PRESENT:

WILLIAM PLUMER and NICHOLAS GILMAN, from New Hampshire.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS and TIMOTHY PICKERING, from Massachusetts.

JAMES HILLHOUSE and URIAH TRACY, from Connecticut.

JAMES FENNER, from Rhode Island.

STEPHEN R. BRADLEY and ISRAEL SMITH, from Vermont.

SAMUEL L. MITCHILL, from New York.

JOHN CONDIT and AARON KITCHEL, from New Jersey.

GEORGE LOGAN and SAMUEL MACLAY, from Pennsylvania.

SAMUEL WHITE, from Delaware.

SAMUEL SMITH, from Maryland.

DAVID STONE, from North Carolina.

THOMAS SUMTER and JOHN GAILLARD, from South Carolina.

ABRAHAM BALDWIN, from Georgia.

DAVID SMITH, from Tennessee.

THOMAS WORTHINGTON, from Ohio.

The VICE PRESIDENT being absent, the Senate proceeded to the election of

a President _pro tem._, as the constitution provides, and the Honorable

SAMUEL SMITH was appointed.

The credentials of the following Senators were read, viz:

Of ABRAHAM BALDWIN, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State

of Georgia, for the term of six years, from the 3d day of March last;

of JAMES A. BAYARD, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the

State of Delaware, for the term of six years, from the 3d day of March

last; of JAMES FENNER, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the

State of Rhode Island, for the term of six years, from the 3d day of

March last; of NICHOLAS GILMAN, appointed a Senator by the Legislature

of the State of New Hampshire, for the term of six years, from the

3d day of March last; of AARON KITCHEL, appointed a Senator by the

Legislature of the State of New Jersey, to serve during the term limited

by the constitution; of TIMOTHY PICKERING, appointed a Senator by the

Legislature of the State of Massachusetts, for the term of six years,

to commence on the 4th day of March last; of DANIEL SMITH, appointed a

Senator by the Legislature of the State of Tennessee, for the term of six

years, from the 3d of March last; and of BUCKNER THRUSTON, appointed a

Senator by the Legislature of the State of Kentucky.

The oath was administered by the President to the following Senators, as

the law prescribes: Mr. BALDWIN, Mr. FENNER, Mr. GILMAN, Mr. KITCHEL, Mr.

PICKERING, and Mr. SMITH of Tennessee; also, to Mr. SUMTER, appointed a

Senator by the Legislature of the State of South Carolina, for the term

of six years, commencing on the 4th day of March last.

_Ordered_, That the Secretary wait on the President of the United States,

and acquaint him that a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and that, in

the absence of the Vice President, they have elected the Honorable SAMUEL

SMITH President of the Senate _pro tempore_.

_Ordered_, That the Secretary make a like communication to the House of

Representatives.

_Ordered_, That Messrs. SUMTER and MITCHILL be a committee, on the part

of the Senate, with such committee as the House of Representatives may

appoint on their part, to wait on the President of the United States and

notify him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to

receive any communication that he may be pleased to make to them.

TUESDAY, December 3.

JOSEPH ANDERSON, from the State of Tennessee; BUCKNER THRUSTON, from

the State of Kentucky; and ROBERT WRIGHT, from the State of Maryland,

attended.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that a

quorum of the House of Representatives is assembled, and have appointed

NATHANIEL MACON, Esq., one of the Representatives for North Carolina,

their Speaker, and are ready to proceed to business. The House of

Representatives have appointed a committee on their part, jointly with

the committee appointed on the part of the Senate, to wait on the

President of the United States, and notify him that a quorum of the two

Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communications that he may

be pleased to make to them. The House of Representatives agree to the

resolution of the Senate for the appointment of two Chaplains.

Mr. SUMTER reported, from the committee appointed yesterday to wait on

the President of the United States, that they had performed the service,

and that the President of the United States informed the committee that

he would make his communications to the two Houses at twelve o’clock this

day.

The oath prescribed by law was administered to Mr. THRUSTON.

The following message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED

STATES:

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United

States of America_:

At a moment when the nations of Europe are in commotion, and

arming against each other, and when those with whom we have

principal intercourse are engaged in the general contest, and

when the countenance of some of them towards our peaceable

country threatens that even that may not be unaffected by

what is passing on the general theatre, a meeting of the

Representatives of the nation in both Houses of Congress has

become more than usually desirable. Coming from every section

of our country they bring with them the sentiments and the

information of the whole, and will be enabled to give a

direction to the public affairs, which the will and the wisdom

of the whole will approve and support.

