The Conservatives at Castro Duro were ready to commit the greatest
outrages and the most arbitrary acts so as to win by any methods.
It was known that a committee consisting of García Padilla, Father
Martín Lafuerza, and two Conservative councillors had gone to the
Minister of the Interior to beg that Cæsar’s victory might be prevented
by whatsoever means.
“It is necessary that Don Cæsar Moncada should not be elected for the
District,” said Father Martín. “If he is, the town will remain subjected
to a revolutionary dictatorship. All the Conservative classes, the
merchants, the religious communities, fervently hope that Moncada will
not be made Deputy.”
The committee of Castrians visited other high personages, and they
must have attained their object, because the municipal government
was suspended a few days later, the Workmen’s Club closed, the judge
transferred, the Civil Guard was reinforced, and a police inspector
of the worst antecedents was detailed to Castro as commissioner of
elections.
The Governor of the Province, a political enemy of Cæsar’s, was a
personal friend of his.
“For your sake I am ready to lose my future,” he had said to him, “but
as for your followers, there is nothing left for me to do but knock them
over the head.”
_La Libertad_, Cæsar’s newspaper, made a very violent campaign against
García Padilla. Ortigosa succeeded in finding out that Padilla had been
tried for embezzlement, and he published that fact. The _Castro News_,
on its side, insulted Cæsar and called him a crooked speculator on the
exchange, an upstart, and an atheist.
The rapidity and violence of the Government’s methods produced an effect
of fear on lukewarm Liberals; on the other hand, it moved the decided
ones to show themselves all the more courageous and rash.
Moncada’s party almost immediately took on a revolutionary character.
The lodge, “The Microbe,” was at work, and the most radical arrangements
started there. It suited the Government and the Conservatives to have
the Moncada party take this demagogic character. The commissioner had
contaminating persons come on from the Capital for the purpose of sowing
discord in the Workmen’s Club.
These suspicious persons, directed by one they called “Sparkler,” used
to gather in the taverns to corrupt the workmen and the peasants,
carrying on a propaganda that was anarchistic in appearance, but in
reality anti-liberal.
“They are all the same,” they used to say; “Liberals and Conservatives
are not a bit different.”
The drunkards and vagabonds were in their glory during those days,
eating and drinking. Nobody knew for certain where the money came from,
but everybody could make certain that it flowed profusely.
At the same time the commissioner had the most prominent workmen of the
Club arrested and brought suit against them on ridiculous accusations.
_THE MEETING_
The Liberals tried to hold a manifestation in protest, but the
commissioner and the mayor prohibited it.
The newspaper _La Libertad_ explained what was going on, and was
reprimanded.
A meeting was organized at the school; the governor had granted
permission.
The school was not lighted, and Cæsar sent a man to the Capital for
acetylene lamps, which were put up on the walls, and which made a
detestable smell. The reunion took place at nine at night. Cæsar
presided, and had San Román, the bookseller, on his right, and Dr.
Ortigosa on his left.
Behind them on a bench were some of the members of the Workmen’s Club.
The audience was composed of the poorest people; the rich Liberal
element was drawing back; there were day-labourers with blankets around
their shoulders and mouths, women in shawls holding children in their
arms. Among the audience were the _agents provocateurs_ who doubtless
had the intention of making a disturbance; but the Republican bookseller
ordered them thrown out of the place, and, despite their resistance, he
managed to have it done.
The chief of police, insolent and contemptuous, took his seat at the
table with an officer of the Civil Guard in civilian’s, who was there,
he said, to take notes.
San Román, the bookseller, gave Cæsar a paper with the names of those
who were going to speak. They were many, and Cæsar didn’t know them.
The first to whom he gave the floor, in the order of the list, was a
lame boy, who came forward on a crutch, and began to speak.
The boy expressed himself with great enthusiasm and admirable candour.
“Who is this youngster?” Cæsar asked San Román.
“He is the best pupil in our school. We call him ‘Limpy.’ He comes of a
very poor family. He came to the school a year ago, knowing nothing,
and see him now. He says, and I think he is right, that if he keeps on
studying, he will be an eminent man.”
The audience applauded everything “Limpy” said, and when he finished
they hailed him with shouts and cheers. As he went back to his seat,
Cæsar and San Román shook his hand effusively.
_STAND FAST, FELLOW CITIZENS!_
After “Limpy,” various orators spoke, in divers keys: “Furibis,” “Uncle
Chinaman,” “Panza,” San Román, a weaver, a railway employee, and Dr.
Ortigosa. The last-named let loose, and launched into such violent terms
that the audience shouted in horrified excitement. Cæsar’s speech
recommended firmness, and caused scarcely any reaction. The note had
been given by “Limpy,” with his ingenuousness and his appealing quality,
and by the doctor with the violence of his words.
The next day the Governor’s commissioner gave orders to close the
school, and Dr. Ortigosa and San Román were taken to jail.
_POLITICAL TRICKS_
It was impossible to carry on a campaign of popular agitation, and
Cæsar decided to open a headquarters for propaganda next door to each
voting place.
Meetings in the villages had been suppressed, because at the least
alarm, or even without any motive, the chief of police, with members of
the Civil Guard, went in among the people and dispersed them by shoving
and by pounding rifles on their feet.
The newspapers couldn’t say anything without being immediately reported
and suspended.
Cæsar sent no telegrams of protest, but he kept at work silently. He
was thinking of using all weapons, including even trickery and bribes.
García Padilla and the Government agents found this proceeding even more
dangerous than the former. Cæsar offered twenty dollars to anybody that
would give information of any electoral sharp practices which could be
proved. The week of the election he and his friends did not rest.
At one of the polls in Carrascal, where Cæsar had a majority, the tile
bearing the house-number had been changed by night. The real voters had
to wait to cast their votes in one place, and meanwhile the urn was
being filled with ballots for the Government candidate at another place.
In the hamlet of Val de San Gil, another trick was tried; the polling
place was established in a hay-loft to which one went up by a ladder.
While the villagers were waiting for the ladder to be set up, the urn
was being filled. When the ladder was put into place and the voters went
up one by one, they found that they had all voted already. As the ladder
was narrow, they had to go up singly, and it was not likely they would
have ventured to protest. Besides, there were a number of ruffians in
the place, armed with sticks and pistols, who were ready to club or to
shoot any one protesting.
In spite of all, Cæsar had the election won, always supposing that the
Government did not carry things to the limit; but at the last moment he
learned that more Civil Guards were going to come to Castro, and that
the Government agents had orders to prevent Moncada’s victory by any
method.
In the evening on Saturday, Cæsar was told that the commissioner was
in a tavern, with others of the police, giving out ballots for illegal
voters. Cæsar went there alone, and entered the tavern.
The commissioner, on seeing him, grew confused.
“I know what you are doing,” said Cæsar. “Be careful, because it may
cost you a term in prison.”
“You are the one that may have to pay by going to prison,” replied the
inspector.
“Just try to arrest me, you poor fool, and I’ll shoot your head off!”
The police inspector jumped up from the table where he was seated, and,
as he went out, he let one of the ballots fall. Cæsar looked over the
men who were with the police inspector; one of them was “Sparkler.” Some
days before he had come to Moncada’s headquarters to offer to work for
him, and he was the director of the contaminating persons sent to Castro
by the Government.