts what they think is justice.

Your committee found no State or county in the South, into which

this investigation extended, where colored men were excluded from

juries either in theory or in practice; they found no county or

district in the South where they were excluded, either in theory

or practice, from their share in the management of county affairs

and of the control of county government. On the contrary,

whenever their votes were in a majority we found that the

officers were most generally divided among the black people, or

among white people of their choice. Frequently we found the

schools to be controlled by them, especially that portion of the

school fund which was allotted to their race, and the complaints

which had been so often made of excessive punishment of the

blacks by the courts as compared with the whites upon

investigation in nearly all cases, proved to be either unfounded

in fact or that if there was an apparent excess of punishment of

a black man the cause was ascertained to be in the nature of the

crime with which he was charged, or the attendant circumstances.

The educational advantages in the South, the committee regret to

say, were found to be insufficient, and far inferior to those of

most of the States of the North, but such as they were we found

in every case that the blacks had precisely the same advantages

that the whites enjoyed; that the school fund was divided among

them according to numbers; that their teachers were quite as

good, and chosen with as much care; that their schools existed as

many months in the year; in short, the same facilities were

afforded to the blacks as were to the whites in this respect; and

that these schools were generally supported by the voluntary

taxation imposed by the legislatures composed of white men,

levied upon their own property for the common benefit.

With regard to political outrages which have formed the staple of

complaint for many years against the people of the South, your

committee diligently inquired, and have to report that they found

nothing or almost nothing new. Many old stories were revived and

dwelt upon by zealous witnesses, but very few indeed ventured to

say that any considerable violence or outrage had been exhibited

toward the colored people of the South within the last few years,

and still fewer of all those who testified upon this subject, and

who were evidently anxious to make the most of it, testified to

anything as within their own knowledge. It was all hearsay, and

nothing but hearsay, with rare exceptions.

Many of the witnesses before us were colored politicians, men who

make their living by politics, and whose business it was to stir

up feeling between the whites and blacks; keep alive the embers

of political hatred; and were men of considerable intelligence,

so that what they failed to set forth of outrages perpetrated

against their race may be safely assumed not to exist. Many, on

the contrary, were intelligent, sober, industrious, and

respectable men, who testified to their own condition, the amount

of property that they had accumulated since their emancipation,

the comfort in which they lived, the respect with which they

were regarded by their white neighbors. These universally

expressed the opinion that all colored men who would practice

equal industry and sobriety could have fared equally well; and in

fact their own condition was ample proof of the treatment of the

colored people by the whites of the South, and of their

opportunities to thrive, if they were so determined. Some of

these men owned so much as a thousand acres of real estate in the

best portions of the South; many of them had tenants of their

own, white men, occupying their premises and paying them rent;

and your committee naturally arrived at the conclusion that if

one black man could attain to this degree of prosperity and

respectable citizenship, others could, having the same capacity

for business and practicing the same sobriety and industry.

Your committee also directed their attention to the complaints

frequently made with regard to the laws passed in various States

of the South relating to landlord and tenant, and to the system

adopted by many planters for furnishing their tenants and

laborers with supplies. We found, upon investigation of these

laws, and of the witnesses in relation to their operation, that

as a general rule they were urgently called for by the

circumstances in which the South found itself after the war. The

universal adoption of homestead and personal property exemption

laws deprived poor men of credit, and the landlord class, for its

own protection, procured the passage of these laws giving them a

lien upon the crop made by the tenant until his rents and his

supplies furnished for the subsistence of the tenant and his

family had been paid and discharged; and while upon the surface

these laws appeared to be hard and in favor of the landlord, they

were, as was actually testified by many intelligent witnesses,

quite as much or more in favor of the tenant, as it enabled him

to obtain credit, to subsist himself and his family, and to make

a crop without any means whatsoever but his own labor. It was

alleged also that in many instances landlords, or if not

landlords then merchants, would establish country stores for

furnishing supplies to laborers and tenants, and the laborer,

having no money to go elsewhere or take the natural advantages of

competition, was forced to buy at these stores at exorbitant

prices.

Your committee regret to say that they found it to be frequently

the case that designing men, or bad and dishonest men, would take

advantage of the ignorance or necessity of the Negroes to obtain

these exorbitant prices; but at the same time your committee is

not aware of a spot on earth where the cunning and unscrupulous

do not take advantage of the ignorant; and cannot regard it as a

sufficient cause for these black people leaving their homes and

going into distant States and among strangers unless they had a

proper assurance that the State to which they were going

contained no dishonest men, or men who would take such advantage

of them. Your committee feel bound to say, however, in justice to

the planters of the South, that this abuse is not at all general

nor frequent; and that as a general rule while exorbitant prices

are exacted sometimes from men in the situation of the blacks,

yet the excuse for it is the risk which planter and merchant run.

Should a bad crop year come, should the Army worm devour the

cotton, or any other calamity come upon the crop, the landlord is

without his rent, the storekeeper is without his pay, and worse

than all the laborer is without a means of subsistence for the

next year. It is hoped and believed that when the heretofore

disturbed condition of the people of the South settles down into

regularity and order, the natural laws of trade and competition

will assert themselves and this evil will be to a great extent

remedied, whilst the diffusion of education among the colored

people will enable them to keep their own accounts and hold a

check upon those who would act dishonestly towards them.

On the whole, your committee express the positive opinion that

the condition of the colored people of the South is not only as

good as could have been reasonably expected, but is better than

if large communities were transferred to a colder and more

inhospitable climate, thrust into competition with a different

system of labor, among strangers who are not accustomed to them,

their ways, habits of thought and action, their idiosyncrasies,

and their feelings. While a gradual migration, such as

circumstances dictate among the white races, might benefit the

individual black man and his family as it does those of the white

race, we cannot but regard this wholesale attempt to transfer a

people without means and without intelligence, from the homes of

their nativity in this manner, as injurious to the people of the

South, injurious to the people and the labor system of the State

where they go, and, more than all, injurious to the last degree

to the black people themselves. That there is much in their

condition to be deplored in the South no one will deny; that that

condition is gradually and steadily improving in every respect is

equally true. That there have been clashings of the races in the

South, socially and politically, is never to be denied nor to be

wondered at; but when we come to consider the method in which the

people were freed, as the result of a bitter and desolating civil

war; and that for purposes of party politics these incompetent,

ignorant, landless, homeless people, without any qualifications

of citizenship, without any of the ties of property or the

obligations of education, were suddenly thrown into political

power, and the effort was made not only to place them upon an

equality with their late masters, but to absolutely place them in

front and hold them there by legislation, by military violence,

and by every other means that could possibly be resorted to; when

we consider these things no philosophical mind can behold their

present condition, and the present comparative state of peace and

amity between the two races, without wonder that their condition

is as good as it is.

No man can behold this extraordinary spectacle of two people

attempting to reconcile themselves in spite of the interference

of outsiders, and to live in harmony, to promote each other's

prosperity in spite of the bitter animosities which the sudden

elevation of the one has engendered, without the liveliest hope

that if left to themselves, the condition of the former subject

race will still more rapidly improve, and that the best results

may be reasonably and fairly expected.

Your committee is further of the opinion that all the attempts of

legislation; that all the inflammatory appeals of politicians

upon the stump and through the newspapers; that the wild and

misdirected philanthropy of certain classes of our citizens; that

these aid societies, and all other of the influences which are so

industriously brought to bear to disturb the equanimity of the

colored people of the South and to make them discontented with

their position, are doing them a positive and almost incalculable

injury, to say nothing of pecuniary losses which have thus been

inflicted upon Southern communities.

Your committee is further of opinion that Congress having enacted

all the legislation for the benefit of the colored people of the

South which under the Constitution it can enact, and having seen

that all the States of the South have done the same; that by the

Constitution of the United States and the constitutions of the

various States these people are placed upon a footing of perfect

equality before the law, and given the chance to work out their

own civilization and improvements, any further attempts at

legislation or agitation of the subject will but excite in them

hopes of exterior aid that will be disappointing to them, and

will prevent them from working out diligently and with care their

own salvation; that the sooner they are taught to depend upon

themselves, the sooner they will learn to take care of

themselves; the sooner they are taught to know that their true

interest is promoted by cultivating the friendship of their white

neighbors instead of their enmity, the sooner they will gain that

friendship; and that friendship and harmony once fully attained,

there is nothing to bar the way to their speedy civilization and

advancement in wealth and prosperity, except such as hinder all

people in that great work.

D. W. VOORHEES.

Z. B. VANCE.

GEO. II. PENDLETON.

REPORT OF THE MINORITY

_The undersigned, a minority of the committee appointed under

resolution of the Senate of December 15, 1879, to investigate the

causes which have led to the emigration of Negroes from the

Southern to the Northern States, submit the following report:_[4]

In the month of December last a few hundred colored men, women,

and children, discontented with their condition in North

Carolina, and hoping to improve it, were emigrating to Indiana.

This movement, though utterly insignificant in comparison with

the vastly greater numbers which were moving from other Southern

States into Kansas, seemed to be considered of very much more

importance, in certain quarters, on account of its alleged

political purposes and bearing. The theory upon which the

investigation was asked was that the emigration into the State of

Indiana was the result of a conspiracy on the part of Northern

leaders of the Republican party to colonize that State with

Negroes for political purposes. The utter absurdity of this

theory should have been apparent to everybody, for if the

Republican party, or its leaders, proposed to import Negroes into

Indiana for political purposes, why take them from North

Carolina? Why import them from a State where the Republicans hope

and expect to carry the election, when there were thousands upon

thousands ready and anxious to come from States certainly

Democratic. Why transport them by rail at heavy expense half way

across the continent when they could have taken them from

Kentucky without any expense, or brought them up the Mississippi

River by steamers at merely nominal cost? Why send twenty-five

thousand to Kansas to swell her 40,000 Republican majority, and

only seven or eight hundred to Indiana? These considerations

brand with falsehood and folly the charge that the exodus was a

political movement induced by Northern partisan leaders? And yet

to prove this absurd proposition the committee devoted six months

of hard and fruitless labor, during which they examined one

hundred and fifty-nine witnesses, selected from all parts of the

country, mainly with reference to their supposed readiness to

prove said theory, expended over $30,000 and filled three large

volumes of testimony.

The undersigned feel themselves authorized to say that there is

no evidence whatever even tending to sustain the charge that the

Republican party, or any of its leaders, have been instrumental,

either directly or indirectly, in aiding or encouraging these

people to come from their homes in the South to any of the

Northern States. A good deal of complaint was made that certain

"aid societies" in the North had encouraged and aided this

migration, and a futile attempt was made to prove that these

societies were acting in the interest of the Republican party.

Upon inquiry, however, it was ascertained that their purposes

were purely charitable and had no connection whatever with any

political motive or movement. They were composed almost wholly of

colored people, and were brought into existence solely to afford

temporary relief to the destitute and suffering emigrants who had

already come into the Northern and Western States.

In the spring of 1879 thousands of colored people, unable longer

to endure the intolerable hardships, injustice, and suffering

inflicted upon them by a class of Democrats in the South, had, in

utter despair, fled panic-stricken from their homes and sought

protection among strangers in a strange land. Homeless,

penniless, and in rags, these poor people were thronging the

wharves of Saint Louis, crowding the steamers on the Mississippi

River, and in pitiable destitution throwing themselves upon the

charity of Kansas. Thousands more were congregating along the

banks of the Mississippi River, hailing the passing steamers, and

imploring them for a passage to the land of freedom, where their

rights of citizens were respected and honest toil rewarded by

honest compensation. The newspapers were filled with accounts of

their destitution, and the very air was burdened with the cry of

distress from a class of American citizens flying from

persecutions which they could not longer endure. Their piteous

tales of outrage, suffering and wrong touched the hearts of the

more fortunate members of their race in the North and West, and

aid societies, designed to afford temporary relief, and composed

largely, almost wholly, of colored people, were organized in

Washington, Saint Louis, Topeka, and in various other places.

That they were organized to induce migration for political

purposes, or to aid or to encourage these people to leave their

homes for any purpose, or that they ever contributed one dollar

to that end, is utterly untrue, and there is absolutely nothing

in the testimony to sustain such a charge. Their purposes and

objects were purely charitable. They found a race of wretched

miserable people flying from oppression and wrong, and they

sought to relieve their distress. The refugees were hungry, and

they fed them: in rags, and they clothed them; homeless, and they

sheltered them; destitute, and they found employment for

them--only this and nothing more.

The real origin of the exodus movement and the organizations at

the South which have promoted it are very clearly stated by the

witnesses who have been most active in regard to it.

Henry Adams, of Shreveport, Louisiana, an uneducated colored

laborer, but a man of very unusual natural abilities, and, so far

as the committee could learn, entirely reliable and truthful,

states that he entered the United States Army in 1866 and

remained in it until 1869; that when he left the Army he returned

to his former home at Shreveport, and, finding the condition of

his race intolerable, he and a number of other men who had also

been in the Army set themselves to work to better the condition

of their people.

In 1870--

He says--

a parcel of us got together and said we would organize ourselves

into a committee and look into affairs and see the true condition

of our race, to see whether it was possible we could stay under a

people who held us in bondage or not.

That committee increased until it numbered about five hundred and

Mr. Adams says:

Some of the members of the committee was ordered by the committee

to go into every State in the South where we had been slaves,

and post one another from time to time about the true condition

of our race, and nothing but the truth.

In answer to the question whether they traveled over various

States he said:

"Yes, sir; and we worked, some of us, worked our way from place

to place, and went from State to State and worked--some of them

did--amongst our people, in the fields, everywhere, to see what

sort of a living our people lived--whether we could live in the

South amongst the people that held us as slaves or not. We

continued that on till 1874. Every one paid his own expenses,

except the one we sent to Louisiana and Mississippi. We took

money out of our pockets and sent him, and said to him you must

now go to work. You can't find out anything till you get amongst

them. You can talk as much as you please, but you got to go right

into the field and work with them and sleep with them to know all

about them."

I think about one hundred or one hundred and fifty went from one

place or another.

Q. What was the character of the information that they gave you?

A. Well, the character of the information they brought to us was

very bad, sir.

* * * * *

Q. Do you remember any of these reports that you got from members

of your committee?--A. Yes, sir; they said in several parts where

they was that the land rent was still higher there in that part

of the country than it was where we first organized it, and the

people was still being whipped, some of them, by the old owners,

the men that had owned them as slaves, and some of them was being

cheated out of their crops just the same as they was there.

Q. Was anything said about their personal and political rights in

these reports as to how they were treated?--A. Yes; some of them

stated that in some parts of the country where they voted they

would be shot. Some of them stated that if they voted the

Democratic ticket they would not be injured.

Q. Now let us understand more distinctly, before we go any

further, the kind of people who composed that association. The

committee, as I understand you, was composed entirely of laboring

people?--A. Yes, sir.

Q Did it include any politicians of either color, white or

black?--A. No politicianers didn't belong to it, because we

didn't allow them to know nothing about it, because we was

afraid that if we allowed the colored politicianers to belong to

it he would tell it to the Republican politicianers, and from

that the men that was doing all this to us would get hold of it

too, and then get after us.

* * * * *

Q. About what time did you lose all hope and confidence that your

condition could be tolerable in the Southern States?--A. Well we

never lost all hopes in the world till 1877.

Q. Why did you lose all hope in that year?--A. Well, we found

ourselves in such condition that we looked around and we seed

that there was no way on earth, it seemed, that we could better

our condition there, and we discussed that thoroughly in our

organization in May. We said that the whole South--every State in

the South--had got into the hands of the very men that held us

slaves--from one thing to another--and we thought that the men

that held us slaves was holding the reins of government over our

heads in every respect almost, even the constable up to the

governor. We felt we had almost as well be slaves under these

men. In regard to the whole matter that was discussed it came up

in every council. Then we said there was no hope for us and we

had better go.

Q. You say, then, that in 1877 you lost all hope of being able to

remain in the South, and you began to think of moving somewhere

else?--A. Yes; we said we was going if we had to run away and go

into the woods.

Q. About how many did this committee consist of before you

organized your council? Give us the number as near as you can

tell.--A. As many as five hundred in all.

Q. The committee, do you mean? A. Yes; the committee has been

that large.

Q. What was the largest number reached by your colonization

council, in your best judgment?--A. Well, it is not exactly five

hundred men belonging to the council that we have in our council,

but they all agreed to go with us and enroll their names with us

from time to time, so that they have now got at this time

ninety-eight thousand names enrolled.

Q. Then through that council, as sort of subscribers to its

purpose and acts and for carrying out its objects, there were

ninety-eight thousand names?--A. Yes; ninety-eight thousand names

enrolled.

Q. In what parts of the country were these ninety-eight thousand

people scattered?--A. Well some in Louisiana--the majority of

them in Louisiana--and some in Texas, and some in Arkansas. We

joins Arkansas.

Q. Were there any in Mississippi?--A. Yes, sir; a few in

Mississippi.

Q. And a few in Alabama?--A. Yes, sir; a few in Alabama, too.

Q. Did the organization extend at all into other States farther

away?--A. O, yes, sir.

Q. Have you members in all the Southern States?--A. Not in every

one, but in a great many of the others.

Q. Are these members of that colonization council in

communication as to the condition of your race, and as to the

best thing to be done to alleviate their troubles?--A. O, yes.

Q. What do you know about inducements being held out from

politicians of the North, or from politicians anywhere else, to

induce these people to leave their section of country and go into

the Northern or Western States?--A. There is nobody has written

letters of that kind, individually--not no white persons, I know,

not to me, to induce anybody to come.

