inserted, the Dissenters and their partisans, among other topics, spoke
much of the good effects produced by the lenity of the government, that
the Presbyterians were grown very inconsiderable in their number and
quality, and would daily come into the church, if we did not fright them
from it by new severities. When the act was passed, they presently
changed their style, and raised a clamour, through both kingdoms, of the
great numbers of considerable gentry who were laid aside, and could no
longer serve their queen and country; which hyperbolical way of
reckoning, when it came to be melted down into truth, amounted to about
fifteen country justices, most of them of the lowest size, for estate,
quality, or understanding. However, this puts me in mind of a passage
told me by a great man, though I know not whether it be anywhere
recorded. That a complaint was made to the king and council in Sweden,
of a prodigious swarm of Scots, who, under the condition of pedlars,
infested that kingdom to such a degree, as, if not suddenly prevented,
might in time prove dangerous to the state, by joining with any
discontented party. Meanwhile the Scots, by their agents, placed a good
sum of money to engage the offices of the prime minister in their
behalf; who, in order to their defence, told the council, he was assured
they were but a few inconsiderable people, that lived honestly and
poorly, and were not of any consequence. Their enemies offered to prove
the contrary, whereupon an order was made to take their number, which
was found to amount, as I remember, to about thirty thousand. The affair
was again brought before the council, and great reproaches made the
first minister, for his ill computation; who, presently took the other
handle, said, he had reason to believe the number yet greater than what
was returned; and then gravely offered to the king's consideration,
whether it were safe to render desperate so great a body of able men,
who had little to lose, and whom any hard treatment would only serve to
unite into a power capable of disturbing, if not destroying the peace of
the kingdom. And so they were suffered to continue.
A PROPOSAL
FOR THE
UNIVERSAL USE OF IRISH MANUFACTURE.
NOTE.
This pamphlet constitutes the opening of a campaign against his
political enemies in England on whom Swift had, it must be
presumed, determined to take revenge. When the fall of Harley's
administration was complete and irrevocable, Swift returned to
Ireland and, for six years, he lived the simple life of the Dean of
St. Patrick's, unheard of except by a few of his more intimate
friends in England. Accustomed by years of intimacy with the
ministers of Anne's court, and by his own temperament, to act the
part of leader and adviser, Swift's compulsory silence must have
chafed and irritated him to a degree. His opportunities for
advancement had passed with the passing of Harley and Bolingbroke
from power, and he had given too ardent and enthusiastic a support
to these friends of his for Walpole to look to him for a like
service. Moreover, however strong may have been these personal
motives, Swift's detestation of Walpole's Irish policy must have
been deep and bitter, even before he began to express himself on
the matter. His sincerity cannot be doubted, even if we make an
ample allowance for a private grudge against the great English
minister. The condition of Ireland, at this time, was such as to
arouse the warmest indignation from the most indifferent and
unprejudiced--and it was a condition for which English misrule was
mainly responsible. It cannot therefore be wondered at that Swift
should be among the strenuous and persistent opponents of a policy
which spelled ruin to his country, and his patriotism must be
recognized even if we accept the existence of a personal motive.
The crass stupidity which characterized England's dealings with
Ireland at this time would be hardly credible, were it not on
record in the acts passed in the reigns of Charles II. and William
III., and embodied in the resolutions of the English parliament
during Walpole's term of power. An impartial historian is forced to
the conclusion that England had determined to ruin the sister
nation. Already its social life was disreputable; the people taxed
in various ways far beyond their means; the agriculture at the
lowest state by the neglect and indifference of the landed
proprietors; and the manufactures crippled by a series of
pernicious restrictions imposed by a selfish rival.
Swift, in writing this "Proposal," did not take advantage of any
special occasion, as he did later in the matter of Wood's
halfpence. His occasion must be found in the condition of the
country, in the injustice to which she was subjected, and in the
fact that the time had come when it would be wise and safe for him
to come out once more into the open.
