LITERARY INFLUENCE: THE SAGAS OF ICELAND AND IRELAND.
I.
The most interesting branch of early Norse literature is the saga or
prose story. Of these there are many varieties but the most distinctive
are the following: (1) the _Íslendinga Sögur_, or stories relating to
prominent Icelanders, (2) _Konunga Sögur_, or stories of Kings, chiefly
of Norway; (3) _Fornaldar Sögur_, or stories about early times. All
these are essentially Icelandic in origin; sagas having their origin in
Norway are by no means unknown, but they are, as a rule, translated or
derived from French and other foreign sources.[224] In their present
form the sagas relating to the history of Iceland date for the most
part from the thirteenth century, though some of them were probably
committed to writing in the latter part of the twelfth.
The earliest Icelandic document of which we have any record is the
original text of the Laws, said to have been written in the year 1181.
Ari’s _Íslendinga-Bók_, containing a short account of the settlement
of Iceland with notices of the more important events, and accounts
of the succession of lawmen and bishops, was written a few years
later, though the form in which it has come down to us is that of an
abbreviated text written about the year 1130. This work, the foundation
of all subsequent historical writing in Iceland, contains some short
notices, which apparently had been handed down by tradition, but these
stories, usually known as sagas, would seem to have been written down
somewhat later. Indeed until the close of the twelfth century the
language employed for historical writings in Iceland, as elsewhere, was
for the most part Latin.
Though the writing of the sagas did not begin until the latter part
of the twelfth century, sagas in some form or other must have been
in existence much earlier, carried on from generation to generation
by oral tradition. This faculty of reciting sagas was a special
characteristic of the Icelanders, by whom it was carefully cultivated.
In the preface to his _Historia Danica_ Saxo acknowledges his
indebtedness to the “men of Thule,” who “account it a delight to learn
and to consign to remembrance the history of all nations, deeming it as
great a glory to set forth the excellence of others as to display their
own. Their stores, which are stocked with attestations of historical
events, I have examined somewhat closely and have woven together no
small portion of the present work by following their narrative.”[225]
That the art of story-telling did not decline in Iceland even after
the majority of the sagas were written down is attested by _Sturlunga
Saga_. Here we are told that when Sturla visited King Magnus’ court at
Bergen in 1263 the king received him coldly, but afterwards allowed
him to accompany the royal party on a voyage to the south of Norway.
In the evening one of the sailors asked if there was anyone among them
who could tell stories, but he received no answer. He turned to Sturla,
“Sturla, the Icelander, will you entertain us?” “Willingly,” said
Sturla. Then he related the story of Huld[226] better and with much
more detail than any of those present had ever heard it told before.
Then many men made their way to the deck so as to hear as clearly as
possible, and there was a great crowd there. The queen asked: “What
is that crowd on the deck?” A man answered, “Men who are listening to
the tale the Icelander is telling.” “What story is that?” she asked.
“It is about a great giantess; it is a good story and well told.” On
the following day the queen sent for Sturla and asked him to come and
bring with him the saga of the giantess.[227] So Sturla went aft to
the quarterdeck and told the story over again. When he had finished,
the queen and many of the listeners thanked him and took him to be a
learned and wise man.[228]
A much earlier reference to the recitation, and indeed the composition
of sagas is found in _Thorgils Saga ok Haflitha_, in which there is an
account of a wedding-feast at Reykholar in 1119:
“There was fun and merriment and great festivity, and all kinds of
amusements, such as dancing, wrestling and story-telling… Hrólfr of
Skalmarnes told a story about Hrongvithr the Viking, and Olaf ‘the
sailor’s king,’ and about the rifling of the barrow of Thrainn the
berserkr, and about Hrómundr Gripsson, and he included many verses in
his story. King Sverrir used to be entertained with this story, and he
declared that fictitious stories like these were the most entertaining
of any; and yet there are men who can trace their ancestry to Hrómundr
Gripsson. Hrólfr had put this saga together. Ingimundr the priest told
the story of Ormr, the poet of Barrey and included many verses in
it, besides a good poem which Ingimundr had composed, therefore many
learned men regard this saga as true.”[229]
The former of these stories is the _Hrómundra Saga_ which belongs to
the class commonly called _Fornaldar Sögur_.[230]
Still further back in the reign of Harald Hardradith (1047-1066) we
have a most important allusion to the art of story-telling. According
to the saga[231] a young Icelander came one summer to King Harald
seeking his protection. The king received him into his court on the
understanding that he should entertain the household during the winter.