Q. Well, to any of the other members of your council?--A. No, I

don't think to any of the members. If they have, they haven't

said nothing to me about it.

It appears also from the evidence of Samuel L. Perry, of North

Carolina, a colored man, who accompanied most of the emigrants

from that State to Indiana, and who had more to do with the

exodus from that quarter than any other man, that the movement

had its origin as far back as 1872, as the following questions

and answers will show:

Q. You have heard a good deal of this testimony with reference to

this exodus from North Carolina. Now begin at the beginning and

tell us all you know about it.--A. Well, the beginning, I

suppose, was in this way: The first idea or the first thing was,

we used to have little meetings to talk over these matters. In

1872 we first received some circulars or pamphlets from O. F.

Davis, of Omaha, Nebraska.

Q. In 1872?--A. Yes, sir; in 1872--giving a description of

government lands and railroads that could be got cheap; and we

held little meetings then; that is, we would meet and talk about

it Sunday evenings--that is, the laboring class of our

people--the only ones I knew anything about; I had not much to do

with the big professional Negroes, the rich men. I did not

associate with them much, but I got among the workingmen, and

they would take these pamphlets and read them over.

Mr. Perry says that the feeling in favor of migrating subsided

somewhat, but sprung up again in 1876. From that time down to

1879 there were frequent consultations upon the subject, much

dissatisfaction expressed respecting their condition, and a

desire to emigrate to some part of the West. He says about "that

time I was a subscriber to the New York Herald, and from an

article in that paper the report was that the people were going

to Kansas, and we thought we could go to Kansas, too; that we

could get a colony to go West. That was last spring. We came back

and formed ourselves into a colony of some hundred men." They did

not, however, begin their westward movements until the fall of

1879, when it being ascertained by the railroad companies that a

considerable number of people were proposing to migrate from

North Carolina to the West, several railroad companies, notably

the Baltimore and Ohio, offered to certain active and influential

colored men $1 per head for all the passengers they could procure

for the respective competing lines.

By reference to this evidence, part 3, page 136, it will be seen

that the emigration movement in Alabama originated as far back as

the year 1871, when an organization of colored people, called the

State Labor Union, delegated Hon. George F. Marlow to visit

Kansas, and other parts of the West, for the purpose of examining

that country and reporting back to a future convention his views

as to the expediency of removing thereto. A convention of colored

people was held again in 1872, at which Mr. Marlow made the

following glowing report of the condition of things in Kansas and

the inducements that State offered to the colored people. He

said:

In August, 1871, being delegated by your president for the

purpose, I visited the State of Kansas, and here give the results

of my observations, briefly stated.

It is a new State, and as such possesses many advantages over the

old.

It is much more productive than most other States.

What is raised yields more profit than elsewhere, as it is raised

at less expense.

The weather and roads enable you to do more work here than

elsewhere.

The climate is mild and pleasant.

Winters short and require little food for stock.

Fine grazing country; stock can be grazed all winter.

The population is enterprising, towns and villages spring up

rapidly and great profits arise from all investments.

Climate dry, and land free from swamps.

The money paid to doctors in less healthy regions can here be

used to build up a house.

People quiet and orderly, schools and churches to be found in

every neighborhood, and ample provision for free schools is made

by the State.

Money, plenty, and what you raise commands a good price.

Fruits of all kinds easily grown and sold at large profits.

Railroads are being built in every direction.

The country is well watered.

Salt and coal are plentiful.

It is within the reach of every man, no matter how poor, to have

a home in Kansas. The best lands are to be had at from $2 to $10

an acre, _on time_. The different railroads own large tracts of

land, and offer liberal inducements to emigrants. You can get

good land in some places for $1.25 an acre. The country is mostly

open prairie, and level, with deep, rich soil, producing from

forty to one hundred bushels of corn and wheat to the acre. The

corn grows about eight or nine feet high, and I never saw better

fruit anywhere than there.

The report was adopted.

The feeling of the colored people in that State in 1872 was well

expressed by Hon. Robert H. Knox, of Montgomery, a prominent

colored citizen, who, in addressing the convention, spoke as

follows:

I have listened with great attention to the report of the

commissioner appointed by authority of the State Labor Union to

visit Kansas, and while I own the inducements held out to the

laboring man in that far-off State are much greater than those

enjoyed by our State, I yet would say let us rest here awhile

longer; let us trust in God, the President, and Congress to give

us what is most needed here, personal security to the laboring

masses, the suppression of violence, disorder, and kukluxism, the

protection which the Constitution and laws of the United States

guarantee, and to which as citizens and men we are entitled.

Failing in these, it is time then, I repeat, to desert the State

and seek homes elsewhere where there may be the fruition of hopes

inaugurated when by the hand of Providence the shackles were

stricken from the limbs of four million men, where there may be

enjoyed in peace and happiness by your own fireside the earnings

of your daily toil.

Benjamin Singleton, an aged colored man, now residing in Kansas,

swears that he began the work inducing his race to migrate to

that State as early as 1869, and that he has brought mainly from

Tennessee, and located in two colonies--one in Cherokee County,

and another in Lyons County, Kansas--a total of 7,432 colored

people. The old man spoke in the most touching manner of the

sufferings and wrongs of his people in the South, and in the most

glowing terms of their condition in their new homes; and when

asked as to who originated the movement, he proudly asserted, "I

am the father of the exodus." He said that during these years

since he began the movement he has paid from his own pocket over

$600 for circulars, which he has caused to be printed and

circulated all over the Southern States, advising all who can pay

their way to come to Kansas. In these circulars he advised the

colored people of the advantages of living in a free State, and

told them how well the emigrants whom he had taken there were

getting on. He says that the emigrants whom he has taken to

Kansas are happy and doing well. The old man insists with great

enthusiasm that he is the "Whole cause of the Kansas

immigration," and is very proud of his achievement.

Here, then, we have conclusive proof from the Negroes themselves

that they have been preparing for this movement for many years.

Organizations to this end have existed in many States, and the

agents of such organizations have traveled throughout the South.

One of these organizations alone kept one hundred and fifty men

in the field for years, traveling among their brethren and

secretly discussing this among other means of relief. As stated

by Adams and Perry, politicians were excluded, and the movement

was confined wholly to the working classes.

The movement has doubtless been somewhat stimulated by circulars

from railroad companies and State emigration societies which have

found their way into the South, but these have had comparatively

little effect. The following specimen of these emigration

documents, which was gotten up and circulated by Indiana

Democrats, printed at a Democratic printing office, and written

by a Democrat, in our judgment appeals more strongly to the

imagination and wants of the Negro than any we have been able to

find:

_In every county of the State there is an asylum where those who

are unable to work and have no means of support are cared for at

the public expense._

Laborers who work by the month or by the year make their own

contract with the employer, and all disputes subsequently arising

are settled by legal processes in the proper courts, _everybody

being equal before the law in Indiana_. The price of farm labor

has varied considerably in the last twenty years. _About $16 per

month may be assumed as about the average per month, and this is

understood to include board and lodging at the farm-house._ This

amount is _paid in current money at the end of each month_,

unless otherwise stipulated in the contract. Occasionally a

tenement house is found on the larger farms, where a laborer

lives with his family, and either rents a portion of the farm or

cultivates it on special contract with the landlord. _With us

there is no class of laborers as such. The young man who today

may be hired as a laborer at monthly wages, may in five years

from now be himself a proprietor, owning the soil he cultivates

and paying wages to laborers. The upward road is open to all_,

and its highest elevation is attainable by industry, economy, and

perseverance.

Sixteen dollars per month, with board! Everybody equal before the

law! No class of laborers as such! The hired man of today himself

the owner of a farm in five years! No cheating of tenants, but

everything paid in current money. And if all this will not

attract the Negro he is told there is an "asylum in every county"

to which he can go when unable to support himself. The document

also promises to everybody "free schools" in "brick or stone

school-houses," and says they have "2,000,000 greater school fund

than any State in the Union." These Democratic documents have

been circulated by the thousand, and doubtless many of them have

found their way into the Negro cabins of North Carolina. It is

not surprising that the Negro looks with longing eyes to that

great and noble State.

CAUSES OF THE EXODUS

There is surely some adequate cause for such a movement. The

majority of the committee have utterly failed to find it, or, if

found, to recognize it. When it was found that any of their own

witnesses were ready to state causes which did not accord with

their theory they were dismissed without examination, as in the

cases of Ruby and Stafford, and a half dozen others who were

brought from Kansas, but who on their arrival here were found to

entertain views not agreeable to the majority.

We regret that a faithful and honest discussion of this subject

compels a reference to the darkest, bloodiest, and most shameful

chapter of our political history. Gladly would we avoid it, but

candor compels us to say that the volume which shall faithfully

record the crimes which, in the name of Democracy, have been

committed against the citizenship, the lives, and the personal

rights of these people, and which have finally driven them in

utter despair from their homes, will stand forever without a

parallel in the annals of Christian civilization. In discussing

these sad and shameful events, we wish it distinctly understood

that we do not arraign the whole people nor even the entire

Democratic party of the States in which they have occurred. The

colored and other witnesses all declare that the lawlessness from

which they have suffered does not meet the approval of the better

class of Democrats at the South. They are generally committed by

the reckless, dissolute classes who unfortunately too often

control and dominate the Democratic party and dictate its policy.

We have no doubt there are many Democrats in the South who deeply

regret this condition of things, and who would gladly welcome a

change, but they are in a helpless, and we fear a hopeless,

minority in many sections of that country.

The unfortunate and inexcusable feature of the case is that,

however much they may deplore such lawlessness, they have never,

so far as we can learn, declined to accept its fruits. They may

regret the violence and crimes by which American citizens are

prevented from voting, but they rejoice in the Democratic

victories which result therefrom. So long as they shall continue

thus to accept the fruits of crime, the criminals will have but

little fear of punishment or restraint, and the lawless conduct

which is depopulating some sections of their laboring classes

will go on. There is another unfortunate feature of this matter.

So long as crimes against American citizenship shall continue to

suppress Republican majorities, and to give a "solid South" to

the Democracy, there will be found enough Democrats at the North

who will shut their eyes to the means by which it is

accomplished, and seek to cover up and excuse the conduct of

their political partisans at the South.

This is well illustrated by the report of the majority of the

committee. In the presence of most diabolic outrages clearly

proven; in the face of the declaration of thousands of refugees

that they had fled because of the insecurity of their lives and

property at the South, and because the Democratic party of that

section had, by means too shocking and shameful to relate,

deprived them of their rights as American citizens; in the face

of the fact that it has been clearly shown by the evidence that

organizations of colored laborers, one of which numbered

ninety-eight thousand, have existed for many years and extending

into many States of the South, designed to improve their

condition by emigration--in the face of all these facts the

majority of the committee can see no cause for the exodus growing

out of such wrongs, but endeavor to charge it to the Republicans

of the North.

In view of this fact, it is our painful duty to point out some of

the real causes of this movement. It is, however, quite

impossible to enumerate all or any considerable part of the

causes of discontent and utter despair which have finally

culminated in this movement. To do so would be to repeat a

history of violence and crime which for fifteen years have

reddened with the blood of innocent victims many of the fairest

portions of our country; to do so would be to read the numberless

volumes of sworn testimony which have been carefully corded away

in the crypt and basement of this Capitol, reciting shocking

instances of crime, crying from the ground against the

perpetrators of the deeds which they record. The most which we

can hope to do within the limits of this report is to present a

very few facts which shall be merely illustrative of the

conditions which have driven from their homes, and the graves of

their fathers an industrious, patient, and law-abiding people,

whom we are bound by every obligation of honor and patriotism to

protect in their personal and political rights and privileges.

We begin with the State of North Carolina because the migration

from that State has been comparatively insignificant, and also

because the conditions there are more favorable to the colored

race than in any of the other cotton States of the South. Owing

to the lack of funds, and to the time employed in the examination

of witnesses called by the majority the Republican members of the

committee summoned no witnesses from the State of North Carolina,

and were obliged to content themselves with such facts as could

be obtained from one or two persons who happened to be in this

city, and such other facts as were brought out upon

cross-examination of the witnesses called by the other side. By

the careful selection of a few well-to-do and more fortunate

colored men from that State, the majority of the committee

secured some evidence tending to show that a portion of the

Negroes of North Carolina are exceptionally well treated and

contented, and yet upon cross-examination of their own witnesses

facts were disclosed which showed that, even there, conditions

exist which are ample to account for the migration of the entire

colored population.

There are three things in that State which create great

discontent among the colored people: First, the abridgment of

their rights of self-government; second, their disadvantages as

to common schools; third, discriminations against them in the

courts; and, fourth, the memory of Democratic outrages. Prior to

Democratic rule the people of each county elected five

commissioners, who had supervision over the whole county, and who

chose the judges of elections. The Democrats changed the

constitution so as to take this power from the people, and gave

to the general assembly authority to appoint these officers. This

they regard not only as practically depriving them of

self-government, but, as stated by one of the witnesses, Hon. R.

C. Badger, as placing the elections, even in Republican

townships, wholly under the control of the Democrats, who thereby

"have the power to count up the returns and throw out the balance

for any technicality, exactly as Garcelon & Co. did in Maine."

This creates much dissatisfaction, because they believe they are

cheated out of their votes. The Negro values the ballot more than

anything else, because he knows that it is his only means of

defense and protection. A law which places all the returning

boards in the hands of his political opponents necessarily and

justly produces discontent.

Next to the ballot the Negro values the privileges of common

schools, for in them he sees the future elevation of his race.

The prejudice even in North Carolina against white teachers of

colored schools seems to have abated but little since the war.

Mr. Badger, when cross-examined on this point, said:

Q. Is there any prejudice still remaining there against white

teachers of colored schools?--A. I think there is.

Q. Will you explain it?--A. I cannot explain it, except by the

prejudices between the races.

Q. You mean, white persons teaching a colored school lose social

status?--A. Yes, sir.

Q. Now, a white lady who comes from the North and teaches a

colored school, to what extent is she tabooed?--A. I don't think

she would have any acquaintances in white society.

Q. Would she be any quicker invited into white society than a

colored woman?--A. Just about the same.

This fact contains within itself a volume of testimony. It shows

that the Negro is still regarded as a sort of social and

political pariah, whom no white person may teach without

incurring social ostracism and being degraded to the level of the

social outcast he or she would elevate in the scale of being. Is

it surprising that the Negro is dissatisfied with his condition

and desires to emigrate to some country where his children may

hope for better things?

The most serious complaints, however, which are made against the

treatment of colored citizens of North Carolina is that justice

is not fairly administered in the courts as between themselves

and the whites. On this point the evidence of Mr. R. C. Badger

reveals a condition of things to which no people can long submit.

Here is his illustration of the manner in which justice is

usually meted out as between the Negroes and the whites:

Q. How about the discrimination in the courts as between the

whites and blacks?--A. That is principally in matters of larceny.

In such cases the presumption is reversed as to the Negro. A

white man can't be convicted without the fullest proof, and with

the Negroes, in matters between themselves, such as assault and

battery, they get as fair a trial as the whites. At the January

term of our court Judge Avery presided. A white man and a colored

woman were indicted for an affray. The woman was in her husband's

barn getting out corn; they were going to move, and the white man

came down there and said, "You seem to have a good time laughing

here this morning," and she said, yes, she had a right to laugh.

He said, "You are getting that corn out, and you would have made

more if you had stuck to your husband." She seemed to be a sort

of termagant, and she said nobody said that about her unless you

told them. He made some insulting remark, and she made something

in return to him, and he took a billet of wood and struck her on

the shoulder, and he pulled a pistol and beat her with it, and

she went for him to kill him. _They found the man not guilty and

they found her guilty_, but Judge Avery set the verdict aside and

ordered the case _nolle prossed_ against her.

Q. Do you think that is a fair sample of the justice they

get?--A. Yes, sir.

Q. Do you think they will convict a colored woman in order to get

a chance to turn loose a white man?--A. Yes, sir.

Mr. Badger was not our witness. He was called by the majority,

but he is a gentleman of high character, the son of an ex-member

of this body, and thoroughly acquainted with the condition of

things in his State. He puts the case just mentioned as a "fair

sample" of North Carolina justice toward the Negro. It is true

the judge set aside the verdict, but this does not change the

fact that before a North Carolina jury the Negro has but little

hope of justice.

Back of all these things lies the distrust of Democracy which was

inspired during the days when the "Kuklux," the "White

Brotherhood," the Universal Empire, and the "Stonewall Guard"

spread terror and desolation over the State in order to wrest it

from Republicanism to Democracy. The memory of those dark days

and bloody deeds, the prejudice which still forbids white ladies

to teach colored schools, and denies "even-handed" justice in the

courts, and the usurpations which place the returning boards all

in the hands of Democrats, have inspired a feeling of discontent

which has found expression in the efforts of a few to leave the

State. These facts, taken in connection with the bonus of one

dollar per head offered by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad

Company (a Democratic corporation represented by a Democratic

agent) to leading colored men who would secure passengers for

their road, has led to the emigration of some seven or eight

hundred colored people from that State, and the only wonder is

that thousands instead of hundreds have not gone.

LOUISIANA AND MISSISSIPPI

The States of Louisiana and Mississippi have furnished the larger

portion of the migration to Kansas, and as the conditions which

caused the exodus are the same in both of these States, we may

speak of them together. No single act of wrong has inspired this

movement, but a long series of oppression, injustice, and

violence, extending over a period of fifteen years. These people

have been long-suffering and wonderfully patient, but the time

came when they could endure it no longer and they resolved to go.

