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MOTLEY'S HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS, Project Gutenberg Edition, Vol. 29
THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC, 1577-1578
By John Lothrop Motley
1855
CHAPTER IV.
Orange invited to visit Brussels--His correspondence upon the
subject with the estates--general--Triumphant journey of the Prince
to the capital----Stop put by him to the negotiations with Don John
--New and stringent demands made upon the Governor--His indignation
--Open rupture--Intrigue of Netherland grandees with Archduke
Matthias--Policy of Orange--Attitude of Queen Elizabeth--Flight of
Matthias from Vienna--Anxiety of Elizabeth--Adroitness of the
Prince--The office of Reward--Election of Orange to that dignity--
His complaints against the great nobles--Aerschot Governor of
Flanders--A storm brewing in Ghent--Ryhove and Imbize--Blood-
Councillor Hessels--Arrogance of the aristocratic party in Flanders
--Ryhove's secret interview with Orange--Outbreak at Ghent--Arrest
of Aerschot, Hessels, and others of the reactionary party--The Duke
liberated at demand of Orange--The Prince's visit to Ghent--
Rhetorical demonstrations--The new Brussels Union characterized--
Treaty with England--Articles by which Matthias is nominally
constituted Governor-General--His inauguration at Brussels--
Brilliant and fantastic ceremonies--Letter of Don John to the
Emperor--His anger with England--An army collecting--Arrival of
Alexander Farnese--Injudicious distribution of offices in the
States' army--The States' army fall back upon Gemblours, followed by
Don John--Tremendous overthrow of the patriots--Wonderful disparity
in the respective losses of the two armies.
While these matters were in progress, an important movement was made by
the estates-general. The Prince of Orange was formally and urgently
invited to come to Brussels to aid them with his counsel and presence.
The condemned traitor had not set foot in the capital for eleven years.
We have narrated the circumstance of his departure, while the advancing
trumpets of Alva's army were almost heard in the distance. His memorable
and warning interview with Egmont has been described. Since that period,
although his spirit had always been manifesting itself in the capital
like an actual presence; although he had been the magnet towards which
the states throughout all their, oscillations had involuntarily vibrated,
yet he had been ever invisible. He had been summoned by the Blood
Council to stand his trial, and had been condemned to death by default.
He answered the summons by a defiance, and the condemnation by two
campaigns, unsuccessful in appearance, but which had in reality
prostrated the authority of the sovereign.
Since that period, the representative of royalty had sued the condemned
traitor for forgiveness. The haughty brother of Philip had almost gone
upon his knees, that the Prince might name his terms, and accept the
proffered hand of majesty.
The Prince had refused, not from contumely, but from distrust. He had
spurned the supplications, as he had defied the proscription of the King.
There could be no friendship between the destroyer and the protector of a
people. Had the Prince desired only the reversal of his death-sentence,
and the infinite aggrandizement of his family, we have seen how
completely he had held these issues in his power. Never had it been more
easy, plausible, tempting, for a proscribed patriot to turn his back upon
an almost sinking cause. We have seen how his brave and subtle Batavian
prototype, Civilis, dealt with the representative of Roman despotism.
The possible or impossible Netherland Republic of the first century of
our era had been reluctantly abandoned, but the modern Civilis had justly
more confidence in his people.
And now again the scene was changed. The son of the Emperor, the King's
brother, was virtually beleaguered; the proscribed rebel had arrived at
victory through a long series of defeats. The nation everywhere
acknowledged him master, and was in undisguised revolt against the
anointed sovereign. The great nobles, who hated Philip on the one hand,
and the Reformed religion on the other, were obliged, in obedience to the
dictates of a people with whom they had little sympathy, to accept the
ascendency of the Calvinist Prince, of whom they were profoundly jealous.
Even the fleeting and incapable Aerschot was obliged to simulate
adhesion; even the brave Champagny, cordial hater of Spaniards, but most
devotedly Catholic, "the chiefest man of wysedome and stomach at that
tyme in Brussels," so envoy Wilson wrote to Burghley, had become
"Brabantized," as his brother Granvelle expressed himself, and was one of
the commissioners to invite the great rebel to Brussels. The other
envoys were the Abbot of Saint Gertrude, Dr. Leoninus, and the Seigneur
de Liesvelt. These gentlemen, on arriving at Gertruydenberg, presented a
brief but very important memorial to the Prince. In that document they
informed him that the states-general, knowing how efficacious would be
his presence, by reason of his singular prudence, experience, and love
for the welfare and repose of the country, had unanimously united in a
supplication that he would incontinently transport himself to the city of
Brussels, there to advise with them concerning the necessities of the
land; but, as the principal calumny employed by their adversaries was
that all the provinces and leading personages intended to change both
sovereign and religion, at the instigation of his Excellency, it was
desirable to disprove such fictions. They therefore very earnestly
requested the Prince to make some contrary demonstration, by which it
might be manifest to all that his Excellency, together with the estates
of Holland and Zealand, intended faithfully to keep what they had
promised. They prayed, therefore, that the Prince, permitting the
exercise of the Roman Catholic religion in the places which had recently
accepted his authority, would also allow its exercise in Holland and
Zealand. They begged, further, that ho would promise by a new and
authentic act, that the provinces of Holland and Zealand, would not
suffer the said exercise to be impugned, or any new worship to be
introduced, in the other provinces of the Netherlands.
