LIST OF REPRESENTATIVES.

_New Hampshire._--Peter Carlton, Daniel M. Durell, Francis Gardner,

Jedediah K. Smith, Clement Storer.

_Massachusetts._--Joseph Barker, John Chandler, Ezekiel Bacon, Orchard

Cook, Richard Cutts, Jacob Crowninshield, Josiah Deane, William Ely,

Isaiah L. Green, Edward St. Loe Livermore, Daniel Ilsley, Josiah Quincy,

Ebenezer Seaver, William Stedman, Samuel Taggart, Joseph B. Varnum, Jabez

Upham.

_Vermont._--Martin Chittenden, James Elliot, James Fisk, James Witherall.

_Rhode Island._--Nehemiah Knight, Isaac Wilbour.

_Connecticut._--Epaphroditus Champion, Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport,

Jonathan O. Mosely, Timothy Pitkin, jr., Lewis B. Sturges, Benjamin

Tallmadge.

_New York._--John Blake, jr., George Clinton, Barent Gardenier, John

Harris, Reuben Humphreys, William Kirkpatrick, Gurdon S. Mumford, Josiah

Masters, Samuel Riker, John Russell, Peter Swart, David Thomas, John

Thompson, James J. Van Allen, Philip Van Cortlandt, Killian K. Van

Rensselaer, Daniel C. Verplanck.

_New Jersey._--Ezra Darby, William Helms, Adam Boyd, John Lambert, Thomas

Newbold, James Sloan, Henry Southard.

_Pennsylvania._--David Bard, Robert Brown, Joseph Clay, William Findlay,

John Heister, William Hoge, Robert Jenkins, James Kelly, William Milnor,

Daniel Montgomery, jr., John Porter, John Pugh, John Rea, Jacob Richards,

Matthias Richards, John Smilie, Samuel Smith, Robert Whitehill.

_Delaware._--Nicholas Van Dyke.

_Maryland._--John Campbell, Charles Goldsborough, Philip Barton Key,

Edward Lloyd, Wm. McCreery, John Montgomery, Nicholas R. Moore, Roger

Nelson, Archibald Van Herne.

_Virginia._--Burwell Bassett, Wm. A. Burwell, Matthew Clay, John Clopton,

John Dawson, John W. Eppes, James M. Garnett, Peterson Goodwyn, Edwin

Gray, David Holmes, John G. Jackson, Walter Jones, Joseph Lewis, jr.,

John Love, John Morrow, Thomas Newton, jr., John Randolph, Abram Trigg,

John Smith, Alexander Wilson.

_North Carolina._--Evan Alexander, Willis Alston, jr., Wm. Blackledge,

Thomas Blount, John Culpepper, Nathaniel Macon, Thomas Kenan, Lemuel

Sawyer, James Holland, Richard Stanford, Meshack Franklin, Marmaduke

Williams.

_South Carolina._--Lemuel J. Alston, jr., William Butler, Joseph Calhoun,

John Taylor, Robert Marion, David R. Williams, Richard Wynn.

_Georgia._--William W. Bibb, Howell Cobb, Dennis Smelt, George M. Troup.

_Ohio._--Jeremiah Morrow.

_Kentucky._--Joseph Desha, Matthew Lyon, Benjamin Howard, Richard M.

Johnson.

_Tennessee._--John Rhea, G. W. Campbell, Jesse Wharton.

_Orleans Territory._--Delegate; Daniel Clark.

MONDAY, October 26, 1807.

This being the day appointed by Proclamation of the President of the

United States, of the thirtieth day of July last, for the meeting of the

Congress, the following members of the House of Representatives appeared,

produced their credentials, and took their seats, to wit:

_From New Hampshire_--Peter Carlton, Daniel M. Durell, Francis

Gardner, Jedediah K. Smith, and Clement Storer.

_From Massachusetts_--Joseph Barker, John Chandler, Orchard

Cook, Richard Cutts, Josiah Deane, William Ely, Isaiah L.

Green, Daniel Ilsley, Josiah Quincy, Ebenezer Seaver, William

Stedman, Samuel Taggart, Joseph B. Varnum, and Jabez Upham.

_From Vermont_--Martin Chittenden, James Elliot, James Fisk,

and James Witherall.

_From Rhode Island_--Nehemiah Knight, and Isaac Wilbour.