We can convey no adequate idea of what they endured before

adopting this desperate resolve, but will mention a few facts

drawn from well authenticated history, from sworn public

documents, and from the evidence taken by the Exodus

Investigating Committee. Writing under date of January 10, 1875,

General P. H. Sheridan, then in command at New Orleans, says:

Since the year 1866 nearly thirty-five hundred persons, a great

majority of whom were colored men, have been killed and wounded

in this State. In 1868 the official records show that eighteen

hundred and eighty-five were killed and wounded. From 1868 to the

present time no official investigation has been made, and the

civil authorities in all but a few cases have been unable to

arrest, convict or punish the perpetrators. Consequently there

are no correct records to be consulted for information. There is

ample evidence, however, to show that more than twelve hundred

persons have been killed and wounded during this time on account

of their political sentiments. Frightful massacres have occurred

in the parishes of Bossier, Caddo, Catahoula, Saint Bernard,

Saint Landry, Grant, and Orleans.

He then proceeds to enumerate the political murders of colored

men in the various parishes, and says:

"Human life in this State is held so cheaply that when men are

killed on account of political opinions, the murderers are

regarded rather as heroes than criminals in the localities where

they reside."

This brief summary is not by a politician, but by a distinguished

soldier, who recounts the events which have occurred within his

own military jurisdiction. Volumes of testimony have since been

taken confirming, in all respects, General Sheridan's statement,

and giving in detail the facts relating to such murders, and the

times and circumstances of their occurrence. The results of the

elections which immediately followed them disclose the motives

and purposes of their perpetrators. These reports show that in

the year 1868 a reign of terror prevailed over almost the entire

State. In the parish of Saint Landry there was a massacre from

three to six days, during which between two and three hundred

colored men were killed. "Thirteen captives were taken from the

jail and shot, and a pile of twenty-five dead bodies were found

burned in the woods." The result of this Democratic campaign in

the parish was that the registered Republican majority of 1,071

was wholly obliterated, and at the election which followed a few

weeks later not a vote was cast for General Grant, while Seymour

and Blair received 4,787.

In the parish of Bossier a similar massacre occurred between the

20th and 30th of September, 1868, which lasted from three to four

days, during which two hundred colored people were killed. By the

official registry of that year the Republican voters in Bossier

parish numbered 1,938, but at the ensuing election only _one_

Republican vote was cast.

In the parish of Caddo during the month of October, 1868, over

forty colored people were killed. The result of that massacre was

that out of a Republican registered vote of 2,894 only one was

cast for General Grant. Similar scenes were enacted throughout

the State, varying in extent and atrocity according to the

magnitude of the Republican majority to be overcome.

The total summing-up of murders, maimings, and whippings which

took place for political reasons in the months of September,

October and November, 1868, as shown by official sources, is over

one thousand. The net political results achieved thereby may be

succinctly stated as follows: The official registration for that

year in twenty-eight parishes contained 47,923 names of

Republican voters, but at the Presidential election, held a few

weeks after the occurrence of these events but 5,360 Republican

votes were cast, making the net Democratic gain from said

transactions 42,563.

In nine of these parishes where the reign of terror was most

prevalent out of 11,604 registered Republican votes only 19 were

cast for General Grant. In seven of said parishes there were

7,253 registered Republican votes, but not one was cast at the

ensuing election for the Republican ticket.

In the years succeeding 1868, when some restraint was imposed

upon political lawlessness and a comparatively peaceful election

was held, these same Republican parishes cast from 33,000 to

37,000 Republican votes, thus demonstrating the purpose and the

effects of the reign of murder in 1868. In 1876 the spirit of

violence and persecution, which in parts of the State had been

partially restrained for a time, broke forth again with renewed

fury. It was deemed necessary to carry that State for Tilden and

Hendricks, and the policy which had proved so successful in 1868

was again invoked and with like results. On the day of general

election in 1876 there were in the State of Louisiana 92,996

registered white voters and 115,310 colored, making a Republican

majority of the latter of 22,314. The number of white Republicans

was far in excess of the number of colored Democrats. It was,

therefore, well known that if a fair election should be made the

State would go Republican by from twenty-five to forty thousand

majority. The policy adopted this time was to select a few of the

largest Republican parishes and by terrorism and violence not

only obliterate their Republican majorities, but also intimidate

the Negroes in the other parishes. The testimony found in our

public documents, and records shows that the same system of

assassinations, whippings, burnings, and other acts of political

persecution of colored citizens which had occurred in 1868 was

again repeated in 1876 and with like results.

In fifteen parishes where 17,726 Republicans were registered in

1876 only 5,758 votes were cast for Hayes and Wheeler, and in one

of them (East Feliciana), where there were 2,127 Republicans

registered, but one Republican vote was cast. By such methods the

Republican majority of the State was supposed to have been

effectually suppressed and a Democratic victory assured. And

because the legally constituted authorities of Louisiana, acting

in conformity with law and justice, declined to count some of the

parishes thus carried by violence and blood, the Democratic

party, both North and South, has ever since complained that it

was fraudulently deprived of the fruits of victory, and it now

proposes to make this grievance the principal plank in the party

platform.

On the 6th of December, 1876, President Grant in a message to

Congress transmitted the evidence of these horrible crimes

against the colored race, committed in the name and in the

interest of the Democracy. They are not mere estimates nor

conjectures, but the names of the persons murdered, maimed and

whipped, and of the perpetrators of the crimes, the places where

they occurred, and the revolting circumstances under which they

were committed, are all set forth in detail. This shocking record

embraces a period of eight years, from 1868 to 1876, inclusive,

and covers ninety-eight pages of fine type, giving an average of

about one victim to each line. We have not counted the list, but

it is safe to say that it numbers over four thousand.

These crimes did not end in 1876 with the accession of the

Democracy to control of the State administration. The witnesses

examined by your committee gave numerous instances of like

character which occurred in 1878. Madison Parish may serve as an

illustration. This parish, which furnished perhaps the largest

number of refugees to Kansas, had been exceptionally free from

bull-dozing in former years. William Murrell, one of the

witnesses called by the committee, states the reasons for the

exodus from that parish as follows:

You have not read of any exodus yet as there will be from that

section this summer, and the reason for it is that, for the first

time since the war in Madison Parish last December, we had

bull-dozing there. Armed bodies of men came into the parish--not

people who lived in the parish, but men from Ouachita Parish and

Richland Parish; and I can name the leader who commanded them. He

was a gentleman by the name of Captain Tibbals, of Ouachita

Parish, who lives in Monroe, who was noted in the celebrated

massacre there in other times. His very name among the colored

people is sufficient to intimidate them almost. He came with a

crowd of men on the 28th of December into Madison Parish, when

all was quiet and peaceable. There was no quarrel, no excitement.

We had always elected our tickets in the parish, and we had put

Democrats on the ticket in many cases to satisfy them. There were

only 238 white voters and about 2,700 colored registered voters.

Mr. Murrell says that David Armstrong, who was president of third

ward Republican club, a man who stood high in the community, and

against whom no charge was made except that of being a

Republican, made the remark:

"What right have these white men to come here from Morehouse

Parish, and Richland Parish, and Franklin Parish to interfere

with our election?" And some white men heard of it and got a

squad by themselves and said, "We'll go down and give that nigger

a whipping." So Sunday night, about ten o'clock, they went to his

house to take him out and whip him. They saw him run out the back

way and fired on him. One in the crowd cried out, "Don't kill

him!" "It is too late, now," they said, "he's dead." The Carroll

Conservative, a Democratic newspaper, published the whole thing;

but the reason they did it was because we had one of their men on

our ticket as judge, and they got sore about it, and we beat him.

They killed Armstrong and took him three hundred yards to the

river, in a sheet, threw him in the river, and left the sheet in

the bushes.

Proceeding with the account of that transaction, Mr. Murrell

swears that the colored people had heard that the bulldozers were

coming from the surrounding parishes, and that he and others

called on some of the leading Democrats in order to prevent it,

but all in vain. He says:

We waited on Mr. Holmes, the clerk of the court, and we said to

him, "Mr. Holmes, it is not necessary to do any bulldozing here;

you have the counting machinery all in your hands, and we would

rather be counted out than bulldozed; can't we arrange this

thing? I made a proposition to him and said, "You know I am

renominated on the Republican ticket, but I will get out of the

way for any moderate Democrat you may name to save the State and

district ticket. We will not vote for your State ticket; you

cannot make the colored people vote the State ticket; but if you

will let us have our State ticket we will give you the local

offices." We offered them the clerk of the court, not the

sheriff, and the two representatives. We told him we would not

give them the senator, but the district judge and attorney. After

this interview Holmes sent us to Dr. Askew, ex-chairman of the

Democratic committee, and he said to me, "Now, Murrell, there is

no use talking, I advise you to stand from under. When these men

get in here we can't control them. We like you well enough and

would not like to see you hurt. I will see you to-night at Mr.

Holmes." We had an interview with Mr. Holmes and made this

proposition, and Holmes asked me this question: "Murrell, you

know damned well the niggers in this parish won't vote the

Democratic ticket--there is no use to tell me you will give us

the clerk of the court, you know the niggers won't do it. You

can't trust the niggers in politics; all your eloquence and all

the speeches you can make won't make these niggers vote this

ticket or what you suggest, even if we was to accept it. _No, by

God, we are going to carry it._ Why," said he, "_there is more

eloquence in double-barreled shot-guns to convince niggers than

there is in forty Ciceros_." I said to him, "Well, do you suppose

the merchants and planters will back you up," and he said, "O, by

God, they have got nothing to do with it. We have charge of it.

_We three men, the Democratic committee, have full power to

work._"

The result of this "work" was, as stated by the witness, and not

disputed by any one before the committee, that in this parish,

containing 2,700 registered Republican voters, and only 238

Democrats, the Democrats returned a majority of 2,300. The

witness, who was a candidate on the Republican ticket, swears

that not more than 360 votes were cast. Democratic shot-gun

eloquence did its "work," as prophesied by Mr. Askew, ex-chairman

of the Democratic committee, but it also served as a wonderful

stimulus to migration from Madison Parish.

We cite this case for two reasons: First, because it has been

said that the Negroes have not emigrated from bulldozed parishes;

and, secondly, because it serves as an illustration of the many

similar cases which were given to the committee.

We desire also to invite attention to the evidence of Henry

Adams, a colored witness from Shreveport, La. Adams is a man of

very remarkable energy and native ability. Scores of witnesses

were summoned by the majority of the committee from Shreveport

but none of them ventured to question his integrity or

truthfulness. Though a common laborer, he has devoted much of his

time in traveling through Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas,

working his way and taking notes of the crimes committed against

his race. His notes, written in terse and simple language,

embraced the names of six hundred and eighty-three colored men

who have been whipped, maimed or murdered within the last eight

years, and his statement of these crimes covers thirty-five pages

of closely printed matter in the report. We are sure no one can

read it without a conviction of its truthfulness, and a feeling

of horror at the barbarous details he relates. Adams is the man

who has organized a colonization council, composed of laboring

colored people, and rigidly excluding politicians, which numbers

ninety-eight thousand who have enrolled themselves with a view to

emigration from that country as early as possible. He details the

character and the purpose of the organization and the efforts it

has made to obtain relief and protection for its members.

"First," he says, "we appealed to the President of the United

States to help us out of our distress, to protect us in our

rights and privileges. Next, we appealed to Congress for a

territory to which we might go and live with our families.

Failing in that," says he, "our other object was to ask for help

to ship us all to Liberia, Africa, somewhere where we could live

in peace and quiet. If that could not be done," he adds, "_our

idea was to appeal to other governments outside of the United

States to help us to get away from the United States and go and

live there under their flag_." What a commentary upon our own

boasted equality and freedom! Finding no relief in any direction,

they finally resolved to emigrate to some of the Northern States.

He says they had some hope of securing better treatment at home

until 1877, when "we lost all hopes and determined to go anywhere

on God's earth, we didn't care where; we said we was going if we

had to run away and go into the woods." Perhaps we can best

summarize the condition of affairs in Louisiana and the causes of

the exodus from that State, as the Negroes themselves regarded

them, by quoting a brief extract from the report of the business

committee to the colored State convention held in New Orleans on

the 21st of April, 1879:

NEW ORLEANS, April 21, 1879.

_Mr. President_: Your committee on business have the honor to

submit this their final report. Discussing the general and

widespread alarm among the colored people of Louisiana, including

so potent a fear that in many parishes, and in others perhaps

largely to follow, there is an exodus of agricultural labor which

indicates the prostration and destruction of the productive, and

therefore essentially vital, interests of the State. _The

Committee find that the primary cause of this lies in the absence

of a republican form of government to the people of Louisiana.

Crime and lawlessness existing to an extent that laughs at all

restraint, and the misgovernment naturally induced from a State

administration itself the product of violence, have created an

absorbing and constantly increasing distrust and alarm among our

people throughout the State. All rights of freemen denied and all

claims to a just recompense for labor rendered or honorable

dealings between planter and laborer disallowed, justice a

mockery, and the laws a cheat, the very officers of the courts

being themselves the mobocrats and violators of the law, the only

remedy left the colored citizens in many of parishes of our State

today is to emigrate. The fiat to go forth is irresistible. The

constantly recurring, nay, ever-present, fear which haunts the

minds of these our people in the turbulent parishes of the State

is that slavery in the horrible form of peonage is approaching;

that the avowed disposition of men in power to reduce the laborer

and his interest to the minimum of advantages as freemen and to

absolutely none as citizens has produced so absolute a feat that

in many cases it has become a panic. It is flight from present

sufferings and from wrongs to come._

Here are the reasons for the exodus as stated by the colored

people themselves. In view of the facts which we have stated, and

of the terrible history which we cannot here repeat, does any one

believe their statement of grievances is overdrawn? Is there any

other race of freemen on the face of the earth who would have

endured and patiently suffered as they have? Is there any other

government among civilized nations which would have permitted

such acts to be perpetrated against its citizens?

We will not dwell upon the conditions which have driven these

people from Mississippi. It would be but a repetition of the

intolerance, persecutions, and violence which have prevailed in

Louisiana. The same Democratic "shot-gun eloquence" which was so

potent for the conversion of colored Republicans in the one has

proven equally powerful in the other. The same "eloquence" which

wrested Louisiana from Republicans also converted Mississippi.

And in both the same results are visible in the determination of

the colored people to get away.

Nearly all the witnesses who were asked as to the causes of the

exodus answered that it was because of a feeling of insecurity

for life and property; a denial of their political rights as

citizens; long-continued persecutions for political reasons; a

system of cheating by landlords and storekeepers which rendered

it impossible for them to make a living no matter how hard they

might work; the inadequacy of school advantages, and a fear that

they would be eventually reduced to a system of peonage even

worse than slavery itself.

On the latter point they quoted the laws of Mississippi, which

authorize the sheriff to hire the convicts to planters and others

for twenty-five cents a day to work out the fine and cost, and

which provide that for every day lost from sickness he shall work

another to pay for his board while sick. Under these laws they

allege that a colored man may be fined $500 for some trifling

misdemeanor, and be compelled to work five or six years to pay

the fine; and that it is not uncommon for colored men thus hired

out to be worked in a chain gang upon the plantations under

overseers, with whip in hand, precisely as in the days of

slavery. And some of the witnesses declared that if an attempt be

made to escape they are pursued by blood-hounds, as before the

war.

Henry Ruby, a witness summoned by the majority of the committee,

swore that in Texas, under a law similar to that in Mississippi,

a colored man had been arrested for carrying a "six-shooter" and

fined $65, including costs, and that he had been at work nearly

three years to pay it. The laws of that State do not fix the rate

for hiring, but "county convicts" may be hired at any price the

county judge may determine. He mentioned the case of a colored

woman who was hired out for a quarter of a cent a day. Describing

this process of hiring, he says:

They call these people county convicts, and if you have got a

farm you can hire them out of the jail. They have got that

system, and the colored men object to it. I know some of these

men who have State convicts that they hire and they work them

under shotguns. A farmer hires so many of the State, and they are

under the supervision of a sergeant with a gun and nigger-hounds

to run them with if they get away. They hire them and put them in

the same gang with the striped suit on, and, if they want, the

guard can bring them down with his shotgun! Then they have these

nigger-hounds, and if one of them gets off and they can't find

him they take the hounds, and from a shoe or anything of the kind

belonging to the convict they trail him down.

Q. Are these the same sort of blood-hounds they used to have to

run the Negroes with?--A. Yes, sir.

These things need no comment. To the Negro they are painfully

suggestive of slavery. Is it a wonder that he has resolved to go

where peonage and blood-hounds are unknown?

Several witnesses were called from Saint Louis and Kansas, who

had conversed with thousands of the refugees, and who swore that

they all told the same story of injustice, oppression and wrong.

Upon the arrival of the first boat-loads at Saint Louis, in the

early spring of 1879, the people of that city were deeply moved

by the evident destitution and distress which they presented, and

thousands of them were interviewed as to the causes which

impelled them to leave their homes at that inclement season of

the year. In the presence of these people, and with a full

knowledge of their condition and of the flight, a memorial to

Congress was prepared, and signed by a large number of the most

prominent and most respectable citizens of Saint Louis, embracing

such names as Mayor Overholtz (a Democrat), Hon. John F. Dillon,

judge of the United States circuit court, ex-United States

Senator J.B. Henderson and nearly a hundred other leading

citizens, in which the condition and grievances of the refugees

are stated as follows:

The undersigned, your memorialists, respectfully represent that

within the last two weeks there have come by steamboats up the

Mississippi River, from chiefly the States of Louisiana and

Mississippi, and landed at Saint Louis, Mo., a great number of

colored citizens of the United States, not less than twenty

hundred and composed of men and women, old and young, and with

them many of their children.