He began in his characteristic way. All the evils that the laws
against the manufactures and agriculture of Ireland brought into
existence are summarized in this "Proposal." His business is not to
attack the laws directly, but to attempt a method by which these
shall be nullified. Since the manufactures of Ireland might not be
exported for sale, let the people of Ireland wear them themselves,
and let them resolve and determine to wear them in preference to
those imported from England. If England had the right to prevent
the importation to it of Irish woollen goods, it was surely only
just that the Irish should exercise then right to wear their own
home-made clothes! The tract was a reasonable and mild statement.
Yet, such was the temper of the governing officials, that a cry was
raised against it and the writer accused of attempting to disunite
the two kingdoms. With consistent foolishness, the printer was
brought to trial, and although the jury acquitted him, yet the Lord
Chief Justice Whitshed, zealous for his employer more than for his
office, refused to accept the verdict and attempted to force the
jury to a conviction. In his letter to Pope, dated January 10th,
1720-21, Swift gives an account of this matter:
"I have written in this kingdom, a discourse, to persuade the
wretched people to wear their own manufactures, instead of those
from England. This treatise soon spread very fast, being agreeable
to the sentiments of the whole nation, except those gentlemen who
had employments, or were expectants. Upon which a person in great
office here immediately took the alarm; he sent in haste for the
chief-justice, and informed him of a seditious, factious, and
virulent pamphlet, lately published, with a design of setting the
two kingdoms at variance; directing, at the same time, that the
printer should be prosecuted with the utmost rigour of the law. The
chief-justice has so quick an understanding, that he resolved, if
possible, to outdo his orders. The grand juries of the county and
city were effectually practised with, to represent the said
pamphlet with all aggravating epithets, for which they had thanks
sent them from England, and their presentments published, for
several weeks, in all the newspapers. The printer was seized, and
forced to give great bail. After his trial, the jury brought him in
not guilty, although they had been culled with the utmost industry.
The chief-justice sent them back nine times, and kept them eleven
hours, until, being perfectly tired out, they were forced to leave
the matter to the mercy of the judge, by what they call a _special
verdict_. During the trial, the chief-justice, among other
singularities, laid his hand on his breast, and protested solemnly
that the author's design was to bring in the Pretender, although
there was not a single syllable of party in the whole treatise; and
although it was known that the most eminent of those who professed
his own principles, publicly disallowed his proceedings. But the
cause being so very odious and unpopular, the trial of the verdict
was deferred from one term to another, until, upon the Duke of
Grafton's, the lord lieutenant's arrival, his grace, after mature
advice, and permission from England, was pleased to grant a _noli
prosequi_."
This Chief Justice Whitshed was the same who acted as judge on
Harding's trial for printing the fourth Drapier letter. Swift never
forgot him, and took several occasions to satirize him bitterly.
* * * * *
The text of the present edition is based on the Dublin edition of
1720 and collated with the texts of Faulkner, 1735, and
Miscellanies of same date.
[T. S.]
A
PROPOSAL
For the universal Use
Of _Irish_ Manufacture,
IN
Cloaths and Furniture of Houses, &c.
UTTERLY
_Rejecting_ and _Renouncing_
Every Thing wearable that comes from
ENGLAND.
* * * * *
_Dublin_: Printed and Sold by _E. Waters_, in _Essex-street_, at the
Corner of _Sycamore-Alley_, 1720.
A PROPOSAL FOR THE UNIVERSAL USE OF IRISH MANUFACTURE, IN CLOTHES
AND FURNITURE OF HOUSES, &c.
UTTERLY REJECTING AND RENOUNCING EVERY THING WEARABLE THAT COMES FROM
ENGLAND.