_From Connecticut_--Epaphroditus Champion, Samuel W. Dana, John

Davenport, Jonathan O. Mosely, Timothy Pitkin, jr., Lewis B.

Sturges, and Benjamin Tallmadge.

_From New York_--John Blake, junior, Barent Gardenier, John

Harris, Reuben Humphreys, William Kirkpatrick, Josiah Masters,

Samuel Riker, John Russell, Peter Swart, David Thomas, John

Thompson, James J. Van Allen, Philip Van Cortlandt, Killian K.

Van Rensselaer, and Daniel C. Verplanck.

_From New Jersey_--Ezra Darby, William Helms, John Lambert,

Thomas Newbold, James Sloan, and Henry Southard.

_From Pennsylvania_--David Bard, Robert Brown, William Findlay,

John Heister, Robert Jenkins, James Kelly, William Milnor,

Daniel Montgomery, jr., John Porter, John Pugh, John Rea, Jacob

Richards, Matthias Richards, John Smilie, Samuel Smith, and

Robert Whitehill.

_From Maryland_--John Campbell, Charles Goldsborough, Philip

B. Key, Edward Lloyd, William McCreery, John Montgomery,

Nicholas R. Moore, Roger Nelson, and Archibald Van Horne.

_From Virginia_--Burwell Bassett, William A. Burwell, Matthew

Clay, John Clopton, John Dawson, John W. Eppes, James M.

Garnett, Peterson Goodwyn, Edwin Gray, David Holmes, Walter

Jones, Joseph Lewis, jr., John Love, John Morrow, Thomas

Newton, jr., John Randolph, and John Smith.

_From North Carolina_--Evan Alexander, Willis Alston, jr.,

Thomas Blount, John Culpepper, Thomas Kenan, Lemuel Sawyer,

Richard Stanford, and Meshack Franklin.

_From South Carolina_--Lemuel J. Alston, jr., Wm. Butler,

Joseph Calhoun, Thomas Moore, John Taylor, and David R.

Williams.

_From Georgia_--William W. Bibb, Howell Cobb, Dennis Smelt, and

George M. Troup.

_From Ohio_--Jeremiah Morrow.

_From Kentucky_--Joseph Desha, Benjamin Howard, and Richard M.

Johnson.

_From Tennessee_--John Rhea, and Jesse Wharton.

The Assistant Clerk of the House announced 117 members and one delegate

to be present, being a majority of the whole number. He then inquired

if it were the pleasure of the House to proceed to the appointment of a

Speaker, which being determined in the affirmative, the members proceeded

to ballot for that officer, Messrs. CUTTS, HELMS, and JOHN CAMPBELL,

being named tellers.

The tellers, after examining the votes, reported that 117 were received,

and JOSEPH B. VARNUM, a Representative from the State of Massachusetts,

having fifty-nine of them, was declared to be duly elected.

The votes were given as follows, viz:

Joseph B. Varnum, 59; Charles Goldsborough, 17; Burwell Bassett, 17;

Josiah Masters, 8; Thomas Blount, 7; John Dawson, 4; John Smilie, 2;

Benjamin Tallmadge, 1; Timothy Pitkin, 1; and R. Nelson, 1.

The Speaker being conducted to the Chair, by Mr. VAN CORTLANDT and Mr.

ALSTON, addressed the House as follows:

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

You will please to accept my most grateful acknowledgments for

the honor which by your suffrages on this occasion you have

conferred upon me. I am sensible of my own inability to perform

the important duties you have been pleased to assign me, in the

most desirable manner; but relying on your candor and readiness

to afford me your aid, I accept the trust. And be assured,

gentlemen, that it will be my assiduous endeavor to discharge

the duties of the office faithfully and impartially; and in

a manner which, in my opinion, shall be best calculated to

meet your wishes and afford me the consolation of an approving

conscience.

The oath to support the Constitution of the United States, as prescribed

by the act, entitled “An act to regulate the time and manner of

administering certain oaths,” was administered by Mr. VAN CORTLANDT, one

of the Representatives for the State of New York, to the SPEAKER; and

then the same oath, or affirmation, was administered by Mr. SPEAKER to

all the members present.