This multitude is eager to proceed to Kansas, and without

exception, so far as we have learned, refuse all overtures or

inducements to return South, even if their passage back is paid

for them.

The condition of the great majority is absolute poverty; they are

clothed in thin and ragged garments for the most part, and while

here have been supported to some extent by public, but mostly by

private charity.

The older ones are the former slaves of the South; all now

entitled to life and liberty.

The weather from the first advent of these people in this

Northern city has been unusually cold, attended with ice and

snow, so that their sufferings have been greatly increased, and

if there was in their hearts a single kind remembrance of their

sunny Southern homes they would naturally give it expression now.

We have taken occasion to examine into the causes they themselves

assign for their extraordinary and unexpected transit, and beg

leave to submit herewith the written statements of a number of

individuals of the refugees, which were taken without any effort

to have one thing said more than another, and to express the

sense of the witness in his own language as nearly as possible.

The story is about the same in each instance: a great privation

and want from excessive rent exacted for land, connected with

murder of colored neighbors and threats of personal violence to

themselves. The tone of each statement is that of suffering and

terror. Election days and Christmas, by the concurrent testimony,

seem to have been appropriated to killing the smart men, while

robbery and personal violence in one form and another seem to

have run the year round.

* * * * *

We submit that the great migration of Negroes from the South is

itself a fact that overbears all contradiction and proves

conclusively that great causes must exist at the South to account

for it.

Here they are in multitudes, not men alone, but women and

children, old, middle-aged, and young, with common consent

leaving their old homes in a natural climate and facing storms

and unknown dangers to go to Northern Kansas. Why? Among them all

there is little said of hope in the future; it is all of fear in

the past. They are not drawn by the attractions of Kansas; they

are driven by the terrors of Mississippi and Louisiana. Whatever

becomes of them, they are unanimous in their unalterable

determination not to return.

There are others coming. Those who have come and gone on to

Kansas must suffer even unto death, we fear; at all events more

than any body of people entitled to liberty and law, the

possession of property, the right to vote, and the pursuit of

happiness, should be compelled to suffer under a free government

from terror inspired by robbery, threats, assaults, and murders.

We protest against the dire necessities that have impelled this

exodus, and against the violation of common right, natural and

constitutional, proven to be of most frequent occurrences in

places named; and we ask such action at the hands of our

representatives and our government as shall investigate the full

extent of the causes leading to this unnatural state of affairs

and protect the people from its continuance, and not only protect

liberty and life, but enforce law and order.

It is intolerable to believe that with the increased

representation of the Southern States in Congress those shall not

be allowed freely to cast their ballots upon whose right to vote

that representation has been enlarged. We believe no government

can prosper that will allow such a state of injustice to the body

of its people to exist, any more than society can endure where

robbery and murder go unchallenged.

The occasion is, we think, a fit one for us to protest against a

state of affairs thus exhibited in those parts of the Union from

which these Negroes come, which is not only most barbarous toward

the Negro, but is destructive to the constitutional rights of all

citizens of our common country.

Accompanying this memorial are numerous affidavits of the

refugees fully confirming all its statements.

As to the future of the exodus we can only say that every

witness, whose opinion was asked upon this point, declared that

it has only begun, and that what we have seen in the past is

nothing compared to what is to come, unless there shall be a

radical change on the part of Democrats in the South. They say

that the Negro has no confidence in the Democratic party, and

that if a Democratic President shall be elected there will be a

general stampede of the colored race.

There is but one remedy for the exodus--fair treatment of the

Negro. If the better class of white men in the South would retain

the colored labor, they must recognize his manhood and his

citizenship, and restrain the vicious and lawless elements in

their midst. If Northern Democrats would check the threatened

inundation of black labor into their States, they must recognize

the facts which have produced the exodus and unite with us in

removing its causes.

We present in conclusion the following brief summary of the

results of the investigation:

First: This movement was not instigated, aided or encouraged by

Republican leaders at the North. The only aid they have ever

given was purely as a matter of charity, to relieve the distress

of the destitute and suffering emigrants who had already come to

the North.

Second. Not one dollar has ever been contributed by anybody at

the North to bring these people from their homes. On the

contrary, the only contributions shown to have been made for such

purpose were made by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, a

Democratic corporation which employed agents to work up the

emigration from North Carolina, paying $1 per head therefor.

Third. It is _not_ proven that the emigrants are dissatisfied in

their new homes and wish to return to the South. On the contrary,

a standing offer to pay their expenses back to the South has not

induced more than about three hundred out of thirty thousand to

return.

Fourth. It is _not_ proven that there is no demand for their

labor at the North, for nearly all those who have come have found

employment, and even in Indiana hundreds of applications for them

were presented to the committee.

Fifth. It is _not_ proven that there is any sufficient reason for

the grave political apprehensions entertained in some quarters,

for it was shown by Mr. Dukehart, who sold all the tickets to

those who came from North Carolina, that not more than _two

hundred voters had gone to Indiana_.

Sixth. The exodus movement originated entirely with the colored

people themselves, who for many years have been organizing for

the purpose of finding relief in that way, and the colored agents

of such organizations have traveled all over the South consulting

with their race on this subject.

Seventh. A long series of political persecutions, whippings,

maimings and murders committed by Democrats and in the interest

of the Democratic party, extending over a period of fifteen

years, has finally driven the Negro to despair, and compelled him

to seek peace and safety by flight.

Eighth. In some States a system of convict hiring is authorized

by law, which reinstates the chain-gang, the overseer, and the

bloodhound substantially as in the days of slavery.

Ninth. A system of labor and renting has been adopted in some

parts of the South which reduces a Negro to a condition but

little better than that of peonage and which renders it

impossible for him to make a comfortable living, no matter how

hard he may work.

Tenth. The only remedy for the exodus is in the hands of Southern

Democrats themselves, and if they do not change their treatment

of the Negro and recognize his rights as a man and a citizen, the

movement will go on, greatly to the injury of the labor interests

of the South, if not the whole country.

WILLIAM WINDOM.

HENRY W. BLAIR.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 2d Session, X, p. 155.

[2] _Ibid._, pp. 155-170.

[2a] Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 2d Session, X, p. 170.

[3] Reports of Committees of Senate of the United States for the First

and Second Sessions of the Forty-Sixth Congress, 1879-80, VII, pp.

iii-xiii.

[4] Report of the Committee of the Senate of the United States for the

First and Second Sessions of the Forty-Sixth Congress, 1879-80, VII,

pp. viii-xxv.

SOME UNDISTINGUISHED NEGROES

MR. J. H. LATROBE, corresponding secretary of the Maryland

Colonization Society and later President of the American Colonization

Society, has left the following story:

"It was while I was reading in the same room with General Harper that

there entered one day a tall, gaunt, square-shouldered, spare, light

mulatto, who announced himself as Abel Hurd. He was a Bostonian by

birth, and a seaman by profession. In a voyage to the East his vessel

had been captured by the Malays, and he alone, if I recollect rightly,

escaped death, owing to his complexion. He had a varied fortune; had

at one time been in Cochin-China, again in Tibet, and, after passing

some twenty years in the East, had returned to America, and was

looking out for employment. Some one had heard how deeply interested

General Harper was in Africa and African colonization, and had sent

Hurd to him. About this time there was a great doubt as to the mouth

of the Niger; whether it was to be found at the bottom of the Bight of

Benin, and whether it was not identical with the Congo, or Zaire,

south of the line. This was a question in which General Harper was

interested, and he determined to fit out Hurd and send him northward

from Liberia until he struck the river, which he was then to follow to

its mouth, and I was deputed to superintend the outfit.

"Hurd's idea was to take as little baggage with him as possible, and

to rely upon the resources of his wit and ingenuity in making his way

among the interior tribes. He had had a vast experience, and he

directed his own equipment. I do not recollect all that he was

furnished with, but I recollect having devised a hollow cane, in the

top of which was a compass and the tube of which contained papers and

pencils. These were to be resorted to when the compass and materials

openly were lost. I think I wrote, at General Harper's dictation, a

letter of instructions. Had Hurd lived and succeeded, he would have

anticipated the Landers, Richard and John, who explored the Niger in

1832-34. He arrived safely in Liberia, and made several short

excursions into the interior, but he had a theory that it was

necessary to train himself for the great journey. Abstinence was a

part of his training. It was a mistake. He took the acclimating

fever, and, although he recovered from the first attack, he had a

relapse brought on by some imprudence and died."[1]

* * * * *

CHARLES H. WEBB.--During the years when the American Colonization

Society was preparing to establish a colony of freedmen in Africa, it

early became evident that the mere transportation of the blacks to

their native home would mean little in establishing them in life. It

was, therefore, necessary to organize schools in which Negroes

desiring to be colonized could be trained in agriculture, mechanical

arts and even in the professions. Among the first to qualify in the

field of medicine was Charles H. Webb. In his examinations he

exhibited evidences of ripe scholarship and much proficiency in his

chosen field. He set sail for Liberia in 1834, after having completed

his medical studies, which he had pursued under the direction of the

American Colonization Society for a number of years. In the following

autumn, however, he fell a victim to the local fever aggravated by

some imprudence on his part and died before he could render his people

much service.[2]

* * * * *

A SHREWD NEGRO.--A Kentucky slave, named Jim, with the humiliation of

slavery rankling in his breast, resolved to make an effort to gain

freedom. At last the opportunity came and he started for the Ohio

River. There he told his story to a sympathetic member of his race,

offering him a part of his money, if he would row him across to the

Indiana shore. He was directed to George De Baptist, a free man of

color, who was then living in Madison but removed soon afterwards to

Detroit, Michigan. The master of the slave arrived in town with a

posse and diligently searched it for the Negro. His sympathizers

contrived, however, to avoid the slave hunters and the fugitive was

conducted through the corn fields and byways to a depot of the

Underground Railroad. He rested a few days at the station kept by

William Byrd, of Union County, Indiana. From that point he was

speedily forwarded northward until he reached Canada.

Appreciating as he had never done before the real value of freedom, he

longed to do something to confer this great boon upon his wife and

children whom he left behind him in Kentucky. He soon found a way to

solve this problem. He said to himself, "I'll go to old Massa's

plantation, and I'll make believe I am tired of freedom. I'll tell

old Massa a story that will please him; then I will go to work hard

and watch for a chance to slip away my wife and children."

His master was greatly surprised one morning to see Jim return home.

In answer to the many questions propounded to him, he gave the

explanation which he had planned. He told his master that he found

that Canada was no place for Negroes, and that it was too cold and

that they could not earn any money there. He spoke of how the Negroes

were cheated by the whites and subjected to other humiliations, which

made him tired of his freedom. His master was very much pleased with

the story, spoke pleasantly to him and permitted him to work among his

slaves and those of his neighbors as a missionary to convince the

blacks of the folly of escaping to Canada.

The slave resumed his usual labor, working during that fall and winter

but planning at the same time a second flight. In the spring he

succeeded in bringing together his wife and children and a few of his

slave friends on the Indiana side of the Ohio River. He reached the

first station of the Underground Railway with his party numbering

fourteen and hurried them from point to point until they reached the

home of Levi Coffin in Indiana. They were hotly pursued and had narrow

escapes, but by wise management they made their way through

Spartansburg, Greenville and Mercer County, Ohio, to Sandusky, from

which they crossed over to Canada.[3]

* * * * *

B. F. GRANT.[4]--I was born in the State of Pennsylvania, Little

Britain Township, Lancaster County, Sunday morning, August 12, 1838. I

am the son of the late Henry and Charlotte Grant.

My father was born a slave in the State of Maryland in Cecil County.

He was freed at the age of nineteen, upon the death of his master. My

mother was born of free parents in Harford County, Maryland. Both came

in their youth to Pennsylvania, where they were married. Of that union

there were born twelve children, eight boys and four girls. The

subject of this sketch was the fifth son of the family.

In 1844 my father moved with his family from Lancaster to York County,

across the Susquehanna River. I was then between five and six years

old.

The first political event that I remember was the Presidential

campaign of Henry Clay and James K. Polk in 1844. In the fall of that

year each party had a pole raising at Peach Bottom, York County,

Pennsylvania. Mother took us to see the pole raising and then the

people were all shouting for Henry Clay, but soon after that I

remember hearing them singing a song::

"Oh poor cooney Clay,

The white house was never made for you

And home you better stay."

Polk was elected, and soon after the inauguration of President Polk in

1845 the great controversy over the Mexican War and Negro slavery

arose. The Negro question was the topic of the day, both in and out of

Congress and among all classes. This continued until in 1846, when the

war broke out between the United States and Mexico, and lasted two

years.

When it was over the United States had the victory. Then the

slaveholders of the South, with the copperheads of the North, tried to

force their slaves or their slave influence into every State and

territory of the United States. So great became the agitation and

excitement that the poor slaves became restless and uneasy over their

condition, and they commenced to run away by the thousands from the

Southern States. They made for the free States and Canada. This gave

rise to what was known as the Underground Railroad.

This brings me to consider what I call my boyhood days. Having passed

my childhood, I now began to think, feel and consider that I was a

human being as well as the white boys who surrounded me, living on

farms just as I lived. Therefore I began to believe that I had the

same God-given rights that they had, and was not born to be kicked

around like a dog any more than they were.

About this time I began to attend the so-called public school. I well

remember those school days, for they made a lasting impression upon my

mind. If God had not had mercy on the poor little Negro who attended

the public school of Pennsylvania in those days, I know not what would

have become of me; for the poor white trash from the teacher down had

no mercy upon him. They were upon him like vultures upon their prey,

ready to devour him at any time for any cause.

I will mention only a few things which the little Negro had to endure,

simply because he was a Negro. He was not permitted to drink from the

same bucket or cup as the white children. He was compelled to sit back

in the corner from the fire no matter how cold the weather might be.

There he must wait until the white children had recited. If the cold

became _too_ intense to endure, he must ask permission of the teacher,

stand by the fire a few minutes to warm and then return to the same

cold corner. I have sat in an old log school house with no chinking

between the logs until my heels were frost-bitten and cracked open.

Sometimes we had a poor white trashy skunk that would sit in the

school room and call us "niggers" or "darkeys." If the little Negro

got his lesson at all, he got it; if not, it was all the same.

For seven long years, 1844 to 1851, my father lived about five miles

from the Maryland line and about one mile from the Susquehanna River.

That is where I saw some of the evils of the institution called

slavery. Sometimes I wondered whether there was any God for the Negro.

My father was one of the members of the Underground Railroad. I well

remember some of the members of that club which used to meet at our

house. They were Robert Fisher, Lige Sarkey, Isaac Waters, Henry W.

Grant, Isaac Fields, Thomas Clarke and others who used to meet and

make their arrangements to convey the fugitives across the Susquehanna

River. The night was never too dark or the storm never too severe for

those brave, noble-hearted, courageous men to do their work. They did

not fear death. Although they were uneducated men ignorant of the

letter, they were directed by a Higher Power. The hand of God led

them, and so they succeeded in carrying off hundreds, nay I might

truthfully say thousands from the counties of Cecil, Harford and

Baltimore. All lived to be old men.

After the Mexican War the Southern slaveholders and copperheads of the

North got it into their heads to extend slavery throughout the borders

of the United States. Robt. Toombs, one of the noted fire-eaters of

the South, said he would call the roll of his slaves at the foot of

Bunker Hill Monument. In 1848 came the crisis of the Presidential

election. The Mexican War was over and the country had a vast amount

of territory added to her southern borders. The cotton gin had been

invented, and cotton had come into great demand. It was as good as

gold. The Negro, therefore, was in great demand.

Presidential nominations were made. The Whigs nominated Gen. Taylor,

and the Democrats nominated Lewis Cass. The Whig candidate was

successful. While Gen. Taylor was a Southern man, he was somewhat

opposed to the extension of slavery, and, therefore, not a favorite of

the nullifiers of the South. He did not live long. Then they got their

dupe, the Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, a northern man, but a

red-hot copperhead who stood in with the South. I can well remember

those times when all the fire-eating leaders of the South and the poor

dirty trash of the North got their desire when that poor dupe of a

President allowed the mischievous fugitive slave act to become a law

of the land. This law was a curse to the nation, an outrage upon the

poor Negro and suffering humanity. This bill gave the poor Negro no

protection in the land of his birth, a country boasting of being the

land of the brave and the home of the free. These terms, however, were

nothing but bombast; they would just come and take a freeman and carry

him into absolute slavery without judge or jury.

I can well remember the Christiana riot. I was not living far from

there at that time. Those were the days that tried the poor Negro's

soul, and were a disgrace to the white man. I was then about fifteen

years old and we had to suffer everything but death, and sometimes

that; for the slave hunters were like their bloodhounds, always upon

the Negro's track. There were daily riots between the slaves and Negro

hunters.

While quite young, and claiming to be a Christian, too, I was almost

ready to say with Job, "Cursed was the night wherein I was born, and

the night in which it was said, there is a man child conceived." My

disgust at the treatment given my people made me resolve to leave the

country and to go to Liberia, Africa, because the fugitive slave law

was too obnoxious for me both in principle and practice. Because of

the outbreak of the Civil War, however, I failed to carry out this

plan.

Now I recall my third Presidential election. The candidates were Gen.