Since our last meeting the aspect of our foreign relations

has considerably changed. Our coasts have been infested, and

our harbors watched, by private armed vessels, some of them

without commissions, some with illegal commissions, others with

those of legal form, but committing piratical acts beyond the

authority of their commissions. They have captured in the very

entrance of our harbors, as well as on the high seas, not only

the vessels of our friends coming to trade with us, but our

own also. They have carried them off under pretence of legal

adjudication; but, not daring to approach a court of justice,

they have plundered and sunk them by the way, or in obscure

places, where no evidence could arise against them; maltreated

the crews, and abandoned them in boats in the open sea, or

on desert shores, without food or covering. These enormities

appearing to be unreached by any control of their sovereigns,

I found it necessary to equip a force to cruise within our

own seas, to arrest all vessels of these descriptions found

hovering on our coasts, within the limits of the Gulf Stream,

and to bring the offenders in for trial as pirates.

The same system of hovering on our coasts and harbors, under

color of seeking enemies, has been also carried on by public

armed ships, to the great annoyance and oppression of our

commerce. New principles, too, have been interpolated into the

law of nations, founded neither in justice nor the usage or

acknowledgment of nations. According to these, a belligerent

takes to itself a commerce with its own enemy which it denies

to a neutral, on the ground of its aiding that enemy in the

war. But reason revolts at such an inconsistency, and the

neutral, having equal right with the belligerent to decide the

question, the interests of our constituents, and the duty of

maintaining the authority of reason, the only umpire between

just nations, impose on us the obligation of providing an

effectual and determined opposition to a doctrine so injurious

to the rights of peaceable nations. Indeed, the confidence

we ought to have in the justice of others still countenances

the hope that a sounder view of those rights will, of itself,

induce from every belligerent a more correct observance of them.

With Spain, our negotiations for a settlement of differences

have not had a satisfactory issue. Spoliations during a

former war, for which she had formally acknowledged herself

responsible, have been refused to be compensated but on

conditions affecting other claims in nowise connected with

them. Yet the same practices are renewed in the present war,

and are already of great amount. On the Mobile, our commerce

passing through that river continues to be obstructed by

arbitrary duties and vexatious searches. Propositions for

adjusting amicably the boundaries of Louisiana have not been

acceded to. While, however, the right is unsettled, we have

avoided changing the state of things by taking new posts or

strengthening ourselves in the disputed territories, in the

hope that the other power would not, by a contrary conduct,

oblige us to meet their example, and endanger conflicts of

authority the issue of which may not be easily controlled.

But in this hope we have now reason to lessen our confidence.

Inroads have been recently made into the territories of Orleans

and Mississippi, our citizens have been seized and their

property plundered in the very parts of the former which had

been actually delivered up by Spain, and this by the regular

officers and soldiers of that Government. I have, therefore,

found it necessary, at length, to give orders to our troops

on that frontier to be in readiness to protect our citizens,

and to repel by arms any similar aggressions in future. Other

details, necessary for your full information of the state of

things between this country and that, shall be the subject of

another communication. In reviewing these injuries from some of

the belligerent powers, the moderation, the firmness, and the

wisdom, of the Legislature will all be called into action. We

ought still to hope that time and a more correct estimate of

interest, as well as of character, will produce the justice we

are bound to expect. But should any nation deceive itself by

false calculations, and disappoint that expectation, we must

join in the unprofitable contest of trying which party can do

the other the most harm.

Considerable provision has been made, under former authorities

from Congress, of materials for the construction of ships of

war of seventy-four guns. These materials are on hand, subject

to the further will of the Legislature.

An immediate prohibition of the exportation of ammunition is

also submitted to your determination.

Turning from these unpleasant views of violence and wrong, I

congratulate you on the liberation of our fellow-citizens who

were stranded on the coast of Tripoli and made prisoners of

war. In a Government bottomed on the will of all, the life

and liberty of every individual citizen become interesting to

all. In the treaty, therefore, which has concluded our warfare

with that State, an article for the ransom of our citizens has

been agreed to. An operation by land, by a small band of our

countrymen, and others engaged for the occasion, in conjunction

with the troops of the ex-bashaw of that country, gallantly

conducted by our late Consul Eaton, and their successful

enterprise on the city of Derne, contributed, doubtless, to the

impression which produced peace; and the conclusion of this,

prevented opportunities of which the officers and men of our

squadron, destined for Tripoli, would have availed themselves

to emulate the acts of valor exhibited by their brethren in

the attack of the last year. Reflecting with high satisfaction

on the distinguished bravery displayed, whenever occasions

permitted, in the late Mediterranean service, I think it would

be a useful encouragement, as well as a just reward, to make

an opening for some present promotion, by enlarging our peace

establishment of captains and lieutenants.