GEORGE POINDEXTER, Esq., having also appeared as the delegate from

the Mississippi Territory of the United States, the said oath was

administered to him by the SPEAKER. The same oath, together with the oath

of office prescribed by the said recited act, were also administered by

Mr. SPEAKER to the Clerk.

A message from the Senate informed the House that a quorum of the Senate

is assembled, and ready to proceed to business. Also, that the Senate

have appointed a committee on their part, jointly with such committee

as may be appointed on the part of this House, to wait on the President

of the United States, and inform him that a quorum of the two Houses is

assembled, and ready to receive any communications he may be pleased to

make to them.

_Ordered_, That a message be sent to the Senate, to inform them that a

quorum of this House is assembled, and have elected JOSEPH B. VARNUM,

Esq., one of the Representatives for the State of Massachusetts, their

Speaker; and that the Clerk of this House do go with the said message.

Mr. BASSETT, Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH, and Mr. MASTERS, were appointed a

committee on the part of this House, jointly with the committee appointed

on the part of the Senate, to wait on the President of the United States,

and inform him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to

receive any communication that he may be pleased to make to them.

_Election of Clerk, &c._

The House next proceeded to the election of a Clerk. The same tellers

which had been appointed on the former election having been named by the

Speaker on this, the members proceeded to ballot, and Patrick Magruder

having received 72 votes was declared duly elected.

TUESDAY, October 27.

Several other members, to wit: from Virginia, ABRAM TRIGG and ALEXANDER

WILSON; from South Carolina, ROBERT MARION; and from Tennessee, GEORGE W.

CAMPBELL, appeared, produced their credentials, were qualified, and took

their seats in the House.

WEDNESDAY, October 28.

Another member, to wit, WILLIAM HOGE, from Pennsylvania, appeared,

produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in the House.

THURSDAY, October 29.

Another member, to wit, WILLIAM BLACKLEDGE, from North Carolina,

appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in

the House.

FRIDAY, October 30.

The House proceeded, by ballot, to the appointment of a Chaplain to

Congress, on the part of this House; and, upon examining the ballots, a

majority of the votes of the whole House was found in favor of the Rev.

OBADIAH B. BROWN.

MONDAY, November 2.

Several other members, to wit: from Massachusetts, EZEKIEL BACON; from

New York, GURDON S. MUMFORD; from North Carolina, JAMES HOLLAND; from

Kentucky, MATTHEW LYON; and from South Carolina, RICHARD WYNN, appeared,

produced their credentials, were qualified, and took their seats in the

House.

THURSDAY, November 5.

_Revolutionary Pensions._

Mr. DANA said it was well known, that during the last Congress, an act

was passed for the relief of persons claiming pensions. The object of the

act was, to grant relief to some whose cases were not embraced by the

former act, and to grant an increased allowance to others who had not, as

yet, received sufficient. This act provides for taking depositions before

the district judge, in cases where the claimants have never been placed

on the pension list, as well as for examination of the claims of those

who apply to have their pensions increased. Whether any compensation

should be allowed for issuing commissions, or for making the examinations

required, is not declared by the act. A difference of practice, he

understood, had taken place. In some cases, commissions were issued

gratuitously by the district judge; in other cases, these poor solicitors

were obliged, from their small pittance, to pay for these services. If

any compensation were to be allowed for this service, he thought it

should be paid from the public treasury. Whatever might be the mode

adopted, he wished it to be fixed by law. For this purpose he offered the

following resolution:

“_Resolved_, That a committee be appointed to inquire what

compensation shall be allowed for issuing commissions giving

authority for taking testimony, or examining evidence relative

to claims or applications under the act to provide for persons

who have been disabled by known wounds received in the

Revolutionary war, and that the committee have leave to report

by bill or otherwise.”

_Frigate Chesapeake._

Mr. QUINCY said the House would recollect that when in Committee of the

Whole on the state of the Union, some days ago, he submitted an amendment

to a resolution of the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. DAWSON,) which went

to an inquiry into the circumstances of the attack on the Chesapeake,

and the causes assigned for it, as well as the manner in which it was

repelled. At that time two objections of some apparent validity were

urged against this motion; the one was that it might have an improper

effect upon a pending trial, the other was as to its form. To obviate

these objections, he had modified the resolution, which he should now

offer to the House.

