The suggestion of Franklin to Paine, in October, 1775, that he should
write a history of the events that led up to the conflict, had never
been forgotten by either. From Franklin he had gathered important facts
and materials concerning the time antedating his arrival in America, and
he had been a careful chronicler of the progress of the Revolution. He
was now eager to begin this work. At the close of the first year of his
office as Clerk of the Assembly, which left him with means of support
for a time, he wrote to the Speaker (November 3, 1780) setting forth his
intention of collecting materials for a history of the Revolution, and
saying that he could not fulfil the duties of Clerk if re-elected.*
* Dr. Egle informs me that the following payments to Paine
appear in the Treasurer's account: 1779, November 27, L450.
1780, February 14. For public service at a treaty held at
Easton in 1777, L300. February 14. Pay as clerk, L582. 10.
o. March 18. On account as clerk, L187. 10. o. March 27,
"for his services "(probably those mentioned on p. 94),
L2,355, 7. 6. June 7, "for 60 days attendance and extra
expenses," L1,699. j. 6, (This was all paper money, and of
much less value than it seems. The last payment was drawn on
the occasion of his subscription of the $500, apparently
hard money, in response to Washington's appeal.) In March,
1780, a Fee Act was passed regulating the payment of
officers of the State in accordance with the price of wheat;
but this was ineffectual to preserve the State paper from
depreciation. In June, 1780, a list of lawyers and State-
officers willing to take paper money of the March issue as
gold and silver was published, and in it appears "Thomas
Paine, clerk to the General Assembly."
This and another letter (September 14, 1780), addressed to the Hon. John
Bayard, Speaker of the late Assembly, were read, and ordered to lie on
the table. Paine's office would appear to have ended early in November;
the next three months were devoted to preparations for his history.
But events determined that Paine should make more history than he was
able to chronicle. Soon after his _Crisis Extraordinary_ (dated October
6, 1780) had appeared, Congress issued its estimate of eight million
dollars (a million less than Paine's) as the amount to be raised. It was
plain that the money could not be got in the country, and France must be
called on for help. Paine drew up a letter to Vergennes, informing
him that a paper dollar was worth only a cent, that it seemed almost
impossible to continue the war, and asking that France should supply
America with a million sterling per annum, as subsidy or loan. This
letter was shown to M. Marbois, Secretary of the French Legation, who
spoke discouragingly. But the Hon. Ralph Izard showed the letter to some
members of Congress, whose consultation led to the appointment of
Col. John Laurens to visit France. It was thought that Laurens, one of
Washington's aids, would be able to explain the military situation. He
was reluctant, but agreed to go if Paine would accompany him.
It so happened that Paine had for some months had a dream of crossing
the Atlantic, with what purpose is shown in the following confidential
letter (September 9, 1780), probably to Gen. Nathaniel Greene.
"Sir,--Last spring I mentioned to you a wish I had to take a passage
for Europe, and endeavour to go privately to England. You pointed
out several difficulties in the way, respecting my own safety, which
occasioned me to defer the matter at that time, in order not only to
weigh it more seriously, but to submit to the government of subsequent
circumstances. I have frequently and carefully thought of it since, and
were I now to give an opinion on it as a measure to which I was not a
party, it would be this:--that as the press in that country is free and
open, could a person possessed of a knowledge of America, and capable of
fixing it in the minds of the people of England, go suddenly from this
country to that, and keep himself concealed, he might, were he to manage
his knowledge rightly, produce a more general disposition for peace than
by any method I can suppose. I see my way so clearly before me in
this opinion, that I must be more mistaken than I ever yet was on any
political measure, if it fail of its end. I take it for granted that the
whole country, ministry, minority, and all, are tired of the war; but
the difficulty is how to get rid of it, or how they are to come down
from the high ground they have taken, and accommodate their feelings to
a treaty for peace. Such a change must be the effect either of necessity
or choice. I think it will take, at least, three or four more campaigns
to produce the former, and they are too wrong in their opinions of
America to act from the latter. I imagine that next spring will begin
with a new Parliament, which is so material a crisis in the politics of
that country, that it ought to be attended to by this; for, should it
start wrong, we may look forward to six or seven years more of war. The
influence of the press rightly managed is important; but we can derive
no service in this line, because there is no person in England who
knows enough of America to treat the subject properly. It was in a great
measure owing to my bringing a knowledge of England with me to America,
that I was enabled to enter deeper into politics, and with more success,
than other people; and whoever takes the matter up in England must in
like manner be possessed of a knowledge of America. I do not suppose
that the acknowledgment of Independence is at this time a more
unpopular doctrine in England than the declaration of it was in America
immediately before the publication of the pamphlet 'Common Sense,' and
the ground appears as open for the one now as it did for the other then.