It is the peculiar felicity and prudence of the people in this kingdom,
that whatever commodities or productions lie under the greatest
discouragements from England, those are what we are sure to be most
industrious in cultivating and spreading. Agriculture, which hath been
the principal care of all wise nations, and for the encouragement
whereof there are so many statute laws in England, we countenance so
well, that the landlords are everywhere by penal clauses absolutely
prohibiting their tenants from ploughing; not satisfied to confine them
within certain limitations, as it is the practice of the English; one
effect of which is already seen in the prodigious dearness of corn, and
the importation of it from London, as the cheaper market:[6] And because
people are the riches of a country, and that our neighbours have done,
and are doing all that in them lie, to make our wool a drug to us, and a
monopoly to them; therefore the politic gentlemen of Ireland have
depopulated vast tracts of the best land, for the feeding of sheep.[7]
I could fill a volume as large as the history of the Wise Men of Gotham
with a catalogue only of some wonderful laws and customs we have
observed within thirty years past.[8] 'Tis true indeed, our beneficial
traffic of wool with France, hath been our only support for several
years past, furnishing us all the little money we have to pay our rents
and go to market. But our merchants assure me, "This trade hath received
a great damp by the present fluctuating condition of the coin in France;
and that most of their wine is paid for in specie, without carrying
thither any commodity from hence."
However, since we are so universally bent upon enlarging our flocks, it
may be worth enquiring what we shall do with our wool, in case
Barnstaple[9] should be overstocked, and our French commerce should
fail?
I could wish the Parliament had thought fit to have suspended their
regulation of church matters, and enlargements of the prerogative till a
more convenient time, because they did not appear very pressing (at
least to the persons principally concerned) and instead of these great
refinements in politics and divinity, had amused themselves and their
committees a little with the state of the nation. For example: What if
the House of Commons had thought fit to make a resolution _nemine
contradicente_ against wearing any cloth or stuff in their families,
which were not of the growth and manufacture of this kingdom? What if
they had extended it so far as utterly to exclude all silks, velvets,
calicoes, and the whole lexicon of female fopperies; and declared, that
whoever acted otherwise, should be deemed and reputed an enemy to the
nation?[10] What if they had sent up such a resolution to be agreed to
by the House of Lords, and by their own practice and encouragement
spread the execution of it in their several countries? What if we should
agree to make burying in woollen a fashion, as our neighbours have made
it a law? What if the ladies would be content with Irish stuffs for the
furniture of their houses, for gowns and petticoats to themselves and
their daughters? Upon the whole, and to crown all the rest: Let a firm
resolution be taken by male and female, never to appear with one single
shred that comes from England; "And let all the people say,
AMEN."
I hope and believe nothing could please His Majesty better than to hear
that his loyal subjects of both sexes in this kingdom celebrated his
birthday (now approaching) universally clad in their own manufacture. Is
there virtue enough left in this deluded people to save them from the
brink of ruin? If the men's opinions may be taken, the ladies will look
as handsome in stuffs as brocades; and since all will be equal, there
may be room enough to employ their wit and fancy in choosing and
matching of patterns and colours. I heard the late Archbishop of Tuam
mention a pleasant observation of somebody's; "that Ireland would never
be happy till a law were made for burning everything that came from
England, except their people and their coals." Nor am I even yet for
lessening the number of those exceptions.[11]
Non tanti mitra est, non tanti judicis ostrum.
But I should rejoice to see a staylace from England be thought
scandalous, and become a topic for censure at visits and tea-tables.
If the unthinking shopkeepers in this town had not been utterly
destitute of common sense, they would have made some proposal to the
Parliament, with a petition to the purpose I have mentioned; promising
to improve the "cloths and stuffs of the nation into all possible
degrees of fineness and colours, and engaging not to play the knave
according to their custom, by exacting and imposing upon the nobility
and gentry either as to the prices or the goodness." For I remember in
London upon a general mourning, the rascally mercers and
woollen-drapers, would in four-and-twenty hours raise their cloths and
silks to above a double price; and if the mourning continued long, then
come whining with petitions to the court, that they were ready to
starve, and their fineries lay upon their hands.
I could wish our shopkeepers would immediately think on this proposal,
addressing it to all persons of quality and others; but first be sure to
get somebody who can write sense, to put it into form.
I think it needless to exhort the clergy to follow this good example,
because in a little time, those among them who are so unfortunate to
have had their birth and education in this country, will think
themselves abundantly happy when they can afford Irish crape, and an
Athlone hat; and as to the others I shall not presume to direct them. I
have indeed seen the present Archbishop of Dublin clad from head to foot
in our own manufacture; and yet, under the rose be it spoken, his Grace
deserves as good a gown as any prelate in Christendom.[12]
I have not courage enough to offer one syllable on this subject to their
honours of the army: Neither have I sufficiently considered the great
importance of scarlet and gold lace.
