TRIPPING THEM UP

People who didn’t know Cæsar intimately used to ask one another: “What

purpose could Moncada have had in getting elected Deputy? He never

speaks, he takes no part in the big debates.”

His name appeared from time to time on some committee about Treasury

affairs; but that was all.

His life was completely veiled; he was not seen at first nights, or in

salons, or on the promenade; he was a man apparently forgotten, lost

to Madrid life. Sometimes on coming out of the Chamber he would see

Amparito in an automobile; she would look for him with her eyes, and

smile; he would take his hat off ostentatiously, with a low bow.

Among a very small number of persons Cæsar had the reputation of an

intelligent and dangerous man. They suspected him of great personal

ambition. It would not have been logical to think that this cold

unexpansive man was, in his heart, a patriot who felt Spain’s decadence

deeply and was seeking the means to revive her.

“No pleasures, no middle-class satisfactions,” he thought; “but to live

for a patriotic ideal, to shove Spain forward, and to form with the

flesh of one’s native land a great statue which should be her historic

monument.”

That was his plan. In Congress Cæsar kept silence; but he talked in

the corridors, and his ironic, cold, dispassionate comments began to be

quoted.

He had formed relations with the Minister of the Treasury, a man who

passed for famous and was a mediocrity, passed for honourable and was a

rogue. Cæsar was much in his company.

The famous financier realized that Moncada knew far more than he did

about monetary questions, and among his friends he admitted it; but he

gave them to understand that Cæsar was only a theorist, incapable of

quick decision and action.

Cæsar’s friendship was a convenience to the Minister, and the

Minister’s to Cæsar. In his heart the Minister hated Cæsar, and Cæsar

felt a deep contempt for the famous financier.

Nobody seeing them in a carriage talking affectionately together could

have imagined that there existed such an amount of hatred and hostility

between them.

The majority of people, with an absolute want of perspicacity, believed

Cæsar to be fascinated by the Minister’s brilliant intellect; but there

were persons that understood the situation of the pair and who used to

say:

“Moncada has an influence over the Minister like that of a priest over a

family.”

And there was some truth in it.

Cæsar carried his experimental method over from the stock exchange into

politics. He kept a note-book, in which he put down all data about the

private lives of Ministers and Deputies, and he filed these papers after

classifying them.

Castro Duro began to be aware of Cæsar’s exertions. The secretary of

the municipality, the employees, all who were friends and adherents to

the boss’s group that Don Platón belonged with, began by degrees to

leave Castro.

Those who had lost their jobs, and their protectors too, began to write

letters and more letters to the Deputy. At first they believed that

Cæsar wasn’t interested; but they were soon able to understand at

Castro that he was interested enough, but not in them. The Minister of

the Treasury served him as a battering-ram to use against the Clericals

at Castro Duro.

Don Calixto was inwardly rejoiced to see his rivals reduced to

impotency.

Cæsar began to establish political relations with the Republican

bookseller and his friends. When he began to perceive that he was making

headway with the Liberal and Labour element, he started without delay to

set mines under Don Calixto’s terrain. The judge, who was a friend of

Don Calixto’s, was transferred; so were some clerks of the court; and

the Count of la Sauceda, the famous boss, was soon able to realize that

his protégé was firing against him.

“I have nourished a serpent in my bosom,” said Don Calixto; “but I know

how I can grind its head.”

He could not have been very sure of his strength; for Don Calixto found

himself in a position where he had to beg for quarter. Cæsar conceded

it, on the understanding that Don Calixto would not take any more part

in Castro politics.

“You people had the power and you didn’t use it very well for the town.

Now just leave it to me.”

In exchange for Don Calixto’s surrender, Cæsar agreed to have his Papal

title legalized.

At the end of a year and a half Cæsar had all the bosses of Castro in

his fist.

“Suppressing the bosses in the district was easy,” Cæsar used to say;

“I managed to have one make all the others innocuous, and then I made

that one, who was Don Calixto, innocuous and gave him a title.”

Cæsar did not forget or neglect the least detail. He listened to

everybody that talked to him, even though they had nothing but nonsense

to say; he always answered letters, and in his own handwriting.

With the townpeople he used the tactics of knowing all their names,

especially the old folks’, and for this purpose he carried a little

note-book. He wrote down, for example: “Señor Ramón, was in the Carlist

war; Uncle Juan, suffers with rheumatism.”

When, by means of his notes, he remembered these details, it produced

an extraordinary effect on people. Everybody considered himself the

favourite.

Cæsar or Nothing · 第 82 / 116 题