Winfield Scott and Franklin Pierce. Pierce was the Democratic

candidate and he overwhelmingly defeated Gen. Scott, which placed the

Democrats in absolute power. All the fire-eaters of the South with the

copperheads of the North held full sway, arrayed against the

anti-slavery party of the North and East, and backed by the President,

the Supreme Court and Congress. The world knows the condition of the

country at that time. The Negro's condition during all of that

administration recalls to my memory a picture too dark to attempt to

describe.

During this administration there was a man by the name of Dred Scott,

owned by an army officer named Emerson. He took Scott into a free

territory; this slave, Scott, sued for his freedom; the case was

carried from court to court until it reached the Supreme Court, which

handed down that opinion known throughout the world as the Dred Scott

decision. It meant that a Negro had no rights that a white man was

bound to respect; that he was of an inferior order, and altogether

unfit to associate with the white race either in social or political

relation; and so far inferior that they need not be respected, but

might be reduced to slavery for the white man's benefit. This decision

placed the damnation seal on the poor Negro in the United States. It

left him absolutely without help.

In 1856 opened the great political drama. The candidates were James

Buchanan, the Democrat, John C. Fremont, Republican, and

ex-Vice-President Millard Fillmore, of the Know Nothing Party. James

Buchanan, the Democrat, was elected; the world knows the consequences

of the next four years in and out of Congress. Death and destruction

were in the path. We had John Brown's insurrection, the Christiana

riot, the tragic death of Lovejoy, and hundreds of other events which

I cannot mention at this time.

In 1860 the Presidential campaign came off. The candidates were

Abraham Lincoln, Republican, John C. Breckenridge, Southern Democrat,

and S. A. Douglass, Northern Democrat, with John Bell, Union Democrat.

This was a hot contest. Lincoln was elected.

Then came the Great Rebellion. On April 12, 1862, in company with my

brother, John H. Grant, we left our home in York Co., Pa., for

Washington, D. C., then the center of war activities. Both of us found

employment as teamsters in the Quartermaster's Department. On June 15

we were transferred into Gen. Pope's Army in Virginia. We were

relieved of our teams and put to herding horses and mules throughout

Gen. Pope's campaign. After Pope was defeated at the second battle of

Bull Run, I returned to Washington and went back to driving my team.

In 1863 I was transferred to the woodcutter department as an outside

clerk and put to measuring wood which was cut every two weeks. I also

looked after the commissary. I was there until the Confederates ran us

out in June.

I returned to Washington, D. C., and began my Christian and literary

work. I was converted sixty-five years ago, and joined the A. M. E. Z.

Church, then called Wesley Church. Rev. Abner Bishop was the pastor.

The church was in Peach Bottom Township, York County, Pennsylvania.

I have been always a lover of the Sunday School work. My interest

continues to this day. There is one little incident in my Sunday

School work which I will relate. When I was a boy, with another young

boy like myself, we found that our Sunday School needed some

literature. We succeeded in collecting some money, and Moses Jones and

I found that the nearest place to get the books was Lancaster City,

about twenty-five miles from the church. Undaunted, we took the money

and walked to Lancaster, and back again with the books. Some of those

books remained a great many years in the library of that school.

I am the man who opened the first free school to colored boys in the

District of Columbia. This was in the basement of the old Mt. Zion

Church in 1863 under the Friends' Association of Philadelphia, of

which Mr. H. M. Laing, of that city, was president. I also opened a

school to freedmen in Fairfax County, Virginia, at Bull Run. After

being there about three months, one of the Freedmen's Bureau Officers

came over from Manassas and placed me and my school back under the

direction of the Friends' Association and the same Mr. Laing was still

its president. I remained there two years.

When I opened the school it was a little log cabin built as a

headquarters by the Confederates. They were encamped there in the

spring or rather the winter of 1861-62. While I was teaching at Bull

Run, Prof. John M. Langston was appointed to a position in the

Freedmen's Bureau. I became acquainted with him, interested him in my

work and he secured me one hundred and fifty dollars to assist in

building there a house for two purposes, a church and a school. In

this school I gave the founder of the Manasses Industrial School, Miss

Jennie Dean, her first lessons. Now after the lapse of fifty years,

the Bull Run School is still standing as one of the public schools of

Fairfax County, Virginia.

While teaching in the Bull Run School I was elected a delegate to the

first National Negro Convention after the Civil War. This met in the

Israel Church, Washington, D. C., in 1868. This church was then A. M.

E. Zion, but now C. M. E. There I met some of the leading Negroes of

the world. Among them were Hon. Frederick Douglass, Prof. John M.

Langston, Rev. Henry H. Garnett, C. L. Remond, Robert Purvis, Geo. T.

Downing, Geo. B. Vashon, Rev. Wm. Howard Day, Prof. Bassett, Robt. W.

Elliot, Bishop Henry M. Turner, Prof. Isaac C. Weaver, Richard

Clarke, John Jones, Prof. O. M. Green, Geo. W. White, P. H. Martin,

John R. Lynch, and A. R. Green. These were some of the lights in that

convention. Hon. Fred. Douglass was elected president, with Rev. H. L.

Garnett as vice-president.

After two years at Bull Run, I returned to the District of Columbia,

where I became acquainted with a white gentleman named Edmond Tewney,

from the State of Maine, who came to the District as one of the

founders of Wayland Seminary. As there was some misunderstanding

between him and some of the other members of the faculty, he left the

school, and organized another, known as the National Theological

Institution for the Instruction of Young Colored Men and Women for

preachers and teachers.

I became associated with that school, and was an assistant teacher and

a pupil at the same time. It was a Baptist institution, and some of

those who afterward became the most able Baptist preachers in the city

attended that school. Some of them were Rev. John D. Brooks, Rev.

James Jefferson, Rev. Edward Willis, Rev. M. J. Laws, Rev. J. M.

Johnson, Rev. Henry Lee, and many others who did great good for God's

church and for suffering humanity.

I will return to my church and Sunday School work in the District of

Columbia and its vicinity. I was the Church Clerk for Union Wesley A.

M. E. Z. Church for twenty-five years, and the superintendent of its

Sunday School for thirty years.

I have been acquainted with all the bishops of that Church and a great

many of its leading elders since I joined the church in 1853,

sixty-five years ago. Some of the worthy prelates and leaders who have

been my warm personal friends are: Bishops J. J. Clinton, J. J. Moore,

C. C. Petty, C. R. Harris, J. W. Hood, J. W. Smith, J. Logan, J. W.

Small, and Elders J. Harvey Anderson, Geo. W. Adams, Thos. Betters, R.

J. Daniels, R. S. G. Dyson, and many others who have gone from my mind

at this writing. I have had much of joy and happiness in my church

life.

I am still in the Master's service. I am at present District Sunday

School Superintendent of the Washington District of the Philadelphia

and Baltimore Conference of the A. M. E. Z. Church. On August 12,

1918, I was eighty years old.

MARY L. MASON.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Semmes, John H. B. Latrobe, pp. 140-142.

[2] _The African Repository_, X, 104, and XII, 18.

[3] Coffin, _Reminiscences_, pp. 139-144.

[4] This personal narrative was secured from B.F. Grant, of

Washington, D. C., by Miss Mary L. Mason.

BOOK REVIEWS

_American Negro Slavery._ By ULRICH BONNELL PHILLIPS. A Survey of the

Supply, Employment and Control of Negro Labor as determined by the

Plantation Regime. D. Appleton and Company, New York and London, 1918.

Pp. 529.

This book is both more and less than a history of slavery in America.

It transcends the limit of the average treatise in this field in that

it shows how the institution influenced the economic history of

America in all its ramifications. It falls far short of being a

complete history of slavery for the reason of the neglect of many

aspects by the author. The book is successful as a compilation or

digest of the sources of the history of slavery cast in the mind of a

man of southern birth and northern environment in manhood.

The author furnishes adequate background for this work in tracing the

slave trade, beginning with the exploitation of Guinea and proceeding

to a detailed consideration of the maritime traffic. Slavery as it

existed in the West Indies is portrayed in his account of the sugar

industry. In the continental colonies it appears in his treatment of

the tobacco industry, rice culture and the interests of the northern

colonies. He shows how the struggle for the rights of man resulted in

a sort of reaction against slavery in the North and the so-called

prohibition of the African slave trade.

In his discussion of the introduction of cotton and the domestic slave

trade, there are few facts which cannot be obtained from several

standard works. His treatment of types of plantations, with reference

to their management, labor, social aspects and tendencies, is more

informing. The contrast between town and country slaves, the

discussion of free Negroes, slave crime and the force of the law, do

not give us very much that is new. On the whole, however, the book is

a valuable piece of research giving a more intensive treatment of

economic slavery than any other single volume hitherto published.

On the other hand, the book falls far short of giving a complete

history of the institution of slavery. In the first place, the book is

too much of a commercial account. The slaves are mentioned as

representing both persons and property, but this treatise lacks

proportion in that it deals primarily with the slaves as property in

the cold-blooded fashion that the southerners usually bartered them

away. Very little is said about the blacks themselves, seemingly to

give more space to the history of the whites, who profited by their

labor, just as one would in writing a history of the New England

fisheries say very little about the species figuring in the industry,

but more about the life of the people participating in it. It is

evident that although a southerner, Mr. Phillips has lived so far from

the Negroes that he knows less about them than those who have

periodically come into contact with them but on certain occasions have

given the blacks serious study. This is evidenced by Mr. Phillips' own

statement when he says in his preface, that "a generation of freedom

has wrought less transformation in the bulk of the blacks than might

casually be supposed." This failure to understand what the Negroes

have thought and felt and done, in other words, the failure to fathom

the Negro mind, constitutes a defect of the work.

Another neglected aspect of the book is the failure of the author to

treat adequately the anti-slavery movement. It was not necessary for

him to give an extensive treatment of abolition but it is impossible

to set forth exactly what the institution was without giving

sufficient space to this attitude of a militant minority toward it. It

was certainly proper for the author to say more about the northerners

and southerners who arrayed themselves in opposition to the

institution. In his chapter on the economic views of slavery this

aspect was mentioned but not properly amplified. Some references to it

elsewhere, of course, appear in parts of the book but, considering the

importance of this phase of the history of slavery in America, one can

say it has been decidedly neglected. The author, as he says in his

preface, avoided "polemic writings, for their fuel went so much to

heat that their light upon the living conditions is faint." It was not

necessary also to avoid the controversy in which these writers

participated. No one will gainsay the fact that persons who engage in

controversy cannot be depended upon to tell the truth, but if the

slavery dispute largely influenced the history of the country, it

should have adequate treatment in a history of this kind.

* * * * *

_John H. B. Latrobe and His Times._ By JOHN E. SEMMES. The Norman,

Remington Company, Baltimore, Maryland. Pp. 595. Price $6.00.

This is an extensive biography of a man born in Philadelphia and,

after some adventures elsewhere, transplanted to Baltimore, where he

became one of the first citizens of the land. His career as a cadet at

West Point, his study and practice of law, his business interests, his

travels and connections with learned and humanitarian societies all

bespeak the many-sidedness of a useful citizen. The work contains a

Latrobe genealogy and a topical index. It is well illustrated and

exhibits evidences of much effort on the part of the author.

The part of the book most interesting to students of Negro history,

however, is the chapter on African colonization, a subject which

engaged the attention of Latrobe for many years and for which he

became an influential promoter in serving as corresponding secretary

of the Maryland Colonization Society and as president of the American

Colonization Society. Although only one chapter of the book is devoted

to this aspect of Mr. Latrobe's biography, it figured as largely in

his life as any other public interest. He said: "I cannot now recall

in order all that I did for it. It was the one thing then, and has

ever been the one thing outside of my lawyer's calling, to which I

have devoted myself." His biographer says that he spent about one

quarter of his working hours during ten years of his life in

advocating colonization. Dr. Daniel C. Gilman, President of Johns

Hopkins University, said at a meeting of the Maryland Historical

Society held in Latrobe's memory that "probably his greatest

distinction outside of his professional life was acquired in promoting

the cause of African colonization in ante-bellum days."

The author, however, instead of informing the reader as to what

Latrobe did for colonization, laments the failure of this enterprise

and endeavors to show that colonization or segregation in some form

must be the solution of the Negro problem. In the chapter mentioned

above he refers to this important work of Latrobe, not to set forth

what he actually accomplished in this field, but to give the author's

views. He proceeds to quote Thomas Jefferson, Henry Clay and Abraham

Lincoln, and finally Horace Grady and Bishop H. M. Turner on

colonization, with a view to convincing the reader that although Mr.

Latrobe's effort at colonizing the Negroes in Africa failed, it must

eventually be brought about since the two races will not happily live

together and then the great work of Latrobe will stand out as an

achievement rather than as a failure. This branching off into opinion

rather than into a scientific treatment of facts renders the biography

incomplete so far as it concerns one of the larger aspects of

Latrobe's life. The reader must, therefore, go to the papers of

Latrobe to trace his connection with colonization with a view to

determining exactly how largely this interest figured in the life of a

successful lawyer and business man and the extent to which he

interested the people throughout the country. The public will,

therefore, welcome a more scholarly biography of J. H. B. Latrobe.

* * * * *

_The Mulatto in The United States._ By EDWARD BYRON REUTER. Richard G.

Badger, The Gorham Press, Boston, 1918. Pp. 417. Price $2.50 net.

This is the first work to deal especially with the people of color and

will, therefore, attract some attention. It is chiefly valuable for

the discussion which it will arouse rather than for the information

given. It is an unscientific compilation of facts collected from a few

sources by a man who has devoted some time to the study of the Negro

but just about enough to misunderstand the race. His chief shortcoming

consists in his misinformation. For scientific purposes the book has

no value.

In the beginning of the work there is a discussion of mixed blood

races in the old world, concluding with a treatment of the same in the

West Indies and America. Considering the mulatto the key to the race

problem in America, Mr. Reuter undertakes to show the extent of race

mixture, its nature and growth. He discusses the intermarriage of the

races, unlawful polygamy, intermarriage with Indians, intermixture

during slavery and concubinage of black women with white men. He seems

to know nothing of the numerous facts easily accessible in various

works, which show that during slavery there was also a concubinage of

white women with black men. In the next place, the author treats the

Negro of today, depending mainly on a few unreliable sources of

information such as the proceedings of certain Negro conventions, a

Negro newspaper and the few books specially devoted to Negro history.

In this it appears that he does not know that the chief sources of

Negro history are not books bearing such titles, for the history of

the race has not yet been written.

Mr. Reuter's conclusions are fundamentally wrong for the two reasons

that he does not know who the mulattoes are and, although taking

cognizance of the fact that science has uprooted the idea of racial

inferiority, he is loath to abandon the contention that the mulatto

is superior to the Negro. For example, in his chapter on leading men

of the Negro race, in which he specifies whether they are blacks or

mulattoes, he has classified as mulattoes a large number of Negroes

who have practically no evidences of white blood and are commonly

referred to throughout the country as the blacks of the Negro race.

The title of the book, therefore, should not be _The Mulatto_ but _The

Negro_. It would then establish nothing as it does. Upon the careers

of these black persons he has supported his theories as to the

superiority of the mulatto. This encourages him, therefore, to

intimate that because of their proximity to the racial characteristics

of the white race they are in some respects superior to the blacks.

Here we have the return of the ante-bellum proslavery philosopher

disguised as a scientific investigator.

* * * * *

_The Anti-Slavery Movement in Kentucky._ By ASA EARL MARTIN, Assistant

Professor of American History, The Pennsylvania State College. The

Standard Printing Company of Louisville, Kentucky, 1918. Pp. 165.

In this volume there is an effort to bring out something new in the

history of slavery. The author is mindful of the tendency of most

writers of the history of slavery to direct their attention to the

radical movements associated with the names of the leading

abolitionists. His effort is to treat that neglected aspect of slavery

having to do with the work of the gradual emancipationists. "These

men, unlike the followers of Garrison, who were restricted to the free

States," said he, "were found in all parts of the Union. They embraced

great numbers of leaders in politics, business and education, and

while far more numerous in the free than in the slave States, they

nevertheless included a large and respectable element in Maryland,

Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri." He has in mind here, of

course, the conservative slaveholders of the border States who had for

a number of years felt that slavery was an economic evil of which the

country should rid itself gradually by systematic efforts. Feeling

that they contributed in the end a great deal to the downfall of the

regime and in some respects exercised as much influence as the

abolitionists, he has undertaken to set their story before the world.

The author begins with the first attack upon slavery, the early

anti-slavery movement in Kentucky, the colonizationist idea, the work

of the anti-slavery societies, and the efforts of the church to

exterminate the evil. In the eighth and ninth chapters he treats more

seriously the main question at issue, namely, exactly how men of that

slave-holding commonwealth persistently endeavored to find a more

rational means of escaping the baneful effects of the institution. His

important contribution, therefore, is that abolition found little

favor in Kentucky while gradual emancipation moved the hearts of men

of both parties and even of slave-holders. How the struggle between

these pro-slavery and anti-slavery parties culminated in 1849 in the

defeat of the latter, is the concluding portion of the book. He shows

that Kentucky exceeded most of the border slave States in permitting

the freer and more extensive discussion of that question than any of

the other commonwealths similarly situated.

Professor Martin's work, therefore, is a complement of Dr. I. E.

McDougle's _Slavery in Kentucky_. Whereas Professor Martin deals

primarily with the work of the gradual emancipationists, Dr. I. E.