This letter might almost be regarded as a trap, set by the Catholic
nobles. Certainly the Ghent Pacification forbade the Reformed religion
in form, and as certainly, winked at its exercise in fact. The proof
was, that the new worship was spreading everywhere, that the exiles for
conscience' sake were returning in swarms, and that the synod of the
Reformed churches, lately held at Dort, had been, publicly attended by
the ministers and deacons of numerous dissenting churches established in
many different, places throughout all the provinces. The pressure of the
edicts, the horror of the inquisition being removed, the down-trodden
religion had sprung from the earth more freshly than ever.
The Prince was not likely to fall into the trap, if a trap had really
been intended. He answered the envoys loyally, but with distinct
reservations. He did not even accept the invitation, save on condition
that his visit to Brussels should be expressly authorized by Holland and
Zealand. Notwithstanding his desire once more to behold his dear
country, and to enjoy the good company of his best friends and brothers,
he felt it his duty to communicate beforehand with the states of those
two provinces, between which, and himself there had been such close and
reciprocal obligations, such long-tried and faithful affection. He
therefore begged to refer the question to the assembly of the said
provinces about to be held at Gouda, where, in point of fact, the
permission for his journey was, not without considerable difficulty, a
few days afterwards obtained.
With regard to the more difficult requests addressed to him in the
memorial, he professed generally his intention to execute the treaty of
Ghent. He observed, however, that the point of permitting the exercise
of the Roman Catholic religion in Holland and Zealand regarded
principally the estates of these provinces, which had contracted for
no innovation in this matter, at least till the assembling of the states
-general. He therefore suggested that he neither could, nor ought to,
permit any innovation, without the knowledge and consent of those
estates. As to promising by authentic act, that neither he nor the two
provinces would suffer the exercise of the Catholic religion to be in
any wise impugned in the rest of the Netherlands, the Prince expressed
himself content to promise that, according to the said Ghent
Pacification, they would suffer no attempt to be made against the public
repose or against the Catholic worship. He added that, as he had no
intention of usurping any superiority over the states-general assembled
at Brussels, he was content to leave the settlement of this point to
their free-will and wisdom, engaging himself neither to offer nor permit
any hindrance to their operations.
With this answer the deputies are said to have been well pleased.
If they were so, it must be confessed that they were thankful for small
favors. They had asked to have the Catholic religion introduced into
Holland and Zealand. The Prince had simply referred them to the estates
of these provinces. They had asked him to guarantee that the exercise of
the Reformed religion should not be "procured" in the rest of the
country. He had merely promised that the Catholic worship should not be
prevented. The difference between the terms of the request and the reply
was sufficiently wide.
The consent to his journey was with difficulty accorded by the estates
of Holland and Zealand, and his wife, with many tears and anxious
forebodings, beheld him depart for a capital where the heads of his
brave and powerful friends had fallen, and where still lurked so many of
his deadly foes. During his absence, prayers were offered daily for his
safety in all the churches of Holland and Zealand, by command of the
estates.
He arrived at Antwerp on the 17th of September, and was received with
extraordinary enthusiasm. The Prince, who had gone forth alone, without
even a bodyguard, had the whole population of the great city for his
buckler. Here he spent five days, observing, with many a sigh, the
melancholy changes which had taken place in the long interval of his
absence. The recent traces of the horrible "Fury," the blackened walls
of the Hotel de Ville, the prostrate ruins of the marble streets, which
he had known as the most imposing in Europe, could be hardly atoned for
in his eyes even by the more grateful spectacle of the dismantled
fortress.
On the 23rd of September he was attended by a vast concourse of citizens
to the new canal which led to Brussels, where three barges were in
waiting for himself and suite. In one a banquet was spread; in the
second, adorned with emblematic devices and draped with the banners
of the seventeen provinces, he was to perform the brief journey; while
the third had been filled by the inevitable rhetoric societies, with all
the wonders of their dramatic and plastic ingenuity. Rarely had such
a complication of vices and virtues, of crushed dragons, victorious
archangels, broken fetters, and resurgent nationalities, been seen
before, within the limits of a single canal boat. The affection was,
however, sincere, and the spirit noble, even though the taste which
presided at these remonstrations may have been somewhat pedantic.
