I well remember the Crimean war. At Moscow it affected people but
little. Of course, in every house lint and bandages for the wounded
were made at evening parties; not much of it, however, reached the
Russian armies, immense quantities being stolen and sold to the armies
of the enemy. My sister Hélène and other young ladies sang patriotic
songs, but the general tone of life in society was hardly influenced by
the great struggle that was going on. In the country, on the contrary,
the war caused much gloominess. The levies of recruits followed one
another rapidly, and we continually heard the peasant women singing
their funereal songs. The Russian people look upon war as a calamity
which is being sent upon them by Providence, and they accepted this
war with a solemnity that contrasted strangely with the levity I saw
elsewhere under similar circumstances. Young though I was, I realized
that feeling of solemn resignation which pervaded our villages.
My brother Nicholas was smitten like many others by the war fever, and
before he had ended his course at the corps he joined the army in the
Caucasus. I never saw him again.
In the autumn of 1854 our family was increased by the arrival of two
sisters of our stepmother. They had had their own house and some
vineyards at Sebastopol, but now they were homeless, and came to stay
with us. When the allies landed in the Crimea, the inhabitants of
Sebastopol were told that they need not be afraid, and had only to stay
where they were; but after the defeat at the Alma, they were ordered to
leave with all haste, as the city would be invested within a few days.
There were few conveyances, and there was no way of moving along the
roads in face of the troops which were marching southward. To hire a
cart was almost impossible, and the ladies, having abandoned all they
had on the road, had a very hard time of it before they reached Moscow.
I soon made friends with the younger of the two sisters, a lady of
about thirty, who used to smoke one cigarette after another, and to
tell me of all the horrors of their journey. She spoke with tears in
her eyes of the beautiful battle-ships which had to be sunk at the
entrance of the harbour of Sebastopol, and she could not understand how
the Russians would be able to defend Sebastopol from the land; there
was no wall even worth speaking of.
I was in my thirteenth year when Nicholas I. died. It was late in the
afternoon of February 18 (March 2), that the policemen distributed in
all the houses of Moscow a bulletin announcing the illness of the Tsar,
and inviting the inhabitants to pray in the churches for his recovery.
At that time he was already dead, and the authorities knew it, as
there was telegraphic communication between Moscow and St. Petersburg;
but not a word having been previously uttered about his illness, they
thought that the people must be gradually prepared for the announcement
of his death. We all went to church and prayed most piously.
Next day, Saturday, the same thing was done, and even on Sunday morning
bulletins about the Tsar’s health were distributed. The news of the
death of Nicholas reached us only about midday, through some servants
who had been to the market. A real terror reigned in our house and in
the houses of our relatives, as the information spread. It was said
that the people in the market behaved in a strange way, showing no
regret, but indulging in dangerous talk. Full-grown people spoke in
whispers, and our stepmother kept repeating, ‘Don’t talk before the
men;’ while the servants whispered among themselves, probably about the
coming ‘freedom.’ The nobles expected at every moment a revolt of the
serfs--a new uprising of Pugachóff.
At St. Petersburg, in the meantime, men of the educated classes, as
they communicated to one another the news, embraced in the streets.
Everyone felt that the end of the war and the end of the terrible
conditions which prevailed under the ‘iron despot’ were near at hand.
Poisoning was talked about, the more so as the Tsar’s body decomposed
very rapidly, but the true reason only gradually leaked out: a too
strong dose of an invigorating medicine that Nicholas had taken.
In the country, during the summer of 1855, the heroic struggle which
was going on in Sebastopol for every yard of ground and every bit
of its dismantled bastions was followed with a solemn interest. A
messenger was sent regularly twice a week from our house to the
district town to get the papers; and on his return, even before he had
dismounted, the papers were taken from his hands and opened. Hélène or
I read them aloud to the family, and the news was at once transmitted
to the servants’ room, and thence to the kitchen, the office, the
priest’s house, and the houses of the peasants. The reports which came
of the last days of Sebastopol, of the awful bombardment, and finally
of the evacuation of the town by our troops were received with tears.
In every country house round about, the loss of Sebastopol was mourned
over with as much grief as the loss of a near relative would have been,
although everyone understood that now the terrible war would soon come
to an end.
X
It was in August 1857, when I was nearly fifteen, that my turn came to
enter the corps of pages and I was taken to St. Petersburg. When I left
home I was still a child; but human character is usually settled in a
definite way at an earlier age than is generally supposed, and it is
evident to me that under my childish appearance I was then very much
what I was to be later on. My tastes, my inclinations, were already
determined.
The first impulse to my intellectual development was given, as I have
said, by my Russian teacher. It is an excellent habit in Russian
families--a habit now, unhappily, on the decline--to have in the house
a student who aids the boys and the girls with their lessons, even when
they are at a gymnasium. For a better assimilation of what they learn
at school, and for a widening of their conceptions about what they
learn, his aid is invaluable. Moreover, he introduces an intellectual
element into the family and becomes an elder brother to the young
people--often something better than an elder brother, because the
student has a certain responsibility for the progress of his pupils;
and as the methods of teaching change rapidly, from one generation to
another, he can assist his pupils much better than the best educated
parents could.
Nikolái Pávlovich Smirnóff had literary tastes. At that time, under
the wild censorship of Nicholas I., many quite inoffensive works by
our best writers could not be published; others were so mutilated as
to deprive many passages in them of any meaning. In the genial comedy
by Griboyédoff, ‘Misfortune from Intelligence,’ which ranks with
the best comedies of Molière, Colonel Skalozúb had to be named ‘Mr.