McDougle directs his attention largely to some other aspects of the

question. Both of these works may be read with profit. In them the

whole question has been adequately discussed and there will not soon

be a need for further investigation in this field.

NOTES

Within a few years from the time the United States army will be

reduced to a peace status, the Association for the Study of Negro Life

and History will publish a scientific history of the Negro soldiers in

the great war. As this effort will require a large outlay, it is

earnestly desired that persons interested in the propagation of the

truth will give this movement their support. A campaign for funds has

begun and the encouragement hitherto received indicates that the

amount necessary to finance this enterprise will be secured.

At present it is impossible to indicate exactly the extent of this

work. It will be first necessary to make an extensive research into

all of the sources of information as to the Negroes' participation in

the war and when the data thus collected will have been properly

digested, a more detailed description of the work may be forecasted.

It is safe to say, however, that the work will consist of several

volumes written by the Director of Research.

* * * * *

This same interest is set forth, as follows, in an item appearing in

the December number of the _Crisis_:

"The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People

has appropriated funds and commissioned the Director of

Publications and Research to collect the data and compile a

history of the Negro in the Great War.

"Dr. DuBois has invited a number of Negro scholars, soldiers and

officials to form an Editorial Board, which will be able to issue

an authentic, scientific and definitive history of our part in

this war.

"The personnel of this board will be announced later. Meantime,

we want the active coöperation of every person who can and will

help. We want facts, letters and documents, narratives and

clippings. Let us all unite to make the record complete.

Correspondence may be directed to this office."

The following important announcement appeared in the December number

of the _Crisis_:

TERCENTENARY

The husband of Pocahontas wrote in 1619: "_About the last of August

came a Dutch man of warre that sold us twenty Negars_." From this

beginning sprang the present twelve million Americans of Negro

descent.

Next August will mark the Three Hundredth Anniversary of this vast

transplantation of a race, which ranks easily as one of the most

significant movements of mankind. Such an event can hardly be

"celebrated," for it connoted too much of misery and human sorrow. On

the other hand, it is too stern and meaningful a happening to be

forgotten. For this reason, a group of thirty-three colored men met in

New York, October 19, 1918, at the invitation of a committee appointed

by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

They determined to inaugurate "A Solemn Memorial of the Tercentenary

of the Transplanting of the Negro race to the United States." In

order, however, to give all sections and interests of the Negro race

adequate voice and representation in these plans, this committee set

about choosing a Committee of "Three Hundred and More," in whose hands

the Memorial will take final shape. This Committee is now being chosen

and will meet in New York early in January, 1919.

* * * * *

The _Linchoten Vereeniging_ has published for Mr. E. C. Godee

Mossbergen two volumes of _Reizen in Zuid-Afrika in de Hollandse

Tijd_.

* * * * *

From the press of Longsman two volumes bearing on Africa have been

published. One is by Sir Hugh Clifford, entitled the _German

Colonies_, with special relation to the native population of Africa.

The other, by H. C. O'Neill, is the _War in Africa and the Far East_,

dealing largely with the conquest of the German colonies.

* * * * *

Houghton, Mifflin and Company have published a study entitled _Lincoln

in Illinois_ by Miss Octavia Roberts. This work is largely a

compilation of the recollections of his contemporaries.

* * * * *

To extend the work of the Association the Director of Research is now

making an effort to secure the cooperation of five persons who, like

Mr. Julius Rosenwald, will contribute $400 annually to the support of

this cause. Mr. Moorfield Storey and Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge have each

pledged themselves to give this amount. It is earnestly hoped that

other philanthropists will subscribe.

THE JOURNAL

OF

NEGRO HISTORY

VOL. IV--APRIL, 1919--NO. 2

THE CONFLICT AND FUSION OF CULTURES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE

NEGRO[1]

Under ordinary circumstances the transmission of the social tradition

is from the parents to the children. Children are born into society

and take over its customs, habits, and standards of life simply,

naturally, and without conflict. But it will at once occur to any one

that the life of society is not always continued and maintained in

this natural way, by the succession of parents and children. New

societies are formed by conquest and by the imposition of one people

upon another. In such cases there arises a conflict of cultures and as

a result the process of fusion takes place slowly and is frequently

not complete. New societies are frequently formed by colonization, in

which case new cultures are grafted on to older ones. The work of

missionary societies is essentially one of colonization in this sense.

Finally we have societies growing up, as in the United States, by

immigration. These immigrants, coming as they do from all parts of the

world, bring with them fragments of divergent cultures. Here again the

process of assimilation is slow, often painful, not always complete.

In the case where societies are formed and maintained by adoption,

that is by immigration, the question arises: How far is it possible

for a people of a different race and a different culture to take over

the traditions and social inheritance of another and an alien people?

What are the conditions which facilitate this transmission and, in

general, what happens when people of different races and cultures are

brought together in the intimate relations of community life?

These questions have already arisen in connection with the education

of the Negro in America and with the work of foreign missions. If the

schools are to extend and rationalize the work they are already doing

in the Americanization of the immigrant peoples, questions of this

sort may become actual in the field of pedagogy. This paper is mainly

concerned with the Negro, not because the case of the Negro is more

urgent than or essentially different from that of the immigrant, but

because the materials for investigation are more accessible.

Admitting, as the anthropologists now seem disposed to do, that the

average native intelligence in the races is about the same, we may

still expect to find in different races certain special traits and

tendencies which rest on biological rather than cultural differences.

For example, over and above all differences of language, custom or

historic tradition, it is to be presumed that Teuton and Latin, the

Negro and the Jew--to compare the most primitive with the most

sophisticated of peoples--have certain racial aptitudes, certain

innate and characteristic differences of temperament which manifest

themselves especially in the objects of attention, in tastes and in

talents. Is the Jewish intellectual, for example, a manifestation of

an original and peculiar endowment of the Jewish race or is he rather

a product of traditional interest and emphasis characteristic of

Jewish people--a characteristic which may be explained as an

accommodation to the long-continued urban environment of the race?[2]

Is the Negro's undoubted interest in music and taste for bright

colors, commonly attributed to the race, to be regarded as an inherent

and racial trait or is it merely the characteristic of primitive

people? Is Catholicism to be regarded as the natural manifestation of

the Latin temperament as it has been said that Protestantism is of the

Teutonic?

Here are differences in the character of the cultural life which can

scarcely be measured quantitatively in terms of gross intellectual

capacity. Historical causes do not, it seems, adequately account for

them. So far as this is true we are perhaps warranted in regarding

them as modifications of transmitted tradition due to innate traits of

the people who have produced them. Granted that civilization, as we

find it, is due to the development of communication and the

possibility of mutual exchange of cultural materials, still every

special culture is the result of a selection and every people borrows

from the whole fund of cultural materials not merely that which it can

use but which, because of certain organic characteristics, it finds

stimulating and interesting.

The question then resolves itself into this: How far do racial

characteristics and innate biological interests determine the extent

to which one racial group can and will take over and assimilate the

characteristic features of an alien civilization? How far will it

merely take over the cultural forms, giving them a different content

or a different inflection? This problem, so far as it is related to

the lives of primitive peoples, has already been studied by the

ethnologists. Rivers, in his analysis of the cultures of Australian

people, has found that what we have hitherto regarded as primitive

cultures are really fusions of other and earlier forms of culture.[3]

The evidence of this is the fact that the fusion has not been

complete. In the process of interchange it frequently happens that

what Rivers calls the "fundamental structure" of a primitive society

has remained unchanged while the relatively formal and external

elements of alien culture only have been taken over and incorporated

with it.

There are indications also that, where cultural borrowings have taken

place, the borrowed elements have for the people who have taken them

over a meaning different from what they had for the people from whom

they were borrowed. W.J. McGee, in an article entitled "Piratical

Acculturation," has given an interesting illustration of this fact.[4]

McGee's observations of the Beri Indians go to show that they imitated

the weapons of their enemies, but that they regarded them as magical

instruments and the common people did not even know their names. There

are numerous other illustrations of this so-called "piratical

acculturation" among the observations of ethnologists. It is said that

the Negroes in Africa, when they first came into possession of the

white man's guns, regarded them as magical instruments for making a

noise and used them, as the Germans used the Zeppelins and the

newspapers, merely to destroy the enemy's morale.

No doubt the disposition of primitive peoples is to conceive

everything mystically, or animistically, to use the language of

ethnology, particularly where it concerns something strange. On the

other hand, when the primitive man has encountered among the cultural

objects to which civilization has introduced him, something which he

has been able to make immediately intelligible to himself, he has at

once formed a perfectly rational conception of it. Some years ago at

Lovedale, South Africa, the seat of one of the first successful

industrial mission schools, there was an important ceremony to which

all the native African chiefs in the vicinity were formally invited.

It was the introduction and demonstration of the use of the plow, the

first one that had ever been seen in those parts. The proceedings were

followed with great interest by a large gathering of natives. When the

demonstration was finished one old chief turned to his followers and

said with great conviction: "This is a great thing which the white man

has brought us. One hoe like that is worth as much as ten wives." An

African chief could hardly have expressed appreciation of this one

fundamental device of our civilization in more pragmatic or less

mystical terms. The wise old chief grasped the meaning of the plow at

once, but this was because he had been pre-adapted by earlier

experience to do so.

It is the subjective, historic and ultimately, perhaps, racial and

temperamental factor in the lives of peoples which makes it difficult,

though not impossible, perhaps, to transmit political and religious

institutions to people of a different racial type and a different

social tradition. William James' essay, "On a Certain Blindness in

Human Beings," in which he points out how completely we are likely to

miss the point and mistake the inner significance of the lives of

those about us, unless we share their expedience, emphasizes this

fact. If then the transmission and fusion of cultures is slow,

incomplete and sometimes impossible, it is because the external forms,

the formulas, technical devices of every social tradition can be more

easily transmitted than the aims, the attitudes, sentiments and ideals

which attach to them are embodied in them. The former can be copied

and used; the latter must be appreciated and understood.

For a study of the acculturation process, there are probably no

materials more complete and accessible than those offered by the

history of the American Negro. No other representatives of a primitive

race have had so prolonged and so intimate an association with

European civilization, and still preserved their racial identity.

Among no other people is it possible to find so many stages of culture

existing contemporaneously. It has been generally taken for granted

that the Negro brought a considerable fund of African tradition and

African superstition from Africa to America. One not infrequently

finds in the current literature and even in standard books upon the

Negro, references to voodoo practices among the Negroes in the

Southern States. As a matter-of-fact the last authentic account which

we have of anything approaching a Negro nature worship in the United

States took place in Louisiana in 1884. It is described by George W.

Cable in an article on "Creole Slave Songs" which appeared in the

_Century Magazine_ in 1886. In this case it seems to have been an

importation from the West Indies. I have never found an account of a

genuine instance of voodoo worship elsewhere in the United States,

although it seems to have been common enough in the West Indies at one

time.

My own impression is that the amount of African tradition which the

Negro brought to the United States was very small. In fact, there is

every reason to believe, it seems to me, that the Negro, when he

landed in the United States, left behind him almost everything but his

dark complexion and his tropical temperament. It is very difficult to

find in the South today anything that can be traced directly back to

Africa. This does not mean that there is not a great deal of

superstition, conjuring, "root doctoring" and magic generally among

the Negroes of the United States. What it does mean is that the

superstitions we do find are those which we might expect to grow up

anywhere among an imaginative people, living in an intellectual

twilight such as exists on the isolated plantations of the Southern

States. Furthermore, this superstition is in no way associated, as it

is in some of the countries of Europe, southern Italy for example,

with religious beliefs and practices. It is not part of Negro

Christianity. It is with him, as it is with us, folk-lore pure and

simple. It is said that there are but two African words that have been

retained in the English language. One of these is the word Buckra,

from which comes Buckra Beach in Virginia. This seems remarkable when

we consider that slaves were still brought into the United States

clandestinely up to 1862.[5]

The explanation is to be found in the manner in which the Negro slaves

were collected in Africa and the manner in which they were disposed of

after they arrived in this country. The great markets for slaves in

Africa were on the West Coast, but the old slave trails ran back from

the coast far into the interior of the continent, and all the peoples

of Central Africa contributed to the stream of enforced emigration to

the New World. In the West Indies a good deal was known among

slave-traders and plantation owners about the character and relative

value of slaves from different parts of Africa, but in the United

States there was less knowledge and less discrimination. Coming from

all parts of Africa and having no common language and common

tradition, the memories of Africa which they brought with them were

soon lost.

There was less opportunity in the United States also than in the West

Indies for a slave to meet one of his own people, because the

plantations were considerably smaller, more widely scattered and,

especially, because as soon as they were landed in this country,

slaves were immediately divided and shipped in small numbers,

frequently no more than one or two at a time, to different

plantations. This was the procedure with the very first Negroes

brought to this country. It was found easier to deal with the slaves,

if they were separated from their kinsmen.

On the plantation they were thrown together with slaves who had

already forgotten or only dimly remembered their life in Africa.

English was the only language of the plantation. The attitude of the

slave plantation to each fresh arrival seems to have been much like

that of the older immigrant towards the greenhorn. Everything that

marked him as an alien was regarded as ridiculous and barbaric.[6]

Furthermore, the slave had in fact very little desire to return to his

native land. I once had an opportunity to talk with an old man living

just outside of Mobile, who was a member of what was known as the

African colony. This African colony represented the cargo of one of

the last slave ships successful in landing in this country just at the

opening of the war. The old man remembered Africa and gave me a very

interesting account of the way in which he was captured and brought to

America. I asked him if he had ever wished to return. He said that a

missionary who had been in their country and spoke their language had

visited them at one time. This missionary offered to send them back to

Africa and even urged them to go. "I told him," said the old man, "I

crossed the ocean once, but I made up my mind then never to trust

myself in a boat with a white man again."

The fact that the Negro brought with him from Africa so little

tradition which he was able to transmit and perpetuate on American

soil, makes that race unique among all peoples of our cosmopolitan

population. Other peoples have lost, under the disintegrating

influence of the American environment, much of their cultural

heritage. None have been so utterly cut off and estranged from their

ancestral land, traditions and people. It is just because of this that

the history of the Negro offers exceptional materials for determining

the relative influence of temperamental and historical conditions upon

the process by which cultural materials from one racial group are

transmitted to another; for, in spite of the fact that the Negro

brought so little intellectual baggage with him, he has exhibited a

rather marked ethnical individuality in the use and interpretation of

the cultural materials to which he has had access.

The first, and perhaps the only distinctive institution which the

Negro has developed in this country is the Negro church, and it is in

connection with his religion that we may expect to find, if anywhere,

the indications of a distinctive Afro-American culture. The actual

conditions under which the African slaves were converted to

Christianity have never been adequately investigated. We know, in a

general way, that there was at first considerable opposition to

admitting the Negro into the church because it was feared that it

would impair the master's title to his slaves. History records too

that the house servants were very early admitted to churches and that

in many cases masters went to considerable pains to instruct those

servants who shared with them the intimacy of the household.[7] It was

not, however, until the coming of the new, free and evangelistic types

of Christianity, the Baptists and the Methodists, that the masses of

the black people, that is, the plantation Negroes, found a form of

Christianity that they could make their own.

How eagerly and completely the Negro did take over the religion of

these liberal denominations may be gathered from some of the

contemporary writings, which record the founding of the first Negro

churches in America. The first Negro church in Jamaica was founded by

George Liele, shortly after the close of the Revolutionary War. George

Liele had been a slave in Savannah, but his master, who was a Tory,

emigrated to Jamaica upon the evacuation of that city. Andrew Bryan in

Savannah was one of Liele's congregation. He was converted, according

to the contemporary record, by Liele's exposition of the text "You

must be born again!" About eight months after Liele's departure,

Andrew began to preach to a Negro congregation, "with a few white."

The colored people had been permitted to erect a building at Yamacraw,

but white people in the vicinity objected to the meetings and Bryan

and some of his associates were arrested and whipped. But he "rejoiced

in his whippings" and holding up his hand declared "he would freely

suffer death for the cause of Jesus Christ." Bryan's master interceded

for him and "was most affected and grieved" at his punishment. He gave

Bryan and his followers a barn to worship in, after Chief Justice

Osbourne had given them their liberty. This was the origin of what was

probably the first Negro church in America.

George Liele and Andrew Bryan were probably not exceptional men even

for their day. The Rev. James Cook wrote of Bryan: "His gifts are

small but he is clear in the grand doctrines of the Gospel. I believe

him truly pious and he has been the instrument of doing more good

among the poor slaves than all the learned doctors in America."[8] The

significant thing is that, with the appearance of these men, the

Negroes in America ceased to be a mission people. At least, from this

time on, the movement went on of its own momentum, more and more

largely under the direction of Negro leaders. Little Negro

congregations, under the leadership of Negro preachers, sprang up

wherever they Were tolerated. Often they were suppressed, more often

they were privately encouraged. Not infrequently they met in secret.

In 1787 Richard Allen and Absolom Jones had formed in Philadelphia the

Free African Society, out of which four years later, in 1790, arose

the first separate denominational organization of Negroes, the African

Methodist-Episcopal Church. George Liele, Andrew Bryan, Richard Allen,

and the other founders of the Negro church were men of some education,

as their letters and other writings show. They had had the advantage

of life in a city environment and the churches which they founded were

in all essentials faithful copies of the denominational forms as they

found them in the churches of that period.