The Prince was met several miles before the gates of Brussels by a
procession of nearly half the inhabitants of the city, and thus escorted,
he entered the capital in the afternoon of the 23rd of September. It was
the proudest day of his life. The representatives of all the provinces,
supported by the most undeniable fervor of the united Netherland people,
greeted "Father William." Perplexed, discordant, hating, fearing,
doubting, they could believe nothing, respect nothing, love nothing, save
the "tranquil" Prince. His presence at that moment in Brussels was the
triumph of the people and of religious toleration. He meant to make use
of the crisis to extend and to secure popular rights, and to establish
the supremacy of the states-general under the nominal sovereignty of some
Prince, who was yet to be selected, while the executive body was to be a
state-council, appointed by the states-general. So far as appears, he
had not decided as to the future protector, but he had resolved that it
should be neither himself nor Philip of Spain. The outlaw came to
Brussels prepared at last to trample out a sovereignty which had worked
its own forfeiture. So far as he had made any election within his
breast, his choice inclined to the miserable Duke of Anjou; a prince whom
he never came to know as posterity has known him, but whom he at least
learned to despise. Thus far the worthless and paltry intriguer still
wore the heroic mask, deceiving even such far seeing politicians as Saint
Aldegonde and the Prince.
William's first act was to put a stop to the negotiations already on foot
with Don John. He intended that they should lead to war, because peace
was impossible, except a peace for which civil and religious liberty
would be bartered, for it was idle, in his opinion, to expect the
maintenance by the Spanish Governor of the Ghent Pacification, whatever
promises might be extorted from his fears. A deputation, in the name of
the states, had already been sent with fresh propositions to Don John, at
Namur. The envoys were Caspar Schetz and the Bishop of Bruges. They had
nearly come to an amicable convention with the Governor, the terms of
which had been sent to the states-general for approval, at the very
moment of the Prince's arrival in Brussels. Orange, with great
promptness, prevented the ratification of these terms, which the estates
had in reality already voted to accept. New articles were added to those
which had originally been laid before Don John. It was now stipulated
that the Ghent treaty and the Perpetual Edict should be maintained. The
Governor was required forthwith to abandon Namur Castle, and to dismiss
the German troops. He was to give up the other citadels and strong
places, and to disband all the soldiers in his service. He was to
command the governors of every province to prohibit the entrance of
all foreign levies. He was forthwith to release captives, restore
confiscated property, and reinstate officers who had been removed;
leaving the details of such restorations to the council of Mechlin and
the other provincial tribunals. He was to engage that the Count Van
Buren should be set free within two months. He was himself, while
waiting for the appointment of his successor, to take up his residence
in Luxemburg, and while there, he was to be governed entirely by the
decision of the State Council, expressed by a majority of its members.
Furthermore, and as not the least stinging of these sharp requisitions,
the Queen of England--she who had been the secret ally of Orange, and
whose crown the Governor had secretly meant to appropriate--was to be
included in the treaty.
It could hardly excite surprise that Don John, receiving these insolent
propositions at the very moment in which he heard of the triumphant
entrance into Brussels of the Prince, should be filled with rage and
mortification. Never was champion of the Cross thus braved by infidels
before. The Ghent treaty, according to the Orange interpretation, that
is to say, heresy made legitimate, was to be the law of the land. His
Majesty was to surrender--colors and cannon--to his revolted subjects.
The royal authority was to be superseded by that of a State Council,
appointed by the states-general, at the dictation of the Prince. The
Governor-General himself, brother of his Catholic Majesty, was to sit
quietly with folded arms in Luxemburg, while the arch-heretic and rebel
reigned supreme in Brussels. It was too much to expect that the choleric
soldier would be content with what he could not help regarding as a
dishonorable capitulation. The arrangement seemed to him about as
reasonable as it would have been to invite Sultan Selim to the Escorial,
and to send Philip to reside at Bayonne. He could not but regard the
whole proposition as an insolent declaration of war. He was right. It
was a declaration of war; as much so as if proclaimed by trump of herald.
How could Don John refuse the wager of battle thus haughtily proffered?
Smooth Schetz, Lord of Grobbendonck, and his episcopal colleague, in vain
attempted to calm the Governor's wrath, which now flamed forth, in
defiance of all considerations.
They endeavored, without success, to palliate the presence of Orange, and
the circumstances of his reception, for it was not probable that their
eloquence would bring the Governor to look at the subject with their
eyes. Three days were agreed upon for the suspension of hostilities, and
Don John was highly indignant that the estates would grant no longer a
truce. The refusal was, however, reasonable enough on their part, for
they were aware that veteran Spaniards and Italians were constantly
returning to him, and that he was daily strengthening his position. The
envoys returned to Brussels, to give an account of the Governor's rage,
which they could not declare to be unnatural, and to assist in
preparations for the war, which was now deemed inevitable. Don John,
leaving a strong garrison in the citadel of Namur, from which place he,
despatched a final communication to the estates-general, dated the 2nd of
October, retired to Luxemburg. In this letter, without exactly uttering
defiance, he unequivocally accepted the hostilities which had been
pressed upon him, and answered their hollow professions of attachment to
the Catholic religion and his Majesty's authority, by denouncing their
obvious intentions to trample upon both. He gave them, in short, to
understand that he perceived their intentions, and meant them to
comprehend his own.