Skalozúb,’ to the detriment of the sense and even of the verses; for
the representation of a colonel in a comical light would have been
considered an insult to the army. Of so innocent a book as Gógol’s
‘Dead Souls’ the second part was not allowed to appear, nor the first
part to be reprinted, although it had long been out of print. Numerous
verses of Púshkin, Lérmontoff, A. K. Tolstóy, Ryléeff, and other poets
were not permitted to see the light; to say nothing of such verses as
had any political meaning or contained a criticism of the prevailing
conditions. All these circulated in manuscript, and my teacher used to
copy whole books of Gógol and Púshkin for himself and his friends, a
task in which I occasionally helped him. As a true child of Moscow he
was also imbued with the deepest veneration for those of our writers
who lived in Moscow--some of them in the Old Equerries’ Quarter.
He pointed out to me with respect the house of the Countess Saliás
(Eugénie Tour), who was our near neighbour, while the house of the
noted exile Alexander Hérzen always was associated with a certain
mysterious feeling of respect and awe. The house where Gógol lived was
for us an object of deep respect, and though I was not nine when he
died (in 1851), and had read none of his works, I remember well the
sadness his death produced at Moscow. Turguéneff well expressed that
feeling in a note, for which Nicholas I. ordered him to be put under
arrest and sent into exile to his estate.
Pushkin’s great poem, ‘Evghéniy Onyéghin,’ made but little impression
upon me, and I still admire the marvellous simplicity and beauty of his
style in that poem more than its contents. But Gógol’s works, which I
read when I was eleven or twelve, had a powerful effect on my mind, and
my first literary essays were in imitation of his humorous manner. An
historical novel by Zagóskin, ‘Yúriy Miloslávskiy,’ about the times of
the great uprising of 1612, Púshkin’s ‘The Captain’s Daughter,’ dealing
with the Pugachóff uprising, and Dumas’ ‘Queen Marguerite’ awakened
in me a lasting interest in history. As to other French novels, I
have only begun to read them since Daudet and Zola came to the front.
Nekrásoff’s poetry was my favourite from early years: I knew many of
his verses by heart.
Nikolái Pávlovich Smirnóff early began to make me write, and with his
aid I wrote a long ‘History of a Sixpence,’ for which we invented all
sorts of characters, into whose possession the sixpence fell.
My brother Alexander had at that time a much more poetical turn of
mind. He wrote most romantic stories, and began early to make verses,
which he did with wonderful facility and in a most musical and easy
style. If his mind had not subsequently been taken up by natural
history and philosophical studies, he undoubtedly would have become a
poet of mark. In those years his favourite resort for finding poetical
inspiration was the gently sloping roof underneath our window. This
aroused in me a constant desire to tease him. ‘There is the poet
sitting under the chimney-pot, trying to write his verses,’ I used to
say; and the teasing ended in a fierce scrimmage, which brought our
sister Hélène to a state of despair. But Alexander was so devoid of
revengefulness that peace was soon concluded, and we loved each other
immensely. Among boys, scrimmage and love seem to go hand in hand.
I had even then taken to journalism. In my twelfth year I began to
edit a daily journal. Paper was not to be had at will in our house,
and my journal was of a Lilliputian size. As the Crimean war had not
yet broken out, and the only newspaper which my father used to receive
was the Gazette of the Moscow Police, I had not a great choice of
models. As a result my own Gazette consisted merely of short paragraphs
announcing the news of the day: as, ‘Went out to the woods. N. P.
Smirnóff shot two thrushes,’ and the like.
This soon ceased to satisfy me, and in 1855 I started a monthly
review which contained Alexander’s verses, my novelettes, and some
sort of ‘varieties.’ The material existence of this review was fully
guaranteed, for it had plenty of subscribers; that is, the editor
himself and Smirnóff, who regularly paid his subscription, of so
many sheets of paper, even after he had left our house. In return, I
accurately wrote out for my faithful subscriber a second copy.
When Smirnóff left us, and a student of medicine, N. M. Pávloff, took
his place, the latter helped me in my editorial duties. He obtained for
the review a poem by one of his friends, and--still more important--the
introductory lecture on physical geography by one of the Moscow
professors. Of course this had not been printed before: a reproduction
would never have found its way into so serious a publication.
Alexander, I need not say, took a lively interest in the review, and
its renown soon reached the corps of cadets. Some young writers on
the way to fame undertook the publication of a rival. The matter was
serious: in poems and novels we could hold our own; but they had a
‘critic,’ and a ‘critic’ who writes, in connection with the characters
of some new novel, all sorts of things about the conditions of life,
and touches upon a thousand questions which could not be touched upon
anywhere else, makes the soul of a Russian review. They had a critic,
and we had none! Happily enough, the article he wrote for the first
number was shown to my brother. It was rather pretentious and weak, and
Alexander at once wrote an anti-criticism, ridiculing and demolishing
the critic in a violent manner. There was great consternation in the
rival camp when they learned that this anti-criticism would appear
in our next issue; they gave up publishing their review and their
best writers joined our staff. We triumphantly announced the future
‘exclusive collaboration’ of so many distinguished writers.
In August 1857 the review had to be suspended, after nearly two years’
existence. New surroundings and a quite new life were before me. I went
away from home with regret, the more so because the whole distance
between Moscow and St. Petersburg would be between me and Alexander,
and I already considered it a misfortune that I had to enter a military
school.