The religion of the Negroes on the plantation was then, as it is

today, of a much more primitive sort. Furthermore, there were

considerable differences in the cultural status of different regions

of the South and these differences were reflected in the Negro

churches. There was at that time, as there is today, a marked contrast

between the Upland and the Sea Island Negroes. Back from the coast the

plantations were smaller, the contact of the master and slave were

more intimate. On the Sea Island, however, where the slaves were and

still are more completely isolated than elsewhere in the South, the

Negro population approached more closely to the cultural status of the

native African. The Sea Islands were taken possession of in the first

years of the war by the Federal forces and it was here that people

from the North first came in contact with the plantation Negro of the

lower South. They immediately became interested in the manners and

customs of the Island Negroes, and from them we have the first

accurate accounts of their folk-lore and sayings.

The Sea Island Negroes speak a distinct dialect and retain certain

customs which are supposed to be of African origin. It is, however, in

their religious practices that we have the nearest approach to

anything positively African. This has undoubtedly the characteristics

of primitive ritual. But this does not mean that it is African in

origin. It seems to me more likely that it is to be interpreted as a

very simple and natural expression of group emotion, which is just

beginning to crystallize and assume a formal character. The general

tone of these meetings is that of a religious revival in which we

expect a free and uncontrolled expression of religious emotion, the

difference being that in this case the expression of the excitement is

beginning to assume a formal and ritualistic character.

In the voodoo practices, of which we have not any accurate records,

the incantations that were pronounced by the priests, contain strange,

magic words, scraps of ancient ritual, the meanings of which are

forgotten. Lafcadio Hearne, who knew the Negro life of Louisiana and

Martinique intimately and was keen on the subject of Negro folk-lore,

has preserved for us this scrap from an old Negro folk song in which

some of these magic words have been preserved. Writing to his friend

Edward Krehbiel he says:

"Your friend is right, no doubt about the

'Tig, tig, malaborn

La Chelerna che tango

Redjoum!'

"I asked my black nurse what it meant. She only laughed and shook

her head. 'Mais c'est voodoo, ca; je n'en sais rien!' 'Well,'

said I, 'don't you know anything about Voodoo songs?' 'Yes,' she

answered, 'I know Voodoo songs; but I can't tell you what they

mean.' And she broke out into the wildest, weirdest ditty I ever

heard. I tried to write down the words; but as I did not know

what they meant I had to write by sound alone, spelling the words

according to the French pronunciation."[9]

So far as I know there are, among the plantation hymns, no such

remains of ancient ritual, mystical words whose meanings are unknown,

no traces whatever of African tradition. If there is anything that is

African about the Negroes' Christianity, it is not African tradition

but the African temperament which has contributed it. I assume,

therefore, that what we find in the most primitive form of Negro

Christianity is not the revival of an older and more barbaric religion

but the inception of a new and original form of Christianity.

An interesting fact in regard to the religious practices of the

Negroes of the Sea Islands, which has not, so far as I know, been

recorded in any of the descriptions of that people, is the existence

among them of two distinct religious institutions; namely, the church

and the "praise house." The praise house is the earlier institution

and represents apparently a more primitive and more characteristically

Negro or African type. In slavery days, the church was the white man's

place of worship. Negroes were permitted to attend the services and

there was usually a gallery reserved for their use. Churches, however,

were relatively few and not all the slaves on the plantation could

attend at any one time. Those who did attend were usually the house

servants. On every large plantation, however, there was likely to be,

and this was characteristic of the Sea Island plantations, a "praise

house" where the slaves were permitted to worship in their own

peculiar way. It was here that the "shout" took place. After the Civil

War, churches were erected and regular congregations of the Negro

denominations were formed. The Negro churches, however, never wholly

displaced the praise houses on Port Royal and some of the other

islands. It is a singular fact that today, among the Negroes of Port

Royal, at any rate, no one is converted in church. It is only in the

praise houses that Negroes get religion. It is only through the praise

house that one enters the church. The whole process involves, as I

have been informed, not merely an "experience," the precise nature of

which is not clear, but also an examination by the elders to determine

whether the experience is genuine, before candidates are admitted in

good standing as members of the congregation.

On the whole the plantation Negro's religion was a faithful copy of

the white man's. It was content rather than the form which suffered

sea change in the process of transmission from the white man to the

black. What this content was, what new inflection and color the Negro

slave imparted to the religious forms which he borrowed from his

master we may, perhaps, gather from a study of the plantation hymns.

These folksongs represent, at any rate, the naive and spontaneous

utterance of hopes and aspirations for which the Negro slave had no

other adequate means of expression. The first and most interesting

account we have of these Negro spirituals is that of Col. Thomas

Wentworth Higginson, in his _Army Life in a Black Regiment_.[10] He

collected them from the lips of his own black soldiers as they sang

them about the campfire at night. He was almost the first to recognize

that these rude plantation hymns represented a real literature, the

only literature the American Negro has produced, until very recent

times.

Col. Higginson has compared the Negro spirituals to the Scotch

ballads and to the folk songs of other races. It is, however, not so

much their similarities as their differences which are interesting and

significant. Negro folk songs are ruder and more primitive. The

verses, often but not always rhymed, are, as in the case of the

example given below, composed almost entirely of single phrases,

followed by a refrain, which is repeated again with slight

modifications, ending, not infrequently, in an exclamation.

An' I couldn't hear nobody pray,

O Lord!

Couldn't hear nobody pray.

O--way down yonder

By myself,

I couldn't hear nobody pray.

In the valley,

Couldn't hear nobody pray,

On my knees,

Couldn't hear nobody pray,

With my burden,

Couldn't hear nobody pray,

An' my Saviour,

Couldn't hear nobody pray.

O Lord!

I couldn't hear nobody pray,

O Lord!

Couldn't hear nobody pray.

O--way down yonder

By myself,

I couldn't hear nobody pray.

Chilly waters,

Couldn't hear nobody pray,

In the Jordan,

Couldn't hear nobody pray,

Crossing over,

Couldn't hear nobody pray,

Into Canaan,

Couldn't hear nobody pray.

In Negro folk songs the music and expression are everything. The

words, often striking and suggestive, to be sure, represent broken

fragments of ideas, thrown up from the depths of the Negroes'

consciousness and swept along upon a torrent of wild, weird and often

beautiful melody. One reason the verses of the Negro folk songs are so

broken and fragmentary is that the Negroes were not yet in secure

possession of the English language. Another explanation is the

conditions under which they were produced. The very structure of these

verses indicate their origin in the communal excitement of a religious

assembly. A happy phrase, a striking bit of imagery, flung out by some

individual was taken up and repeated by the whole congregation.

Naturally the most expressive phrases, the lines that most adequately

voiced the deep unconscious desires of the whole people, were

remembered longest and repeated most frequently. New lines and

variations were introduced from time to time. There was, therefore, a

process of natural selection by which the best, the most

representative verses, those which most adequately expressed the

profounder and more permanent moods and sentiments of the Negro were

preserved and became part of the permanent tradition of the race.

Negro melodies still spring up on the plantations of the South as they

did in the days of slavery. The Negro is, like the Italian, an

improviser, but the songs he produces today have not, so far as my

knowledge goes, the quality of those he sang in slavery. The schools

have introduced reading, and this, with the reflection which writing

enforces, is destroying the folk songs of the Negro, as it has those

of other races.

Not only are the Negro folk songs more primitive--in the sense I have

indicated--than the folk songs of other peoples with which we are

familiar but the themes are different. The themes of the Scotch

ballads are love and battles, the adventures and tragedies of a wild,

free life. The Negro songs, those that he has remembered best, are

religious and other worldly. "It is a singular fact," says Krehbiel,

"that very few secular songs--those which are referred to as 'reel

tunes,' 'fiddle songs,' 'corn songs' and 'devil songs,' for which

slaves generally expressed a deep abhorrence, though many of them no

doubt were used to stimulate them while in the fields--have been

preserved while 'shout songs' and other 'speritchils' have been kept

alive by the hundred."[11]

If it is the plantation melodies that, by a process of natural

selection, have been preserved in the traditions of the Negro people,

it is probably because in these songs they found a free and natural

expression of their unfulfilled desires. In the imagery of these

songs, in the visions which they conjure up, in the themes which they

again and again renew, we may discern the reflection of dawning racial

consciousness, a common racial ideal.

The content of the Negro folk songs has been made the subject of a

careful investigation by Howard Odum in his _Study of the Social and

Mental Traits of the Negro_. He says: "The Negro's fancies of

'Heaven's bright home' are scarcely exceeded by our fairy tales. There

are silver and golden slippers, crowns of stars, jewels and belts of

gold. There are robes of spotless white and wings all bejeweled with

heavenly gems. Beyond the Jordan the Negro will outshine the sun, moon

and stars. He will slip and slide the golden street and eat the fruit

of the trees of paradise.... With rest and ease, with a golden band

about him and with palms of victory in his hands and beautiful robes,

the Negro will indeed be a happy being.... To find a happy home, to

see all the loved ones and especially the Biblical characters, to see

Jesus and the angels, to walk and talk with them, to wear robes and

slippers as they do, and to _rest forever_, constitute the chief

images of the Negro's heaven. He is tired of the world which has been

a hell to him. Now on his knees, now shouting, now sorrowful and glad,

the Negro comes from 'hanging over hell' to die and sit by the

Father's side."[12]

In the imagery which the Negro chooses to clothe his hopes and dreams,

we have, as in the musical idiom in which he expresses them,

reflections of the imagination and the temperament of Africa and the

African. On the other hand, in the themes of this rude rhapsodical

poetry--the House of Bondage, Moses, the Promised Land, Heaven, the

apocalyptic visions of Freedom--but freedom confined miraculously and

to another world--these are the reflections of the Negro's experience

in slavery.

The Negro's songs of slavery have been referred to by Du Bois in his

_Soul of Black-Folk_ as sorrow songs, and other writers have made the

assertion that all the songs of the slaves were in a plaintive minor

key. As a matter of fact, investigation has shown that actually less

than twelve per cent of Negro songs are in a minor.[13] There are no

other folk songs, with the exception of those of Finland, of which so

large a percentage are in the major mood. And this is interesting as

indicating the racial temperament of the Negro. It tends to justify

the general impression that the Negro is temperamentally sunny,

cheerful, optimistic. It is true that the slave songs express longing,

that they refer to "hard trials and great tribulations," but the

dominant mood is one of jubilation, "Going to sing, going to shout,

going to play all over God's heaven."

Other worldliness is not peculiar to the religion of the slave. It is

a trait which the slave encountered in the religion of his master. But

in the Negro's conception of religion it received a peculiar emphasis.

In fact, these ecstatic visions of the next world, which the Negro

slave songs portrayed with a directness and simplicity that is at once

quaint and pathetic, are the most significant features of the Negro's

songs of slavery.

It is interesting to note in this connection that nowhere in these

songs do we discover the slightest references to Africa. They reflect

no memories of a far off happier land. Before the Negro gained his

emancipation Africa had, so far as he was concerned, almost ceased to

exist. Furthermore, the whole tone and emphasis of these songs and of

all other religious expressions of the American Negro are in marked

contrast with the tone and emphasis of African religious ideas. The

African knew of the existence of another world, but he was not

interested in it. The world, as the African understood it, was full of

malignant spirits, diseases and forces with which he was in constant

mortal struggle. His religious practices were intended to gain for him

immunity in this world, rather than assurance of the next. But the

Negro in America was in a different situation. He was not living in

his own world. He was a slave and that, aside from the physical

inconvenience, implied a vast deal of _inhibition_. He was, moreover,

a constant spectator of life in which he could not participate;

excited to actions and enterprises that were forbidden to him because

he was a slave. The restlessness which this situation provoked found

expression, not in insurrection and rebellion--although, of course,

there were Negro insurrections--but in his religion and in his dreams

of another and freer world. I assume, therefore, that the reason the

Negro so readily and eagerly took over from the white man his heaven

and apocalyptic visions was because these materials met the demands of

his peculiar racial temperament and furnished relief to the emotional

strains that were provoked in him by the conditions of slavery.

So far as slavery was responsible for the peculiar individuality of

the Negro's religion we should expect that the racial ideals and

racial religion would take on another and a different character under

the influence of freedom. This, indeed, is what seems to me is taking

place. New ideals of life are expressed in recent Negro literature and

slowly and imperceptibly those ideas are becoming institutionalized

in the Negro church and more particularly in the cultural ideals of

the Negro school. But this makes another chapter in the history of

Negro culture in America.

I have sought in this brief sketch to indicate the modifications,

changes and fortune which a distinctive racial temperament has

undergone as a result of encounters with an alien life and culture.

This temperament, as I conceive it, consists in a few elementary but

distinctive characteristics, determined by physical organization and

transmitted biologically. These characteristics manifest themselves in

a genial, sunny and social disposition, in an interest and attachment

to external, physical things rather than to subjective states and

objects of introspection; in a disposition for expression rather than

enterprise and action. The changes which have taken place in the

manifestations of this temperament have been actuated by an inherent

and natural impulse, characteristic of all living things, to persist

and maintain themselves in a changed environment. Such changes have

occurred as are likely to take place in any organism in its struggle

to live and to use its environment to further and complete its own

existence.

The general principle which the Negro material illustrates is that the

racial temperament selects out of the masses of cultural materials, to

which it had access, such technical, mechanical and intellectual

devices as meet its needs at a particular period of its existence. It

clothes and enriches itself with such new customs, habits, and

cultural forms as it is able, or permitted to use. It puts into these

relatively external things, moreover, such concrete meanings as its

changing experience and its unchanging racial individuality demand.

Everywhere and always the Negro has been interested rather in

expression than in action; interested in life itself rather than in

its reconstruction or reformation. The Negro is, by natural

disposition, neither an intellectual nor an idealist like the Jew, nor

a brooding introspective like the East Indian, nor a pioneer and

frontiersman like the Anglo-Saxon. He is primarily an artist, loving

life for its own sake. His metier is expression rather than action.

The Negro is, so to speak, the lady among the races.

In reviewing the fortunes of the Negro's temperament as it is

manifested in the external events of the Negro's life in America, our

analysis suggests that this racial character of the Negro has

exhibited itself everywhere in something like the rôle of the _wish_

in the Freudian analysis of dream life. The external cultural forms

which he found here, like the memories of the individual, have

furnished the materials in which the racial wish, that is, the Negro

temperament, has clothed itself. The inner meaning, the sentiment, the

emphasis, the emotional color which these forms assumed as the result

of their transference from the white man to the Negro, these have been

the Negro's own. They have represented his temperament--his

temperament modified, however, by his experience and the tradition

which he has accumulated in this country. The temperament is African,

but the tradition is American.

I present this thesis merely as a hypothesis. As such its value

consists in its suggestion of a point of view and program for

investigation. I may, however, suggest some of the obvious practical

consequences. If racial temperament--particularly when it gets itself

embodied in institutions and in _nationalities_, that is, social

groups based upon race--is so real and obdurate a thing that education

can only enrich and develop it but not dispose of it, then we must be

concerned to take account of it in all our schemes for promoting

naturalization, assimilation, Americanization, Christianization, and

acculturation generally.

If it is true that the Jew, as has been suggested, just because of his

intellectuality is a natural born idealist, internationalist,

doctrinaire, and revolutionist, while the Negro, because of his

natural attachment to known, familiar objects, places and persons, is

preadapted to conservatism and to local and personal loyalties: if

these things are true, we shall eventually have to take account of

them practically. It is certain that the Negro has uniformly shown a

disposition to loyalty, during slavery to his master, and during

freedom to the South and the country as a whole. He has maintained

this attitude of loyalty, too, under very discouraging circumstances.

I once heard Kelly Miller, the most philosophical of the leaders and

teachers of his race, say in a public speech that one of the greatest

hardships the Negro suffered in this country was due to the fact that

he was not permitted to be patriotic.

Of course, all these alleged racial characteristics have a positive as

well as a negative significance. Every race, like every individual,

has the vices of its virtues. The question remains still to what

extent so-called racial characteristics are actually racial, that is,

biological, and to what extent they are the effect of environmental

conditions. The thesis of this paper, to state it again, is: (1) That

fundamental temperamental qualities, which are the basis of interest

and attention, act as selective agencies and as such determine what

elements in the cultural environment each race will select, in what

region it will seek and find its vocation, in the larger social

organization; (2) that, on the other hand, technique, science,

machinery, tools, habits, discipline and all the intellectual and

mechanical devices with which the civilized man lives and works,

remain relatively external to the inner core of significant attitudes

and values which constitute what many call the will of the group. This

racial will is, to be sure, largely social, that is modified by social

experience, but it rests ultimately upon a complex of inherited

characteristics, which are racial.

It follows from what has been said that the individual man is the

bearer of a double inheritance. As a member of a race, he transmits by

interbreeding a biological inheritance. As a member of society or a

social group, on the other hand, he transmits by communication a

social inheritance. The particular complex of inheritable characters,

which characterizes the individuals of a racial group constitutes the

racial temperament. The particular group of habits, accommodations,

sentiments, attitudes and ideals transmitted by communication and

education constitute a social tradition. Between this temperament and

this tradition there is, as has been generally recognized, a very

intimate relationship. My assumption is that temperament is the basis

of the _interests_; that as such it determines in the long run the

general run of attention, and this, eventually, determines the

selection in the case of an individual of his vocation, in the case of

the racial group of its culture. That is to say, temperament

determines what things the individual and the groups will be

interested in; what elements of the general culture, to which they

have access, they will assimilate; what, to state it in pedagogical

terms, they will learn.