Thus the quarrel was brought to an issue, and Don John saw with grim
complacency, that the pen was at last to be superseded by the sword.
A remarkable pamphlet was now published, in seven different languages,
Latin, French, Flemish, German, Italian, Spanish; and English, containing
a succinct account of the proceedings between the Governor and the
estates, together with copies of the intercepted letters of Don John and
Escovedo to the King, to Perez, to the German colonels, and to the
Empress. This work, composed and published by order of the estates-
general, was transmitted with an accompanying address to every potentate
in Christendom. It was soon afterwards followed by a counter-statement,
prepared by order of Don John, and containing his account of the same
matters, with his recriminations against the conduct of the estates.
Another important movement had, meanwhile, been made by the third party
in this complicated game. The Catholic nobles, jealous of the growing
influence of Orange, and indignant at the expanding power of the people,
had opened secret negotiations with the Archduke Matthias, then a mild,
easy-tempered youth of twenty, brother of the reigning emperor, Rudolph.
After the matter had been discussed some time in secret, it was resolved,
towards the end of September, to send a messenger to Vienna, privately
inviting the young Prince to Brussels, but much to the surprise of these
nobles, it was discovered that some fifteen or sixteen of the grandees of
the land, among them Aerschot, Havre, Champagny, De Ville, Lalain, De
Heze, and others, had already taken .the initiative in the matter. On
the 26th of August, the Seigneur de Maalsteede had set forth, by their
appointment, for Vienna. There is no doubt that this step originated in
jealousy felt towards Orange, but at the same time it is certain that
several of the leaders in the enterprise were still his friends. Some,
like Champagny, and De Heze, were honestly so; others, like Aerschot,
Havrd, and De Ville, always traitors in heart to the national cause,
loyal to nothing but their own advancement, were still apparently upon
the best terms with him. Moreover, it is certain that he had been made
aware of the scheme, at least, before the arrival of the Archduke in the
Netherlands, for the Marquis Havre, on his way to England, as special
envoy from the estates, had a conference with him at Gertruydenberg.
This was in the middle of September, and before his departure for
Brussels. Naturally, the proposition seemed, at first, anything but
agreeable; but the Marquis represented himself afterwards as having at
last induced the Prince to look upon it with more favorable eyes.
Nevertheless, the step had been taken before the consultation was held;
nor was it the first time that the advice, of Orange had been asked
concerning the adoption of a measure after the measure had been adopted.
Whatever may have been his original sentiments upon the subject; however,
he was always less apt to complain of irrevocable events than quick to
reconcile them with his own combinations, and it was soon to be
discovered that the new stumbling-block which his opponents had placed in
his path, could be converted into an additional stepping-stone towards
his goal. Meanwhile, the secret invitation to the Archduke was regarded
by the people and by foreign spectators as a plot devised by his enemies.
Davison, envoy from Queen Elizabeth, was then in Brussels, and informed
his royal mistress, whose sentiments and sympathies were unequivocally in
favor of Orange, of the intrigues against the Prince. The efforts of
England were naturally to counteract the schemes of all who interfered
with his policy, the Queen especially, with her customary sagacity,
foreseeing the probable inclination of the Catholic nobles towards the
protectorate of Alencon. She did not feel certain as to the precise
plans of Orange, and there was no course better adapted to draw her from
barren coquetry into positive engagements; than to arouse her jealousy of
the French influence in the provinces. At this moment, she manifested
the warmest friendship for the Prince.
Costly presents were transmitted by her to his wife; among others,
an ornament, of which a sculptured lizard formed a part. The Princess,
in a graceful letter to her husband, desiring that her acknowledgments
should be presented to her English Majesty, accepted the present as
significative. "Tis the fabled virtue of the lizard (she said) to awaken
sleepers whom a serpent is about to sting. You are the lizard, and the
Netherlands the sleepers,--pray Heaven they may escape the serpent's
bite." The Prince was well aware, therefore, of the plots which were
weaving against him. He had small faith in the great nobles, whom he
trusted "as he would adders fanged," and relied only upon the
communities, upon the mass of burghers. They deserved his confidence,
and watched over his safety with jealous care. On one occasion, when he
was engaged at the State Council till a late hour, the citizens conceived
so much alarm, that a large number of them spontaneously armed
themselves, and repaired to the palace. The Prince, informed of the
circumstance, threw open a window and addressed them, thanking them for
their friendship and assuring them of his safety. They were not
satisfied, however, to leave him alone, but remained under arms below
till the session was terminated, when they escorted him with affectionate
respect to his own hotel.