"The manner in which I would bring such a publication out would be under
the cover of an Englishman who had made the tour of America incog. This
will afford me all the foundation I wish for and enable me to place
matters before them in a light in which they have never yet viewed
them. I observe that Mr. Rose in his speech on Governor Pownall's bill,
printed in Bradford's last paper, says that 'to form an opinion on
the propriety of yielding independence to America requires an accurate
knowledge of the state of that country, the temper of the people, the
resources of their Government,' &c. Now there is no other method to
give this information a national currency but this,--the channel of the
press, which I have ever considered the tongue of the world, and which
governs the sentiments of mankind more than anything else that ever did
or can exist.
"The simple point I mean to aim at is, to make the acknowledgment of
Independence a popular subject, and that not by exposing and attacking
their errors, but by stating its advantages and apologising for their
errors, by way of accomodating the measure to their pride. The present
parties in that country will never bring one another to reason. They are
heated with all the passion of opposition, and to rout the ministry, or
to support them, makes their capital point. Were the same channel open
to the ministry in this country which is open to us in that, they would
stick at no expense to improve the opportunity. Men who are used to
government know the weight and worth of the press, when in hands which
can use it to advantage. Perhaps with me a little degree of literary
pride is connected with principle; for, as I had a considerable share
in promoting the declaration of Independence in this country, I likewise
wish to be a means of promoting the acknowledgment of it in that;
and were I not persuaded that the measure I have proposed would be
productive of much essential service, I would not hazard my own safety,
as I have everything to apprehend should I fall into their hands; but,
could I escape in safety, till I could get out a publication in England,
my apprehensions would be over, because the manner in which I mean to
treat the subject would procure me protection.
"Having said thus much on the matter, I take the liberty of hinting to
you a mode by which the expense may be defrayed without any new charge.
Drop a delegate in Congress at the next election, and apply the pay to
defray what I have proposed; and the point then will be, whether you can
possibly put any man into Congress who could render as much service in
that station as in the one I have pointed out. When you have perused
this, I should be glad of some conversation upon it, and will wait on
you for that purpose at any hour you may appoint. I have changed my
lodgings, and am now in Front Street opposite the Coffee House, next
door to Aitkin's bookstore.
"I am, Sir, your ob't humble servant,
"Thomas Paine."
{1781}
The invitation of Colonel Laurens was eagerly accepted by Paine, who
hoped that after their business was transacted in France he might fulfil
his plan of a literary descent on England. They sailed from Boston early
in February, 1781, and arrived at L'Orient in March.
Young Laurens came near ruining the scheme by an imprudent advocacy,
of which Vergennes complained, while ascribing it to his inexperience.
According to Lamartine, the King "loaded Paine with favors." The gift
of six millions was "confided into the hands of Franklin and Paine." The
author now revealed to Laurens, and no doubt to Franklin, his plan for
going to England, but was dissuaded from it. From Brest, May 28th, he
writes to Franklin in Paris:
"I have just a moment to spare to bid you farewell. We go on board in
an hour or two, with a fair wind and everything ready. I understand that
you have expressed a desire to withdraw from business, and I beg leave
to assure you that every wish of mine, so far as it can be attended with
any service, will be employed to make your resignation, should it be
accepted, attended with every possible mark of honor which your long
services and high character in life justly merit."*
* He confides to Franklin a letter to be forwarded to Bury
St. Edmunds, the region of his birth. Perhaps he had already
been corresponding with some one there about his projected
visit. Ten years later the Bury Post vigorously supported
Paine and his "Rights of Man."