The fable in Ovid of Arachne and Pallas, is to this purpose. The goddess
had heard of one Arachne a young virgin, very famous for spinning and
weaving. They both met upon a trial of skill; and Pallas finding herself
almost equalled in her own art, stung with rage and envy, knocked her
rival down, turned her into a spider, enjoining her to spin and weave
for ever, out of her own bowels, and in a very narrow compass. I
confess, that from a boy, I always pitied poor Arachne, and could never
heartily love the goddess on account of so cruel and unjust a sentence;
which however is fully executed upon us by England, with further
additions of rigour and severity. For the greatest part of our bowels
and vitals are extracted, without allowing us the liberty of spinning
and weaving them.
The Scripture tells us, that "oppression makes a wise man mad."
Therefore, consequently speaking, the reason why some men are not mad,
is because they are not wise: However, it were to be wished that
oppression would in time teach a little wisdom to fools.
I was much delighted with a person who hath a great estate in this
kingdom, upon his complaints to me, "how grievously poor England suffers
by impositions from Ireland. That we convey our own wool to France in
spite of all the harpies at the custom-house. That Mr. Shuttleworth, and
others on the Cheshire coasts are such fools to sell us their bark at a
good price for tanning our own hides into leather; with other enormities
of the like weight and kind." To which I will venture to add some more:
"That the mayoralty of this city is always executed by an inhabitant,
and often by a native, which might as well be done by a deputy, with a
moderate salary, whereby poor England lose at least one thousand pounds
a year upon the balance. That the governing of this kingdom costs the
lord lieutenant two thousand four hundred pounds a year,[13] so much
_net_ loss to poor England. That the people of Ireland presume to dig
for coals in their own grounds, and the farmers in the county of Wicklow
send their turf to the very market of Dublin, to the great
discouragement of the coal trade at Mostyn and Whitehaven. That the
revenues of the post-office here, so righteously belonging to the
English treasury, as arising chiefly from our own commerce with each
other, should be remitted to London, clogged with that grievous burthen
of exchange, and the pensions paid out of the Irish revenues to English
favourites, should lie under the same disadvantage, to the great loss of
the grantees. When a divine is sent over to a bishopric here, with the
hopes of five-and-twenty hundred pounds a year; upon his arrival, he
finds, alas! a dreadful discount of ten or twelve _per cent._ A judge or
a commissioner of the revenue has the same cause of complaint."--Lastly,
"The ballad upon Cotter is vehemently suspected to be Irish manufacture;
and yet is allowed to be sung in our open streets, under the very nose
of the government."[14] These are a few among the many hardships we put
upon that _poor_ kingdom of England; for which I am confident every
honest man wishes a remedy: And I hear there is a project on foot for
transporting our best wheaten straw by sea and land carriage to
Dunstable; and obliging us by a law to take off yearly so many ton of
straw hats for the use of our women, which will be a great encouragement
to the manufacture of that industrious town.
I should be glad to learn among the divines, whether a law to bind men
without their own consent, be obligatory _in foro conscientiae_; because
I find Scripture, Sanderson and Suarez are wholly silent in the matter.
The oracle of reason, the great law of nature, and general opinion of
civilians, wherever they treat of limited governments, are indeed
decisive enough.