Mr. Q. read his motion, as follows:

“_Resolved_, That the committee to whom was referred so

much of the Message of the President of the United States as

relates to aggressions committed within our ports and waters,

by foreign armed vessels, to violations of our jurisdiction,

and to measures necessary for the protection of our ports and

harbors, be instructed to inquire into the circumstances of the

attack made on the frigate Chesapeake in June last, and the

pretexts or causes assigned for making it, and to report the

same in detail to the House.”

Mr. Q. would lay before the House his reasons for offering this

resolution. He could not acquiesce in the course which had been given to

that part of the President’s Message which relates to the attack on the

Chesapeake. He could not reconcile it with the sense of justice or with

the honor of this House. He asked gentlemen to consider our situation

in relation to this subject. A violent attack is made upon one of our

public ships of war, in a manner undeniably hostile. A great degree of

excitement has taken place in the public mind throughout the continent.

Our newspapers have teemed with every species of information, a part

of which has been correct, and a part incorrect; which has sometimes

fallen short of the truth, and sometimes exceeded it; has been sometimes

official, and sometimes unofficial. In this situation of things, the

President of the United States deemed it wise and prudent to call an

extraordinary session of this Legislature. We are now assembled. He has

made a communication to us, and this attack is a striking feature in

it. This is our situation. What have we done? The House has gone into a

Committee of the Whole, taken up the Message of the President, cut it up

into parts, according to Parliamentary custom; and we have taken as many

of those parts as we pleased and referred them to particular committees;

some of which are a kind of patchwork committees. In all of these

references, notwithstanding it was the very object which occasioned the

early meeting of the present session, no mention is made of the attack

on the Chesapeake. The committee, which he proposed to instruct on this

subject, had what related to aggressions committed within our ports and

waters submitted to them generally, but they have no compass by which to

steer; no prominent object is placed before them. He could not reconcile

this manner of acting with his duty. He deemed it necessary to obtain a

full development of all the circumstances relative to this affair, in

order that Congress, and the people at large, may form a correct judgment

of our situation. The course adopted is not the course to gain the

information so desirable. It is a course of Parliamentary ignorance, not

a course of development. It is a course of concealment. He spoke as to

the general effect of measures, and not as to gentlemen’s motives.

He inquired of gentlemen what method they would pursue, if they wanted

to understand any particular subject? Would they not refer it to a

distinct committee, and not mix it up with extraneous matter? And if

you give a committee two or three distinct objects to act upon, but

wish them to attend more especially to one, it is proper to give them

specific instructions to that point. This is the way to come at the

proper understanding of a subject. But, on the contrary, if it were the

wish of any member of this House to promote concealment, to prevent a

knowledge of facts, the way is obvious. It would be to place three or

four subjects together, and to suffer the committee to which they are

referred to act as they please upon them. We know that committees thus

left to themselves, will never do too much.

It was because the people of the United States wish to know something

on this subject, that he made this motion. It may be said that this

committee have already the power, and that they may make the necessary

inquiries without this instruction. But it is the duty of this House

to be certain that they will do so. Indeed, if the committee were now

proceeding in this inquiry, this would be no good reason why this motion

ought not to be adopted. If, without being instructed by this House, the

committee should report the facts now called for, the honor of the act

would rest upon that committee; whereas it ought to rest upon this House.

Perhaps it may be said, as on a former occasion, that every man, woman,

and child, in the United States is acquainted with these facts; but what

is known from popular report, or newspaper information, is not the kind

of knowledge we want. We want facts from the proper authority.

An objection had been made to this course, that it would be casting a

censure upon the committee. Not so; it would be no more than drawing

the attention of an organ of the House to a particular subject. It may

be objected to, because a negotiation is pending; but what is done by

Congress, at this time, can have no effect on a negotiation carrying on

across the Atlantic. The House is at present calm and tranquil, and this

is therefore a proper time to undertake an investigation of the facts

required. Let the negotiation terminate as it may, we shall never have

a fair inquiry into these facts, unless we enter upon it at present.

Suppose, said he, the negotiation has a favorable issue, and no inquiry

has been made, is there a member present who will say the inquiry would

then be entered upon? No, it would be said to be an old wound, which

ought not to be probed, but forgotten. But suppose, on the other hand,

that the negotiation should be abruptly broken off, and this House should

be called upon to put the nation in hostile array, would that be a proper

time for entering upon the proposed inquiry? Would the House be in a

fit state for deliberating upon the facts required? Indeed, the subject

appeared to him so clear, and the duty to bring forward this motion so

impressive, that he could not refrain from making it.