They sailed from Brest on the French frigate _Resolve_ June 1st,
reaching Boston August 25th, with 2,500,000 livres in silver, and in
convoy a ship laden with clothing and military stores.
The glad tidings had long before reached Washington, then at New
Windsor. On May 14, 1781, the General writes to Philip Schuyler:
"I have been exceedingly distressed by the repeated accounts I have
received of the sufferings of the troops on the frontier, and the
terrible consequences which must ensue unless they were speedily
supplied. What gave a particular poignancy to the sting I felt on the
occasion was my inability to afford relief."
On May 26th his diary notes a letter from Laurens reporting the relief
coming from France. The information was confided by Washington only
to his diary, lest it should forestall efforts of self-help. Of course
Washington knew that the starting of convoys from France could not
escape English vigilance, and that their arrival was uncertain; so he
passed near three months in preparations, reconnoitrings, discussions.
By menacing the British in New York he made them draw away some of the
forces of Cornwallis from Virginia, where he meant to strike; but
his delay in marching south brought on him complaints from Governor
Jefferson, Richard Henry Lee, and others, who did not know the secret
of that delay. Washington meant to carry to Virginia an army well clad,
with hard money in their pockets, and this he did. The arrival of the
French supplies at Boston, August 25th, was quickly heralded, and while
sixteen ox-teams were carrying them to Philadelphia, Washington was
there getting, on their credit, all the money and supplies he wanted for
the campaign that resulted in the surrender of Cornwallis.
For this great service Paine never received any payment or
acknowledgment. The plan of obtaining aid from France was conceived by
him, and mainly executed by him. It was at a great risk that he went
on this expedition; had he been captured he could have hoped for little
mercy from the British. Laurens, who had nearly upset the business,
got the glory and the pay; Paine, who had given up his clerkship of the
Assembly, run the greater danger, and done the real work, got nothing.
But it was a role he was used to. The young Colonel hastened to resume
his place in Washington's family, but seems to have given little
attention to Paine's needs, while asking attention to his own. So it
would appear by the following friendly letter of Paine, addressed to
"Col. Laurens, Head Quarters, Virginia:
"Philadelphia, Oct. 4,1781.--Dear Sir,--I received your favor (by the
post,) dated Sep. 9th, Head of Elk, respecting a mislaid letter. A
gentleman who saw you at that place about the same time told me he
had likewise a letter from you to me which he had lost, and that
you mentioned something to him respecting baggage. This left me in a
difficulty to judge whether after writing to me by post, you had not
found the letter you wrote about, and took that opportunity to inform me
about it. However, I have wrote to Gen. Heath in case the trunk should
be there, and inclosed in it a letter to Blodget in case it should not.
I have yet heard nothing from either. I have preferred forwarding the
trunk, in case it can be done in a reasonable time, to the opening it,
and if it cannot, then to open it agreeably to your directions, tho' I
have no idea of its being there.
"I went for your boots, the next day after you left town, but they
were not done, and I directed the man to bring them to me as soon as
finished, but have since seen nothing of him, neither do wish him to
bring them just now, as I must be obliged to borrow the money to pay for
them; but I imagine somebody else has taken them off his hands. I expect
Col. Morgan in town on Saturday, who has some money of mine in his
hands, and then I shall renew my application to the bootmaker.
"I wish you had thought of me a little before you went away, and at
least endeavored to put matters in a train that I might not have to
reexperience what has already past. The gentleman who conveys this to
you, Mr. Burke, is an assistant judge of South Carolina, and one to
whose friendship I am much indebted. He lodged some time in the house
with me.