The secret envoy arrived in Vienna, and excited the ambition of the
youthful Matthias. It must be confessed that the offer could hardly be a
very tempting one, and it excites our surprise that the Archduke should
have thought the adventure worth the seeking. A most anomalous position
in the Netherlands was offered to him by a slender and irresponsible
faction of Netherlanders. There was a triple prospect before him: that
of a hopeless intrigue against the first politician in Europe, a mortal
combat with the most renowned conqueror of the age, a deadly feud with
the most powerful and revengeful monarch in the world. Into this
threefold enterprise he was about to plunge without any adequate
resources, for the Archduke possessed no experience, power, or wealth.
He brought, therefore, no strength to a cause which was itself feeble.
He could hope for no protection, nor inspire any confidence.
Nevertheless, he had courage, pliability, and a turn for political
adventure. Visions of the discomfited Philip conferring the hand of his
daughter, with the Netherlands as her dowry, upon the enterprising youth
who, at this juncture, should succeed in overturning the Spanish
authority in that country, were conjured up by those who originated the
plot, and he was weak enough to consider such absurdities plausible, and
to set forth at once to take possession of this castle in the air.
On the evening of October 3rd, 1577, he retired to rest at eight o'clock
feigning extreme drowsiness. After waiting till his brother, Maximilian,
who slept in another bed in the same chamber, was asleep, he slipped from
his couch and from the room in his night apparel, without even putting on
his slippers. He was soon after provided by the companions of his flight
with the disguise of a servant, arrayed in which, with his face
blackened, he made his escape by midnight from Vienna, but it is doubtful
whether Rudolph were as ignorant as he affected to be of the scheme.
[It was the opinion of Languet that the Emperor affected ignorance
of the plot at its commencement, that he afterwards affected an
original connivance, and that he was equally disingenuous in both
pretences.]
The Archduke arrived at Cologne, attended only by two gentlemen and a few
servants. The Governor was beside himself with fury; the Queen of
England was indignant; the Prince only, against whom the measure was
mainly directed, preserved his usual tranquillity.
Secretary Walsingham, as soon as the news reached England, sent for
Meetkercke, colleague of Marquis Havre in the mission from the estates.
He informed that functionary of the great perplexity and excitement
which, according to information received from the English resident,
Davison, were then prevailing in Brussels, on account of the approach of
the Archduke. Some, he said, were for receiving him at one place, some
at another; others were in favor of forbidding his entrance altogether.
Things had been sufficiently complicated before, without this additional
cause of confusion. Don John was strengthening himself daily, through
the secret agency of the Duke of Guise and his party. His warlike genius
was well known, as well as the experience of the soldiers who were fast
rallying under his banner. On the other hand, the Duke of Alencon had
come to La Fere, and was also raising troops, while to oppose this crowd
of rival enemies, to deal with this host of impending disasters, there
was but one man in the Netherlands. On the Prince of Orange alone could
the distracted states rely. To his prudence and valor only could the
Queen look with hopeful eyes. The Secretary proceeded to inform the
envoy, therefore, that her Majesty would feel herself compelled to
withdraw all succor from the states if the Prince of Orange were deprived
of his leadership; for it was upon that leadership only that she had
relied for obtaining a successful result. She was quite indisposed to
encounter indefinite risk with an impossibility of profit.
Meetkercke replied to the Secretary by observing, that the great nobles
of the land had been unanimous in desiring a new Governor-General at this
juncture. They had thought Matthias, with a strong Council of State,
composed of native Netherlanders, to control him, likely to prove a
serviceable candidate for the post. They had reason to believe that,
after he should be received, the Emperor would be reconciled to the
measure, and that by his intercession the King of Spain would be likewise
induced to acquiesce. He alluded, moreover, to the conference between
the Marquis of Havre and Orange at Gertruydenberg, and quoted the opinion
of the Prince that it would be unwise, after the invitation had been
given, to insult the Archduke and his whole imperial house, by beating
him with indignity upon his arrival. It was inevitable, said the envoy,
that differences of opinion should exist in large assemblies, but
according to information which he had recently received from Marquis
Havre, then in Brussels, affairs had already become smooth again. At the
conclusion of the conference, Walsingham repeated emphatically that the
only condition upon which the Queen would continue her succor to the
Netherlands was, that the Prince should be forthwith appointed
Lieutenant-General for the Archduke.
The immediate result of this movement was, that Matthias was received at
Antwerp by Orange at the head of two thousand cavalry, and attended by a
vast concourse of inhabitants. Had the Prince chosen a contrary course,
the Archduke might have been compelled to return, somewhat ridiculously,
to Vienna; but, at the same time, the anger of the Emperor and of all
Germany would have been aroused against Orange and the cause he served.