It will be evident at once that where individuals of the same race and

hence the same temperament are associated, the temperamental interests

will tend to reinforce one another, and the attention of members of

the group will be more completely focused upon the specific objects

and values that correspond to the racial temperament. In this way

racial qualities become the basis for nationalities, a nationalistic

group being merely a cultural and eventually a political society

founded on the basis of racial inheritances. On the other hand, when

racial segregation is broken up and members of a racial group are

dispersed and isolated, the opposite effect will take place. This

explains the phenomena which have frequently been the subject of

comment and observation, that the racial characteristics manifest

themselves in an extraordinary way in large homogeneous gatherings.

The contrast between a mass meeting of one race and a similar meeting

of another is particularly striking. Under such circumstances

characteristic racial and temperamental differences appear that would

otherwise pass entirely unnoticed.

When the physical unity of a group is perpetuated by the succession of

parents and children, the racial temperament, including fundamental

attitudes and values which rest on it, are preserved intact. When

however, society grows and is perpetuated by immigration and

adaptation, there ensues, as a result of miscegenation, a breaking up

of the complex of the biologically inherited qualities which

constitute the temperament of the race. This again initiates changes

in the mores, traditions and eventually in the institutions of the

community. The changes which proceed from modification in the racial

temperament will, however, modify but slightly the external forms of

the social traditions but they will be likely to change profoundly

their content and meaning. Of course, other factors, individual

competition, the formation of classes, and especially the increase of

communication, all coöperate to complicate the whole situation and to

modify the effects which would be produced by racial factors working

in isolation. All these factors must be eventually taken account of,

however, in any satisfactory scheme of dealing with the problem of

Americanization by education. This is, however, a matter for more

complete analysis and further investigation.

ROBERT E. PARK

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This address was delivered before the American Sociological

Society convened in annual session at Richmond in 1918.

[2] "The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behavior in

the City Environment," _American Journal of Sociology_, V, 44, March,

1915, p. 589.

[3] Rivers, "Ethnological Analysis of Cultures," _Nature_, Vol. I, 87,

1911.

[4] W. J. McGee, _Piratical Acculturation_.

[5] There is or was a few years ago near Mobile a colony of Africans

who were brought to the United States as late as 1860. It is true,

also, that Major R. R. Moton, who has succeeded Booker T. Washington

as head of Tuskegee Institute, still preserves the story that was told

him by his grandmother of the way in which his great-grandfather was

brought from Africa in a slave ship.

[6] _Domestic Manners and Social Condition of the White, Coloured and

Negro Population of the West Indies_, by Mrs. Carmichael, Vol. I.

(London, Wittaker, Treacher and Co.), p. 251.

"Native Africans do not at all like it to be supposed that they retain

the customs of their country and consider themselves wonderfully

civilized by being transplanted from Africa to the West Indies. Creole

Negroes invariably consider themselves superior people, and lord it

over the native Africans."

[7] The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts was

founded in 1701 and the efforts to Christianize the Negro were carried

on with a great deal of zeal and with some success.

[8] JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, Vol. I, 1916, p. 70.

[9] _Afro-American Folksongs: A Study in Racial and National Music_,

by Henry Edward Krehbiel. (New York and London, G. Schirmer), p. 37.

From a letter of Lafcadio Hearne.

[10] _Army Life in a Black Regiment_, by Thomas Wentworth Higginson.

Boston, Fields, Osgood and Co., 1870.

[11] Krehbiel, _Afro-American Folksongs_, p. 16.

[12] Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, edited by The

Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University, Vol. 37, New

York, 1910, No. 3--_Social and Mental Traits of the Negro_, by Howard

W. Odum, Ph.D., p. 91.

[13] Krehbiel, _Afro-American Folksongs_.

THE COMPANY OF ROYAL ADVENTURERS OF ENGLAND TRADING INTO AFRICA,

1660-1672

INTRODUCTION

The English commercial companies trading to the west coast of Africa

during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have practically

escaped the attention of historical students. Doubtless this neglect

is the result of the little importance which has until recently been

attached to African territory since the abolition of the slave trade.

Previous to that time the west coast of Africa vied with the East

Indies for popular attention, and the English African companies often

appeared to be but little less important than the great East India

Company.

The cause for the popular esteem of the African coast during the

earlier centuries was the intimate connection which the slave trade

had with the development of the English plantations in the West

Indies. About the middle of the seventeenth century the growing of

sugar cane and other products in the West Indies began to open up

enormous possibilities which, it was universally agreed, could be

realized only by the extensive use of Negro slaves. At the restoration

of Charles II in 1660 the English commercial class directly supported

and assisted by the king's courtiers determined to secure as large a

portion of the West African coast as possible. To reach this end they

organized that year The Company of the Royal Adventurers into Africa.

This decision at once brought the company into conflict with the Dutch

West India Company, which, during the twenty years of domestic trouble

in England, had all but monopolized the desirable portion of the West

African coast.

It happened therefore that the Company of Royal Adventurers played a

very important part in the events which led up to the Anglo-Dutch war

of 1665-67. The war resulted in the financial ruin of the company

which was in existence only about eleven years, at the end of which

time it was succeeded by the much larger and better organized Royal

African Company.

It has seemed to the author as if the English African companies were a

very profitable field of historical investigation. Therefore, the

present dissertation on the Company of Royal Adventurers will be

followed shortly by a history of the Royal African Company, 1672-1752.

For assistance in writing the history of the Royal Adventurers Trading

into Africa I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to the librarians,

and officials of the British Record Office, the British Museum, the

Bodleian Library at Oxford, the Rijks Archief at The Hague, and the

Cornell University Library. To Professor R. C. H. Catterall, now

deceased, I am greatly indebted for reading the manuscript of this

book, and for many valuable suggestions. Above all, I wish to express

my deep appreciation to my wife, Susie Zook, for her unfailing

inspiration and her constant assistance in the writing of this book.

CHAPTER I

EARLY DUTCH AND ENGLISH TRADE TO WEST AFRICA

In 1581 the seven United Provinces of the Netherlands declared their

independence of Spain. As the intrepid Dutch sailors ventured out from

their homeland they met not only the ships of their old master, Philip

II, but those of the Portuguese as well. Since the government of

Portugal had just fallen into the hands of Philip II the Dutch ships

could expect no more consideration from Portuguese than from Spanish

vessels. Notwithstanding the manifest dangers the prospects of

obtaining the coveted products of the Portuguese colonies inspired the

Dutch to such a great extent that in 1595 Bernard Ereckson sailed to

the west coast of Africa, at that time usually called Guinea. There he

and the Dutch who followed him discovered that the Portuguese had long

occupied the trading points along the coast, and had erected forts and

factories wherever it seemed advisable for the purpose of defense and

trade. The Dutch merchants and sailors turned their dangerous

situation into an opportunity to despoil the weakened Portuguese of

their forts and settlements in Africa.

On August 25, 1611, the Dutch made a treaty with a native prince by

which a place called Maurée was ceded to them. In the following year

they erected a fort at that place which they named Fort Nassau.[1]

Shortly after this, in 1617, they bought the island of Goree at Cape

Verde from the natives in that region. Four years later the West India

Company was formed, its charter including not only the West Indies and

New Amsterdam but also the west coast of Africa. This new organization

found much in the new world to occupy its attention but it did not

neglect the Guinea coast. The Dutch realized that the African trade

was indispensable to their West India colonies as a means of supplying

slave labor. Hostilities, therefore, were continued against the

Portuguese who still had possession of the principal part of the

African trade. In 1625 the Dutch made a vigorous attempt to capture

the main Portuguese stronghold at St. George d'Elmina which had been

founded on the Gold Coast in 1481.[2] They were unsuccessful at that

time but in 1637 Prince Maurice of Nassau with 1,200 men succeeded in

capturing this base of the Portuguese trade.[3] In 1641 a ten years'

truce was signed between Portugal and the United Provinces, but before

the news of the truce had reached the coast of Guinea the Dutch had

taken another of the Portuguese strongholds at Axim which, according

to the terms of the treaty, they were permitted to retain. From these

various places factories were settled along the coast, and treaties

made with the native rulers. Furthermore, in the treaty of peace,

August 6, 1661, the Dutch retained the forts and factories which they

had conquered from the Portuguese on the African coast.[4] After the

truce of 1641 and the peace of 1661, therefore, the Dutch regarded

themselves as having succeeded to the exclusive claims of the

Portuguese to a large portion of the west coast of Africa including a

monopoly of the trade to the Gold Coast.[5]

Although it was the Dutch who succeeded in depriving the Portuguese of

the most important part of the West African coast, the interest shown

by the English in this region can be traced back to a much earlier

date. In 1481, when two Englishmen were preparing an expedition to the

Guinea coast, John II, king of Portugal, despatched an ambassador to

the English king, to announce the overlordship of Guinea which he had

recently assumed, and to request that the two Englishmen should

refrain from visiting the Guinea coast. Edward IV complied with this

request.[6] Thereafter no English expedition to Guinea was attempted

until 1536 when William Hawkins, father of the famous John Hawkins,

made the first of three voyages to Africa during which he also traded

to Brazil. Again in 1553 Hawkins sent an expedition to the Gold Coast.

Near Elmina the adventurers sold some of their goods for gold, and

then proceeded to Benin where they obtained pepper, or "Guinea

graines," and elephants' teeth. After losing two-thirds of the crew

from sickness the expedition returned to England.[7] In the following

year another expedition under Hawkins' direction secured several

slaves in addition to a large amount of gold and other products.[8]

Also, in the years 1555, 1556, 1557, William Towrson made three

voyages to the Guinea coast in which his ships were harassed by the

Portuguese, who attempted to prevent them from trading. English cloth

and iron wares were in such demand, however, that notwithstanding this

opposition a lucrative trade was obtained.[9]

Beginning with 1561 Queen Elizabeth lent her influence and assistance

to a series of voyages to the African coast. Not only did she permit

the use of four royal vessels for the first expedition but she spent

five hundred pounds in provisioning them for the voyage. The value of

the goods sent to Africa in these vessels was five thousand pounds.

According to the arrangement Queen Elizabeth received one-third of the

profits, which amounted to one thousand pounds.[10] In the year 1563

similar arrangements were made with the queen for another voyage to

the Gold Coast, during which there was considerable trouble with the

Portuguese. Notwithstanding this opposition the ships succeeded in

returning to England with a quantity of elephants' teeth and Guinea

grains.[11] In 1564, an expedition composed of three ships, one of

which belonged to Queen Elizabeth, was particularly unfortunate. One

of these ships was blown up, while the other two were attacked by the

Portuguese and probably had to return without obtaining any African

products.[12]

In these voyages to Guinea the English trade had been in exchange for

gold, elephants' teeth and pepper. Trading for slaves had scarcely

occurred to these early adventurers. Nevertheless, as early as 1562,

John Hawkins sailed for Sierra Leone with three vessels, and there

captured three hundred Negroes whom he sold to the Spaniards in

Hispaniola.[13] The success of this voyage was so great that in 1564

there was fitted out a second slave raiding expedition in which one of

the queen's ships, the Jesus, was employed. As before, Hawkins sold

his slaves in the West Indies, this time with some difficulty, because

the Spanish officials, who were forbidden to have any trade with

foreigners, regarded the Englishmen as pirates.[14]

Again, in 1567, Hawkins was on his way to Guinea. By playing off one

set of natives against another he procured about 450 slaves and once

more set out for the Spanish Indies. Although at first the voyage

promised to be successful, he was later set upon by a number of

Spanish ships and barely escaped with his life and one badly wrecked

vessel.[15]

Hawkins' voyages to Africa are worthy of note because he was the first

Englishman to engage in the slave trade. To be sure, his piratical

seizure of free Negroes broke all the rules of honorable dealing long

recognized on the African coast. As a result of his actions the

natives held all Englishmen in great distrust for a number of

years.[16] The unregulated method of carrying on the African trade,

pursued up to this time, ceased to a certain extent when Queen

Elizabeth granted the first patent of monopoly to the west coast of

Africa, May 3, 1588.

The charter of 1588 gave to certain merchants of Exeter, London and

other places in England for ten years an exclusive trade to that

portion of West Africa lying between the Senegal and Gambia rivers.

The great slave and gold producing country of the Gold Coast remained

open to all traders. It was therefore evident that, instead of

continuing the slave raiding projects of Hawkins, the company intended

to resume the exchange of English manufactures for African products.

According to its charter the company was not required to pay duties in

England either on imports or exports.[17] Although nothing is known of

the success of this company, the patent was regarded as of sufficient

importance for the earl of Nottingham and others to obtain a

continuation of the monopoly.[18]

Since the charter of these Senegal adventurers did not prevent anyone

from resorting to the Gold Coast and the regions to the east thereof,

two voyages were made to Benin, one in 1588 and another in 1590.[19]

In 1592 certain English merchants received a patent from the queen

authorizing them to trade to certain specified portions of Africa.[20]

The trade to Africa continued in this desultory fashion until 1618. At

that time a patent comprising the whole explored western coast of

Africa south of the territory of the Barbary Company was granted to

some thirty persons, among whom the most important was Sir William

St. John, who was said to have built the first English fort in

Africa.[21] The early years of their trade, which consisted in the

exchange of English for African products, was especially unfortunate.

Vessels were either lost or brought back small returns. After 1621 it

was difficult to procure fresh additions of capital. To add to this

trying situation, the House of Commons attacked the company's monopoly

and, later, voted it to be a grievance. Thereafter, although the

company sometimes issued licenses for the African trade, the

interlopers who resorted to Africa quite freely, usually did not deem

it necessary to obtain them.[22]

The moving spirit of the next company, which received a patent in

1631, was Sir Nicholas Crispe, who had been a successful interloper

during the life of the previous company. In 1624 he had built the

first permanent English settlement at Kormentine. Although not

incorporated, this company enjoyed for thirty-one years a monopoly of

trade to all the region lying between Cape Blanco and the Cape of Good

Hope. Just previous to the Civil War Charles I confirmed the charter

for twenty years. The company's monopoly was looked on with disfavor

by the leaders of the Puritan party, however, and in 1649 the company

was summoned before the Council of State, where it was accused of

having procured its charter by undue influences. Later, the company's

case was considered by the committee of trade, and finally, on April

9, 1651, the Council of State recommended that the company's monopoly

to that part of West Africa extending from a point twenty miles north

of Kormentine to within twenty miles of the Sierra Leone River be

continued for fourteen years.[23]

This company also suffered numerous misfortunes on the African coast.

A factory which the English had set up at Cape Corse in April, 1650,

was seized the following year by some Swedes who for several years

thereafter made it the seat of their trade in Guinea.[24]

Notwithstanding this fact the Swedes permitted the English to retain a

lodge at Cape Corse with which the agents at Kormentine sometimes

traded.[25] Even after the place was seized by Hendrik Carloff, a

Danish adventurer, in 1658, the English seem to have been allowed to

remain at Cape Corse. By this time, however, the English African

Company had become unable to support its factories on the coast of

Guinea. Therefore they were turned over to the English East India

Company, and became occasional stopping places for its vessels on

their way to and from the East Indies.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Jonge, Johan Karel Jakob de, _De Oorsprong van Neerland's

Bezittingen op de Kust van Guinea_, p. 16.

[2] Gramberg, J. S. G., _Schetsen van Afrika's Westcust_, p. 12.

[3] Jonge, _Oorsprong van Neerland's Bezittingen_, pp. 18, 19, 20.

[4] In return for this concession the Dutch evacuated Brazil. Dumont,

J., _Corps Universel Diplomatique du Droit des Gens_, VI, part 2, p.

367.

[5] De Gids, "Derde Serie," _Zesde Jaargang_, IV, 385.

[6] Hakluyt, Richard, _The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,

& Discourses of the English Nation_, VI, 123, 124.

[7] _Ibid._, VI, 145-162.

[8] _Ibid._, VI, 154-177.

[9] _Ibid._, VI, 177-252.

[10] Queen Elizabeth's profit may have been only five hundred pounds,

as it seems likely that the five hundred pounds which she spent in

provisioning the ships should be subtracted from the one thousand

pounds which she received. Scott, W.R., _The Constitution and Finance

of English, Scottish and Irish Joint Stock Companies to 1720_, II, 6.

[11] Hayluyt, _Principal Navigations_, VI, 258-261.

[12] _Ibid._, VI, 262.

[13] _Ibid._, X, 7, 8.

[14] _Ibid._, X, 9-63.

[15] _Ibid._, X, 64-74.

[16] For example, the expedition of George Fenner to Africa in 1566.

He had a great deal of trouble with the natives. Hakluyt, _Principal

Navigations_, VI, 266-284.

[17] Hakluyt, _Principal Navigations_, VI, 443-450, patent of Queen

Elizabeth, May 3, 1588.

[18] Scott, _Joint Stock Companies_, II, 10.

[19] Hakluyt, _Principal Navigations_, VI, 450-458, 461-467.

[20] _Ibid._, VII, 102.

[21] Scott, _Joint Stock Companies_, II, 11.

[22] _Ibid._, II, 12, 13.

[23] _Ibid._, II, 14-16.

[24] S. P. (State Papers), Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper

concerning the title of the English to Cape Corse; A. C. R. (Records

of the African Companies), 169: 69, deposition of Thomas Crispe,

February 5, 1685/6; Dammaert, Journal (Journal gehouden bij Louijs

Dammaert ungewaren met 't schip Prins Willem), September 19, 1652 (N.

S.).

[25] Remonstrantie, _aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael der

Vereenighde Nederlanden_, p. 18; Dammaert, _Journal_, September 19,

1652, May 18, 1653, December 7, 19, 1655, April 22 1656 (N. S.).