Mr. BURWELL said he had hoped he should have been able to have satisfied

the gentleman from Massachusetts, as to the attention of the committee

to whom this duty was assigned; but after an expression which had dropped

from him, he despaired of doing it. He would, however, inform the House

that the committee to whom the subject was referred were engaged in a

course of investigation on the very part of it now agitated, and had

come to a determination to obtain, from the proper authority, a correct

detail of the circumstances attending this particular attack; not content

with this, they were about to call on the Government for a detail of all

aggressions that had been committed within our ports and waters.

Mr. BLOUNT said, that, at the moment the gentleman from Massachusetts

had moved this resolution, he was in the committee-room, in the act of

addressing a note to the Secretary of State on this subject, according to

the direction of the committee, calling for a full and correct statement

of all the facts relative to the aggression committed on the frigate

Chesapeake. For the satisfaction of the gentleman, he would read the note

which he had written. [Mr. B. then opened and read the note.]

THURSDAY, November 12.

Two other members, to wit: from Massachusetts, JACOB CROWNINSHIELD; and

from Pennsylvania, JOSEPH CLAY, appeared, produced their credentials,

were qualified, and took their seats in the House.

The SPEAKER laid before the House sundry documents, transmitted to him by

Duncan McFarland, of the State of North Carolina, relative to his claim

to a seat in this House, as a Representative for said State, in the room

of John Culpepper; which were referred to the Committee of Elections.

_Maryland Contested Election_.[55]

The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the

report of the Committee of Elections, to whom was referred the memorial

of Joshua Barney, of the State of Maryland. The report of the Committee

of Elections is as follows:

The Committee of Elections, to whom was committed the petition

of Joshua Barney, of the city of Baltimore, praying to be

admitted to a seat in the House, he having, in his opinion,

the highest number of votes given to a candidate legally

qualified to represent the city of Baltimore, having carefully

examined the facts stated on both sides, and compared the laws

of Maryland under which the said election was held, with the

Constitution of the United States, report--

That, by an act of the Assembly of Maryland, passed in

November, 1790, it is required that the member shall be an

inhabitant of his district at the time of his election, and

shall have resided therein twelve calendar months immediately

before.

By another act of the Assembly of Maryland, passed in November,

1802, it is enacted that Baltimore town and county shall be the

fifth district, which district shall be entitled to send two

Representatives to Congress, one of which shall be a resident

of Baltimore county, and the other a resident of Baltimore city.

That Joshua Barney is a citizen of Maryland, and has been a

resident of Baltimore city for many years.

That William McCreery has been for many years a citizen of

Maryland, and a resident of the city of Baltimore; but that, in

the year 1803, he removed himself and his family to his estate

in Baltimore county; that, from that time, though he himself

has occasionally resided in Baltimore, yet he, with his wife

and family, have not made the city their settled residence.

That William McCreery states that his intention was, and still

is, to reside with his family on his country estate in summer,

and in the city of Baltimore in winter; but that, ever since he

has removed his family to his farm, he has been obliged every

winter, in the public service, to reside, and frequently with

his family, in the city of Washington, which prevented him from

removing his family, agreeably to his intention, to the city of

Baltimore; but he resided himself in the city of Baltimore five

or six days before the election; that he and his family were

residing in the same situation, when he was elected to serve in

the ninth Congress, that they were when he was elected into the

present Congress; that, however, not wishing to have been taken

up as a candidate at the last election, he expressed to some of

his friends some apprehensions that exceptions might be made on

account of his constant family residence not being in the city

of Baltimore.

At the election in that district for the Congress now in

session, Nicholas R. Moore had 6,164 votes; he is a resident in

Baltimore county; and William McCreery, against whose right to

a seat in this House objection is made on account of residence,

had 3,559 votes; and Joshua Barney, who claims a seat in this

House, and it is admitted is a resident of Baltimore city, had

2,063 votes; and John Seat, also a resident in Baltimore city,

had 353 votes. The above statement of facts being admitted by

the parties, further evidence was not required. No question was

taken on the legal residence of William McCreery in the city of

Baltimore.