Had the Prince, on the contrary, abandoned the field himself, and
returned to Holland, he would have left the game in the hands of his
adversaries. Ever since he had made what his brother John called that
"dangerous gallows journey" to Brussels, his influence had been
culminating daily, and the jealousy of the great nobles rising as
rapidly. Had he now allowed himself to be driven from his post, he would
have exactly fulfilled their object. By remaining, he counteracted their
schemes.
By taking Matthias wholly into his own possession, he obtained one piece
the more in the great game which he was playing against his antagonist in
the Escorial. By making adroit use of events as they arose, he made the
very waves which were to sink him, carry his great cause triumphantly
onward.
The first result of the invitation to Matthias was the election of Orange
as Ruward of Brabant. This office was one of great historical dignity,
but somewhat anomalous in its functions. The province of Brabant, having
no special governor, was usually considered under the immediate
superintendence of the Governor-General. As the capital of Brabant was
the residence of that functionary, no inconvenience from this course had
been felt since the accession of the house of Burgundy. At present,
however, the condition of affairs was so peculiar--the seat of government
being empty without having been permanently vacated--that a special
opportunity vas offered for conferring both honor and power on the
Prince. A Ruward was not exactly dictator, although his authority was
universal. He was not exactly protector, nor governor, nor stadholder.
His functions were unlimited as to time--therefore superior to those of
an ancient dictator; they were commonly conferred on the natural heir to
the sovereignty--therefore more lofty than those of ordinary stadholders.
The individuals who had previously held the office in the Netherlands had
usually reigned afterwards in their own right. Duke Albert, of the
Bavarian line; for example, had been Ruward of Hainault and Holland, for
thirty years, during the insanity of his brother, and on the death of
Duke William had succeeded to his title. Philip of Burgundy had declared
himself Ruward of Brabant in 1425, and had shortly afterwards deprived
Jacqueline of all her titles and appropriated them to himself. In the
one case the regent, in the second case the usurper, had become reigning
prince. Thus the movement of the jealous nobles against the Prince had
for its first effect his immediate appointment to an office whose chief
characteristic was, that it conducted to sovereignty.
The election was accomplished thus. The "members," or estates of
Brussels, together with the deans, guilds, and other of the principal
citizens of Antwerp, addressed a request to the states of Brabant, that
William of Orange should be appointed Ruward, and after long deliberation
the measure was carried. The unsolicited honor was then solemnly offered
to him. He refused, and was only, after repeated and urgent entreaties,
induced to accept the office. The matter was then referred to the
states-general, who confirmed the dignity, after some demur, and with the
condition that it might be superseded by the appointment of a governor-
general. He was finally confirmed as Ruward on the 22d of October, to
the boundless satisfaction of the people, who celebrated the event by
a solemn holiday in Antwerp, Brussels, and other cities. His friends,
inspired by the intrigues of his enemies, had thus elevated the Prince
to almost unlimited power; while a strong expression in favor of his
government had been elicited from the most important ally of the
Netherlands-England. It soon rested with himself only to assume the
government of Flanders, having been elected stadholder, not once only,
but many times, by the four estates of that important province, and
having as constantly refused the dignity. With Holland and Zealand
devoted to him, Brabant and Flanders formally under his government, the
Netherland capital lavishing testimonials of affection upon him, and the
mass of the people almost worshipping him, it would not have been
difficult for the Prince to play a game as selfish as it had hitherto
been close and skilful. He might have proved to the grand seigniors that
their suspicions were just, by assuming a crown which they had been
intriguing to push from his brows. Certainly the nobles deserved their
defeat. They had done their best to circumvent Orange, in all ways and
at all times. They had paid their court to power when it was most
powerful, and had sought to swim on the popular tide when it was rising.
He avenged himself upon their perfidy only by serving his country more
faithfully than ever, but it was natural that he should be indignant at
the conduct of these gentlemen, "children of good houses," (in his own
words,) "issue of worthy, sires," whose fathers, at least, he had ever
loved and honored.
"They serve the Duke of Alva and the Grand Commander like varlets," he
cried; "they make war upon me to the knife. Afterwards they treat with
me, they reconcile themselves with me, they are sworn foes of the
Spaniard. Don John arrives, and they follow him; they intrigue for my
ruin. Don John fails in his enterprise upon Antwerp citadel; they quit
him incontinently and call upon me. No sooner do I come than, against
their oath and without previous communication with the states or myself,
they call upon the Archduke Matthias. Are the waves of the sea more
inconstant--is Euripus more uncertain than the counsels of such men?"