"I enclose you the paper of this morning, by which you will see that
Gillam had not sailed (or at least I conclude so) on the 4th of July, as
Major Jackson was deputy toast master, or Burgos-master, or something,
at an entertainment on that day. As soon as I can learn anything
concerning Gillam I will inform you of it.
"I am with every wish for your happiness and success, &c.
"Please to present my Compts. and best wishes to the General. I have
wrote to the Marquis and put all my politics into his letter. A paper
with Rivington's account of the action is enclosed in the Marquis'
letter."'
* The original is in Mr. W. F. Haveraeyer's collection.
It will be seen by the following letter to Franklin's nephew that Paine
was now on good terms with the Congressmen who had opposed him in the
Deane matter. The letter (in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania)
is addressed to "Mr. Jonathan Williams, Merchant, Nantz," per "Brig
Betsey."
"Philadelphia, Nov. 26, 1781.--Dear Sir,--Since my arrival I have
received a letter from you dated Passy May 18, and directed to me
at Brest. I intended writing to you by Mr. Baseley who is consul at
L'Orient but neglected it till it was too late.--Mem: I desired Baseley
to mention to you that Mr. Butler of S: Carolina is surprised at Capt
Rob------n's drawing on him for money; this Mr. Butler mentioned to
me, and as a friend I communicate it to you.--I sent you Col. Laurens's
draft on Madam Babut (I think that is her name) at Nantz for 12 L. d'ors
for the expence of the Journey but have never learned if you received
it.
"Your former friend Silas Deane has run his last length. In france he
is reprobating America, and in America (by letters) he is reprobating
france, and advising her to abandon her alliance, relinquish her
independence, and once more become subject to Britain. A number of
letters, signed Silas Deane, have been published in the New York papers
to this effect: they are believed, by those who formerly were his
friends, to be genuine; Mr. Robt. Morris assured me that he had been
totally deceived in Deane, but that he now looked upon him to be a bad
man, and his reputation totally ruined. Gouverneur Morris hopped round
upon one leg, swore they had all been duped, himself among the rest,
complimented me on my quick sight,--and by Gods says he nothing carries
a man through the world like honesty:--and my old friend Duer 'Sometimes
a sloven and sometimes a Beau,' says, Deane is a damned artful rascal.
However Duer has fairly cleared himself. He received a letter from him
a considerable time before the appearance of these in the New York
papers--which was so contrary to what he expected to receive, and of
such a traitorous cast, that he communicated it to Mr. Luzerne the
Minister.
"Lord Cornwallis with 7247 officers and men are nAbbed nicely in the
Cheasepeake, which I presume you have heard already, otherwise I should
send you the particulars. I think the enemy can hardly hold out another
campaign. General Greene has performed wonders to the southward, and our
affairs in all quarters have a good appearance. The french Ministry have
hit on the right scheme, that of bringing their force and ours to act in
conjunction against the enemy.
"The Marquis de la fayette is on the point of setting out for france,
but as I am now safely on this side the water again, I believe I shall
postpone my second journey to france a little longer.--Lest Doctr.
Franklin should not have heard of Deane I wish you would write to him,
and if anything new transpires in the meantime and the Marquis do not
set off too soon, I shall write by him.
"Remember me to Mr. & Mrs. Johnstone, Dr. Pierce, Mr. Watson & Ceasey
and Mr. Wilt. Make my best wishes to Mrs. Williams, Mrs. Alexander, and
all the good girls at St. Germain.
"I am your friend &c.
"Thomas Paine.
"P. S. Mind, I 'll write no more till I hear from you. The French fleet
is sailed from the Cheasepeake, and the British fleet from New York--and
since writing the above, a vessel is come up the Delaware, which
informs that he was chased by two french frigates to the southward of
Cheasepeake, which on their coming up acquainted him that the french
fleet was a head in chase of a fleet which they supposed to be the
British.
"N. B. The french fleet sailed the 4th of this month, and the british
much about the same time--both to the southward."