It is wonderful to observe the bias among our people in favour of
things, persons, and wares of all kinds that come from England. The
printer tells his hawkers that he has got "an excellent new song just
brought from London." I have somewhat of a tendency that way myself; and
upon hearing a coxcomb from thence displaying himself with great
volubility upon the park, the playhouse, the opera, the gaming
ordinaries, it was apt to beget in me a kind of veneration for his parts
and accomplishments. 'Tis not many years, since I remember a person who
by his style and literature seems to have been corrector of a
hedge-press in some blind alley about Little Britain, proceed gradually
to be an author, at least a translator of a lower rate, though somewhat
of a larger bulk, than any that now flourishes in Grub Street; and upon
the strength of this foundation, come over here, erect himself up into
an orator and politician, and lead a kingdom after him.[15] This, I am
told, was the very motive that prevailed on the author of a play, called
"Love in a hollow Tree," to do us the honour of a visit; presuming with
very good reason, that he was a writer of a superior class.[16] I know
another, who for thirty years past, hath been the common standard of
stupidity in England, where he was never heard a minute in any assembly,
or by any party with common Christian treatment; yet upon his arrival
hither, could put on a face of importance and authority, talked more
than six, without either gracefulness, propriety, or meaning; and at the
same time be admired and followed as the pattern of eloquence and
wisdom.
Nothing hath humbled me so much, or shewn a greater disposition to a
contemptuous treatment of Ireland in some chief governors,[17] than that
high style of several speeches from the throne, delivered, as usual,
after the royal assent, in some periods of the two last reigns. Such
high exaggerations of the prodigious condescensions in the prince, to
pass those good laws, would have but an odd sound at Westminster:
Neither do I apprehend how any good law can pass, wherein the king's
interest is not as much concerned as that of the people. I remember
after a speech on the like occasion, delivered by my Lord Wharton, (I
think it was his last) he desired Mr. Addison to ask my opinion of it:
My answer was, "That his Excellency had very honestly forfeited his head
on account of one paragraph; wherein he asserted by plain consequence, a
dispensing power in the Queen." His Lordship owned it was true, but
swore the words were put into his mouth by direct orders from Court.
From whence it is clear, that some ministers in those times, were apt,
from their high elevation, to look down upon this kingdom as if it had
been one of their colonies of outcasts in America. And I observed a
little of the same turn of spirit in some great men, from whom I
expected better; although to do them justice, it proved no point of
difficulty to make them correct their idea, whereof the whole nation
quickly found the benefit?--But that is forgotten. How the style hath
since run, I am wholly a stranger, having never seen a speech since the
last of the Queen.
I would now expostulate a little with our country landlords, who by
unmeasurable screwing and racking their tenants all over the kingdom,
have already reduced the miserable people to a worse condition than the
peasants in France, or the vassals in Germany and Poland; so that the
whole species of what we call substantial farmers, will in a very few
years be utterly at an end.[18] It was pleasant to observe these
gentlemen labouring with all their might for preventing the bishops from
letting their revenues at a moderate half value, (whereby the whole
order would in an age have been reduced to manifest beggary) at the very
instant when they were everywhere canting their own lands upon short
leases, and sacrificing their oldest tenants for a penny an acre
advance.[19] I know not how it comes to pass, (and yet perhaps I know
well enough) that slaves have a natural disposition to be tyrants; and
that when my betters give me a kick, I am apt to revenge it with six
upon my footman; although perhaps he may be an honest and diligent
fellow. I have heard great divines affirm, that "nothing is so likely to
call down an universal judgment from Heaven upon a nation as universal
oppression;" and whether this be not already verified in part, their
worships the landlords are now at full leisure to consider. Whoever
travels this country, and observes the face of nature, or the faces, and
habits, and dwellings of the natives, will hardly think himself in a
land where either law, religion, or common humanity is professed.[20]
I cannot forbear saying one word upon a thing they call a bank, which I
hear is projecting in this town.[21] I never saw the proposals, nor
understand any one particular of their scheme: What I wish for at
present, is only a sufficient provision of hemp, and caps, and bells,
to distribute according to the several degrees of honesty and prudence
in some persons. I hear only of a monstrous sum already named; and if
others, do not soon hear of it too, and hear of it with a vengeance,
then am I a gentleman of less sagacity, than myself and very few
besides, take me to be. And the jest will be still the better, if it be
true, as judicious persons have assured me, that one half of this money
will be real, and the other half only Gasconnade.[22] The matter will be
likewise much mended, if the merchants continue to carry off our gold,
and our goldsmiths to melt down our heavy silver.
AN ESSAY
ON
ENGLISH BUBBLES.
BY THOMAS HOPE, ESQ.
NOTE.