While these events were occurring at Brussels and Antwerp, a scene of a
different nature was enacting at Ghent. The Duke of Aerschot had
recently been appointed to the government of Flanders by the State
Council, but the choice was exceedingly distasteful to a large number of
the inhabitants. Although, since the defeat of Don John's party in
Antwerp, Aerschot had again become "the affectionate brother" of Orange,
yet he was known to be the head of the cabal which had brought Matthias
from Vienna. Flanders, moreover, swarmed with converts to the Reformed
religion, and the Duke's strict Romanism was well known. The people,
therefore, who hated the Pope and adored the Prince, were furious at the
appointment of the new governor, but by dint of profuse promises
regarding the instant restoration of privileges and charters which had
long lain dormant, the friends of Aerschot succeeded in preparing the way
for his installation.
On the 20th of October, attended by twenty-three companies of infantry
and three hundred horse, he came to Ghent. That famous place was still
one of the most powerful and turbulent towns in Europe. Although
diminished in importance since the commercial decline which had been the
inevitable result of Philip's bloody government, it, was still swarming
with a vigorous and dangerous population and it had not forgotten the
days when the iron tongue of Roland could call eighty thousand fighting
men to the city banner. Even now, twenty thousand were secretly pledged
to rise at the bidding of certain chieftains resident among them; noble
by birth, warmly attached to the Reformed religion, and devoted to
Orange. These gentlemen were perfectly conscious that a reaction was to
be attempted in favor of Don John and of Catholicism, through the agency
of the newly-appointed governor of Flanders. Aerschot was trusted or
respected by neither party. The only difference in the estimates formed
of him was, that some considered him a deep and dangerous traitor; others
that he was rather foolish than malicious, and more likely to ruin a good
cause than to advance the interests of a bad one. The leaders of the
popular party at Ghent believed him dangerous. They felt certain that it
was the deeply laid design of the Catholic nobles foiled as they had been
in the objects with which they had brought Matthias from Vienna, and
enraged as they were that the only result of that movement had been to
establish the power of Orange upon a firmer basis--to set up an opposing
influence in Ghent. Flanders, in the possession of the Catholics, was to
weigh up Brabant, with its recent tendencies to toleration. Aerschot was
to counteract the schemes of Orange. Matthias was to be withdrawn from
the influence of the great heretic, and be yet compelled to play the part
set down for him by those who had placed him upon the stage. A large
portion, no doubt, of the schemes here suggested, was in agitation, but
the actors were hardly equal to the drama which they were attempting.
The intrigue was, however, to be frustrated at once by the hand of
Orange, acting as it often did from beneath a cloud.
Of all the chieftains possessing influence with the inhabitants of Ghent,
two young nobles, named Ryhove and Imbize, were the most conspicuous.
Both were of ancient descent and broken fortunes, both were passionately
attached to the Prince, both were inspired with an intense hatred for
all that was Catholic or Spanish. They had travelled further on the
reforming path than many had done in that day, and might even be called
democratic in their notions. Their heads were filled with visions of
Greece and Rome; the praise of republics was ever on their lips; and they
avowed to their intimate associates that it was already feasible to
compose a commonwealth like that of the Swiss Cantons out of the
seventeen Netherlands. They were regarded as dreamers by some, as
desperadoes by others. Few had confidence in their capacity or their
purity; but Orange, who knew mankind, recognized in them useful
instruments for any hazardous enterprise. They delighted in stratagems
and sudden feats of arms. Audacious and cruel by temperament, they were
ever most happy in becoming a portion of the desolation which popular
tumults engender.
There were several excited meetings of the four estates of Flanders
immediately after the arrival of the Duke of Aerschot in Ghent. His
coming had been preceded by extensive promises, but it soon became
obvious that their fulfilment was to be indefinitely deferred. There
was a stormy session on the 27th of October, many of the clergy and
nobility being present, and comparatively few members of the third
estate. Very violent speeches were made, and threats openly uttered,
that the privileges, about which so much noise had been heard, would be
rather curtailed than enlarged under the new administration. At the same
session, the commission of Aerschot was formally presented by Champagny
and Sweveghem, deputed by the State Council for that purpose. Champagny
was in a somewhat anomalous position. There was much doubt in men's
minds concerning him. He had seemed lately the friend of Orange, but he
was certainly the brother of Granvelle. His splendid but fruitless
services during the Antwerp Fury had not been forgotten, but he was known
to be a determined Catholic. He was a hater of Spaniards, but no lover
of popular liberty. The nature of his sentiments towards Orange was
perhaps unjustly suspected. At any rate, two or three days after the
events which now occupy our attention, he wrote him a private letter, in
which he assured him of his attachment. In reference to the complaints,
of the Prince, that he had not been seconded as he ought to have been, he
said, moreover, that he could solemnly swear never to have seen a single
individual who did not hold the Prince in admiration, and who was not
affectionately devoted to him, not only, by public profession, but by
private sentiment.
There was little doubt entertained as to the opinions held by the rest of
the aristocratic party, then commencing their manoeuvres in Ghent. Their
sentiments were uttered with sufficient distinctness in this remarkable
session.