The committee proceeded to examine the constitution, with

relation to the case submitted to them, and find that

qualifications of members are therein determined, without

reserving any authority to the State Legislatures to change,

add to, or diminish those qualifications; and that, by

that instrument, Congress is constituted the sole judge of

the qualifications prescribed by it, and are obliged to

decide agreeably to the constitutional rules; but the State

Legislatures being, by the constitution, authorized to

prescribe the time, place and manner of holding the elections,

in controversies arising under this authority, Congress are

obliged to decide agreeably to the laws of the respective

States.

On the most mature consideration of the case submitted to

them, the committee are of opinion that William McCreery is

duly qualified to represent the fifth district of the State

of Maryland, and that the law of that State, restricting the

residence of the members of Congress to any particular part of

the district for which they may be chosen, is contrary to the

Constitution of the United States: therefore,

“_Resolved_, That William McCreery is entitled to his seat in

this House.”

TUESDAY, November 17.

Another member, to wit, MARMADUKE WILLIAMS, from North Carolina,

appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in

the House.

_Frigate Chesapeake._

Mr. BLOUNT, from the committee to whom was referred so much of the

Message of the President as relates to aggressions, &c., made a report.

The report commences with an expression of sensibility at the outrage

committed on the Chesapeake; states the receipt of information relative

thereto from the State and Navy Departments; presents a general view

of the circumstances; observes that it might be said to have been

incontestably proved that William Ware, John Strachan, and Daniel Martin

are citizens of the United States. But the committee add, that they

conceive it unnecessary for them or the House to go into any inquiry

on that part of the subject, as in their opinion whether the men taken

from the Chesapeake were or were not citizens of the United States, and

whether the Chesapeake was or was not within the acknowledged limits of

the United States at the time they were taken, the character of the act

of taking them remains the same.

“From the foregoing facts, it appears to your committee that

the outrage committed on the frigate Chesapeake has been

stamped with circumstances of indignity and insult of which

there is scarcely to be found a parallel in the history of

civilized nations, and requires only the sanction of the

Government under color of whose authority it was perpetrated

to make it just cause of, if not an irresistible call for,

instant and severe retaliation. Whether it will receive that

sanction, or be disavowed, and declared an unauthorized act

of a subordinate officer, remains to be determined by the

answer which shall be given to the demand of explanation. That

answer (now daily expected) will either sink the detestable

act into piracy, or expand it to the magnitude of premeditated

hostility against the sovereignty and independence of this

nation; and until its true character shall be fixed and known,

your committee deem it expedient to decline expressing any

opinion as to the measures proper to be adopted in relation

to it. But, as other acts of aggression have been committed

within our ports and waters by British ships of war, as well

anterior as posterior to this, some of them manifesting the

same disregard of our national rights, and seeming to flow

from the same contempt for the authority of our laws; and

especially as the British squadron, of which the Leopard was

one, after being notified of the President’s proclamation,

ordering them to depart from the waters of the United States

which they knew had been published in conformity to an act

of Congress, anchored within the capes of Chesapeake Bay, and

in that situation remained, capturing American vessels, even

within our acknowledged territorial limits, and sending them to

Halifax for adjudication--impressing seamen on board American

vessels--firing on vessels and boats of all descriptions,

having occasion to pass near them in pursuit of their lawful

trade, and occasionally denouncing threats, calculated to alarm

and irritate the good people of the United States, particularly

the inhabitants of Norfolk and Hampton--all which facts are

substantiated by the accompanying documents, Nos. 1 to 6--the

committee are of opinion that it is expedient to provide more

effectually for the protection of our ports and harbors; but

not being prepared to report specifically on that subject, they

ask further indulgence of the House, and beg leave to submit

for their consideration the following resolution:

“_Resolved_, That the attack of the British ship of war

Leopard on the United States frigate Chesapeake was a flagrant

violation of the jurisdiction of the United States, and

that the continuance of the British squadron (of which the

Leopard was one) in their waters, after being notified of the

proclamation of the President of the United States, ordering

them to depart the same, was a further violation thereof.”

The report was referred to a Committee of the Whole on Monday.

On a motion of Mr. BASSETT, that the proceedings of this day, with closed

doors, ought to be kept secret, the question being taken thereupon, it

passed in the negative--yeas 22, nays 104.

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