With Tunis some misunderstandings have arisen, not yet

sufficiently explained, but friendly discussions with their

Ambassador, recently arrived, and a mutual disposition to do

whatever is just and reasonable, cannot fail of dissipating

these. So that we may consider our peace on that coast,

generally, to be on as sound a footing as it has been at any

preceding time. Still, it will not be expedient to withdraw,

immediately, the whole of our force from that sea.

The law providing for a Naval Peace Establishment fixes the

number of frigates which shall be kept in constant service in

time of peace, and prescribes that they shall be manned by not

more than two-thirds of their complement of seamen and ordinary

seamen. Whether a frigate may be trusted to two-thirds only of

her proper complement of men, must depend on the nature of the

service on which she is ordered. That may sometimes for her

safety, as well as to ensure her object, require her fullest

complement. In adverting to this subject, Congress will,

perhaps, consider whether the best limitation on the Executive

discretion in this case, would not be by the number of seamen

which may be employed in the whole service, rather than by the

number of vessels. Occasions oftener arise for the employment

of small than of large vessels, and it would lessen risk as

well as expense, to be authorized to employ them of preference.

The limitation suggested by the number of seamen would admit a

selection of vessels best adapted to the service.

Our Indian neighbors are advancing, many of them, with spirit,

and others beginning to engage in the pursuits of agriculture

and household manufacture. They are becoming sensible that the

earth yields subsistence with less labor and more certainty

than the forest, and find it their interest, from time to

time, to dispose of parts of their surplus and waste lands for

the means of improving those they occupy, and of subsisting

their families while they are preparing their farms. Since

your last session, the northern tribes have sold to us the

lands between the Connecticut Reserve and the former Indian

boundary, and those on the Ohio, from the same boundary to the

Rapids, and for a considerable depth inland. The Chickasaws

and Cherokees have sold us the country between and adjacent to

the two districts of Tennessee, and the Creeks the residue of

their lands in the fork of Ocmulgee, up to the Ulcofauhatche.

The three former purchases are important, inasmuch as they

consolidate disjoined parts of our settled country, and render

their intercourse secure; and the second particularly so, as,

with the small point on the river, which we expect is by this

time ceded by the Piankeshaws, it completes our possession of

the whole of both banks of the Ohio, from its source to near

its mouth, and the navigation of that river is thereby rendered

for ever safe to our citizens settled and settling on its

extensive waters. The purchase from the Creeks too has been for

some time particularly interesting to the State of Georgia.

The several treaties which have been mentioned will be

submitted to both Houses of Congress for the exercise of their

respective functions.

Deputations, now on their way to the seat of Government, from

various nations of Indians inhabiting the Missouri and other

parts beyond the Mississippi, come charged with assurances of

their satisfaction with the new relations in which they are

placed with us, of their dispositions to cultivate our peace

and friendship, and their desire to enter into commercial

intercourse with us. A state of our progress in exploring

the principal rivers of that country, and of the information

respecting them hitherto obtained, will be communicated so soon

as we shall receive some further relations which we have reason

shortly to expect.

The receipts at the Treasury during the year ending on the

30th day of September last, have exceeded the sum of thirteen

millions of dollars, which, with not quite five millions in the

Treasury at the beginning of the year, have enabled us, after

meeting other demands, to pay nearly two millions of the debt

contracted under the British treaty and convention, upwards

of four millions of principal of the public debt, and four

millions of interest. These payments, with those which had been

made in three years and a half preceding, have extinguished of

the funded debt nearly eighteen millions of principal.

Congress, by their act of November 10, 1803, authorized us to

borrow $1,750,000, towards meeting the claims of our citizens,

assumed by the convention with France. We have not, however,

made use of this authority; because, the sum of four millions

and a half, which remained in the Treasury on the same 30th day

of September last, with the receipts which we may calculate on

for the ensuing year, besides paying the annual sum of eight

millions of dollars, appropriated to the funded debt, and

meeting all the current demands which may be expected, will

enable us to pay the whole sum of three millions seven hundred

and fifty thousand dollars, assumed by the French convention,

and still leave us a surplus of nearly a million of dollars at

our free disposal. Should you concur in the provisions of arms

and armed vessels, recommended by the circumstances of the

times, this surplus will furnish the means of doing so.

On the first occasion of addressing Congress, since, by the

choice of my constituents, I have entered on a second term

of administration, I embrace the opportunity to give this

public assurance, that I will exert my best endeavors to

administer faithfully the Executive Department, and will

zealously co-operate with you in every measure which may tend

to secure the liberty, property, and personal safety, of our

fellow-citizens, and to consolidate the republican forms and

principles of our Government.

In the course of your session, you shall receive all the aid

which I can give, for the despatch of public business, and all

the information necessary for your deliberations, of which the

interests of our own country, and the confidence reposed in us

by others, will admit a communication.

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