Hessels, the old Blood Councillor, was then resident in Ghent; where he
discharged high governmental functions. It was he, as it will be
remembered, who habitually fell asleep at that horrible council board,
and could only start from his naps to-shout "ad patibulum," while the
other murderers had found their work less narcotic. A letter from
Hessels to Count de Reux, late royal governor of Flanders, was at the
present juncture intercepted. Perhaps it was invented, but genuine or
fictitious, it was circulated extensively among the popular leaders,
and had the effect of proving Madame de Hessels a true prophet. It
precipitated the revolution in Flanders, and soon afterwards cost the
Councillor his life. "We have already brought many notable magistrates
of Flanders over to the aide of his Highness Don John," wrote Hessels.
"We hope, after the Duke of Aerschot is governor; that we shall fully
carry out the intentions of his Majesty and the plans of his Highness.
We shall also know how to circumvent the scandalous heretic with all his
adherents and followers."
Certainly, if this letter were true, it was high time for the friends of
the "scandalous heretic" to look about them. If it were a forgery, which
is highly probable, it was ingeniously imagined, and did the work of
truth. The revolutionary party, being in a small minority in the
assembly, were advised by their leaders to bow before the storm. They
did so, and the bluster of the reactionary party grew louder as they
marked the apparent discomfiture of their foes. They openly asserted
that the men who were clamoring for privileges should obtain nothing but
halters. The buried charters should never be resuscitated; but the
spirit of the dead Emperor, who had once put a rope around the necks of
the insolent Ghenters, still lived in that of his son. There was no lack
of denunciation. Don John and the Duke of Aerschot would soon bring the
turbulent burghers to their senses, and there would then be an end to
this renewed clamor about musty parchments. Much indignation was
secretly excited in the assembly by such menaces. Without doors the
subterranean flames spread rapidly, but no tumult occurred that night.
Before the session was over, Ryhove left the city, pretending a visit to
Tournay. No sooner had he left the gates, however, than he turned his
horse's head in the opposite direction, and rode off post haste to
Antwerp. There he had a conference with William of Orange, and painted
in lively colors the alarming position of affairs. "And what do you mean
to do in the matter?" asked the Prince, rather drily. Ryhove was
somewhat disconcerted. He had expected a violent explosion; well as he
knew the tranquil personage whom he was addressing. "I know no better
counsel," he replied, at length, "than to take the Duke, with his
bishops, councillors, lords, and the whole nest of them, by the throat,
and thrust them all out together."
"Rather a desperate undertaking, however?" said the Prince; carelessly,
but interrogatively.
"I know no other remedy," answered Ryhove; "I would rather make the
attempt, relying upon God alone, and die like a man if needful, than live
in eternal slavery. Like an ancient Roman," continued the young
republican noble, in somewhat bombastic vein, "I am ready to wager my
life, where my fatherland's welfare is at stake."
"Bold words!" said the Prince, looking gravely at Ryhove; "but upon what
force do you rely for your undertaking?"
"If I can obtain no assistance from your Excellency," was the reply,
"I shall throw myself on the mass of the citizens. I can arouse them in
the name of their ancient liberties, which must be redeemed now or
never."
The Prince, believing probably that the scheme, if scheme there were,
was but a wild one, felt little inclination to compromise himself with
the young conspirator. He told him he could do nothing at present, and
saying that he must at least sleep upon the matter, dismissed him for the
night. Next morning, at daybreak, Ryhove was again closeted with him.
The Prince asked his sanguine partisan if he were still determined to
carry out his project, with no more definite support than he had
indicated? Ryhove assured him, in reply, that he meant to do so;
or to die in the attempt. The Prince shrugged his shoulders, and soon
afterwards seemed to fall into a reverie. Ryhove continued talking, but
it was soon obvious that his Highness was not listening; and he therefore
took his leave somewhat abruptly. Hardly had he left the house, however,
when the Prince despatched Saint Aldegonde in search of him. That
gentleman, proceeding to his hotel, walked straight into the apartment of
Ryhove, and commenced a conversation with a person whom he found there,
but to his surprise he soon discovered, experienced politician though he
was, that he had made an egregious blunder. He had opened a dangerous
secret to an entire stranger, and Ryhove coming into the apartment a few
minutes afterwards, was naturally surprised to find the Prince's chief
councillor in close conversation about the plot with Van Rooyen, the
burgomaster of Denremonde. The Flemish noble, however, always prompt in
emergencies, drew his rapier, and assured the astonished burgomaster that
he would either have his life on the instant, or his oath never to reveal
a syllable of what he had heard. That functionary, who had neither
desired the young noble's confidence, nor contemplated the honor of being
run through the body as a consequence of receiving it, was somewhat
aghast at the rapid manner in which these gentlemen transacted business.
He willingly gave the required pledge, and was permitted to depart.