The Message was read and three hundred copies thereof ordered to be
printed for the use of the Senate.
WEDNESDAY, December 4.
_Chaplain._
The Senate proceeded to the election of a Chaplain, on their part, in
pursuance of the resolution of the two Houses, and the ballots being
collected, were, for Doctor GANTT, 15; Bishop CLAGGETT, 5; Mr. MCCORMICK,
2. So the Reverend Doctor GANTT was elected a Chaplain to Congress, on
the part of the Senate, during the present session.
MONDAY, December 9.
JAMES JACKSON, from the State of Georgia, attended.
JOHN ADAIR, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of
Kentucky, in place of John Breckenridge, Esq., resigned, produced his
credentials, which were read; and the oath prescribed by law having been
administered, he took his seat in the Senate.
A confidential Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES, as follows:
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States_:
The depredations which have been committed on the commerce of
the United States during a preceding war, by persons under the
authority of Spain, are sufficiently known to all. These made
it a duty to require from that Government indemnifications for
our injured citizens; a convention was accordingly entered into
between the Minister of the United States at Madrid, and the
Minister of that Government for Foreign Affairs, by which it
was agreed that spoliations committed by Spanish subjects, and
carried into ports of Spain, should be paid for by that nation;
and that those committed by French subjects, and carried into
Spanish ports, should remain for further discussion. Before
this convention was returned to Spain with our ratification,
the transfer of Louisiana by France to the United States took
place; an event as unexpected as disagreeable to Spain. From
that moment she seemed to change her conduct and dispositions
toward us. It was first manifested by her protest against the
right of France to alienate Louisiana to us; which, however,
was soon retracted, and the right confirmed: then high offence
was manifested at the act of Congress establishing a collection
district on the Mobile, although, by an authentic declaration,
immediately made, it was expressly confined to our acknowledged
limits; and she now refused to ratify the convention signed by
her own Minister, under the eye of his sovereign, unless we
would consent to alterations of its terms, which would have
affected our claims against her for the spoliations by French
subjects carried into Spanish ports.
To obtain justice, as well as to restore friendship, I thought
a special mission advisable; and accordingly appointed James
Monroe, Minister Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, to repair
to Madrid, and, in conjunction with our Minister resident
there, to endeavor to procure a ratification of the former
convention, and to come to an understanding with Spain as to
the boundaries of Louisiana. It appeared at once that her
policy was to reserve herself for events, and, in the mean
time, to keep our differences in an undetermined state. This
will be evident from the papers now communicated to you. After
nearly five months of fruitless endeavor to bring them to some
definite and satisfactory result, our ministers ended the
conferences, without having been able to obtain indemnity for
spoliations of any description, or any satisfaction as to the
boundaries of Louisiana, other than a declaration that we had
no rights eastward of the Iberville, and that our line to the
west was one which would have left us but a string of land
on that bank of the river Mississippi. Our injured citizens
were thus left without any prospect of retribution from the
wrong-doer; and, as to boundary, each party was to take its own
course. That which they have chosen to pursue, will appear from
the documents now communicated. They authorize the inference
that it is their intention to advance on our possessions, until
they shall be repressed by an opposing force. Considering that
Congress alone is constitutionally invested with the power of
changing our condition from peace to war, I have thought it my
duty to await their authority for using force in any degree
which could be avoided. I have barely instructed the officers
stationed in the neighborhood of the aggressions, to protect
our citizens from violence, to patrol within the borders
actually delivered to us, and not to go out of them, but, when
necessary to repel an inroad, or to rescue a citizen or his
property; and the Spanish officers remaining at New Orleans are
required to depart without further delay. It ought to be noted
here, that since the late change in the state of affairs in
Europe, Spain has ordered her cruisers and courts to respect
our treaty with her.
The conduct of France, and the part she may take in the
misunderstandings between the United States and Spain, are
too important to be unconsidered. She was prompt and decided
in her declarations, that our demands on Spain for French
spoliations carried into Spanish ports were included in the
settlement between the United States and France: she took at
once the ground that she had acquired no right from Spain,
and had meant to deliver us none, eastward of the Iberville;
her silence as to the western boundary, leaving us to infer
her opinion might be against Spain in that quarter. Whatever
direction she might mean to give to these differences, it does
not appear that she has contemplated their proceeding to actual
rupture, or that, at the date of our last advices from Paris,
her Government had any suspicion of the hostile attitude Spain
had taken here; on the contrary, we have reason to believe that
she was disposed to effect a settlement on a plan analogous to
what our ministers had proposed, and so comprehensive as to
remove, as far as possible, the grounds of future collision
and controversy on the eastern as well as western side of the
Mississippi.
The present crisis in Europe is favorable for pressing such
a settlement, and not a moment should be lost in availing
ourselves of it. Should it pass unimproved, our situation would
become much more difficult. Formal war is not necessary--it
is not probable it will follow; but the protection of our
citizens, the spirit and honor of our country, require that
force should be interposed to a certain degree. It will
probably contribute to advance the object of peace.
But the course to be pursued will require the command of
means which it belongs to Congress exclusively to yield or
to deny. To them I communicate every fact material for their
information, and the documents necessary to enable them to
judge for themselves. To their wisdom, then, I look for the
course I am to pursue; and will pursue, with sincere zeal, that
which they shall approve.