He soon became very popular, and received gifts from members of the
household and from the king himself. Just before Christmas the king
noticed that the Icelander seemed dejected, and he asked the reason.
The Icelander replied that it was because of his ‘uncertain temper.’
“That is not so,” said the king… “I think your stock of sagas must
be exhausted, because you have entertained us all through the winter,
whenever you were called upon to do so. Now you are worried because
your sagas have come to an end at Christmas time, and you do not wish
to tell the same over again.”
“You have guessed rightly,” said the Icelander. “I know only one more
saga, but I dare not tell it here, because it is the story of your
adventures abroad.”
“That is the saga I particularly want to hear,” said the king, and he
asked the Icelander to begin it on Christmas Day and tell a part of
it every day. During the Christmas season there was a good deal of
discussion about the entertainment. Some said it was presumption on
the part of the Icelander to tell the saga and they wondered how the
king would like it; others thought it was well told, but others again
thought less of it. When the saga was finished, the king, who had
listened attentively throughout, turned to the story-teller and said:
“Are you not curious to know, Icelander, how I like the saga?”
“I am afraid to ask,” replied the story-teller.
The king said: “I think you have told it very well. Where did you get
the material for it, and who taught it to you?”
The Icelander answered: “When in Iceland I used to go every summer
to the _Thing_, and each summer I learned a portion of the saga from
Halldór Snorrason.”
“Then it is not surprising that you know it so well, since you have
learned it from him,” said the king.
We may in fact see the origin of the _Íslendinga Sögur_ in certain
passages of the sagas themselves. In _Fóstbroethra Saga_, for instance,
the story is told of an Icelander named Thormóthr, who went to
Greenland in order to avenge the death of his foster-brother Thorgeirr.
On one occasion he fell asleep in his booth, and when he awoke some
time later he found, to his surprise, that the place was quite
deserted. Then his servant Egill “the foolish” came to him and said:
“You are too far off from a great entertainment.”
Thormóthr asked: “Where have you come from and what is the
entertainment?”
Egill replied: “I have been to Thorgrímr Einarsson’s booth and most of
the people who are attending the _Thing_ are there now.”
Thormóthr asked: “What form of amusement have they?”
Egill answered: “Thorgrímr is telling a saga.”
“About whom is the saga?” asked Thormóthr.
“That I do not know clearly,” replied Egill, “but I know that he tells
it well and in an interesting manner. He is sitting on a chair outside
his booth and the people are all around him listening to the saga.”
Thormóthr said: “But you must know the name of some man who is
mentioned in the saga, especially since you think it so entertaining.”
Egill replied: “A certain Thorgeirr was a great hero in the saga, and I
think that Thorgrímr himself must have had some connection with it, and
played a brave part in it, as is most likely. I wish you would go there
and listen to the entertainment.”[232]
Then Thormóthr and Egill went to Thorgrímr’s booth and stood close by
listening to the saga, but they could not hear it very distinctly.
Thormóthr had, however, understood from Egill’s remarks that this
was the same Thorgrímr who had slain his foster-brother and was now
recounting his exploits for the amusement of the crowd.
More famous is the scene in _Njáls Saga_ where Gunnar Lambi’s son, who
has just arrived at Earl Sigurthr’s palace in the Orkneys is called
upon to tell the story of the burning of Njáll’s homestead.
“The men were so pleased that King Sigtryggr [of Dublin] sat on a high
seat in the middle, but on either side of the king sat one of the
earls… Now King Sitryggr and Earl Gille wished to hear of these tidings
which had happened at the burning, and so, also, what had befallen
since.
“Then Gunnarr Lambi’s son, who had taken part in the burning was got to
tell the tale, and a stool was set for him to sit upon…
“Now King Sigtryggr asked: “How did Skarphethinn bear the burning?”
““Well at first for a long time,” said Gunnarr, “but still the end of
it was that he wept.” And so he went on giving an unfair bias to his
story, but every now and then he laughed aloud.
“Kári (Kjall’s friend who was listening outside) could not stand this
and he then ran in with his sword drawn… and smote Gunnarr Lambi’s son
on the neck with such a smart blow that his head spun off on to the
board before the king and the earls.
“… Now Flosi undertook to tell the story of the Burning and he was fair
to all, and therefore what he said was believed.”[233]
For the way in which such stories were preserved from generation
to generation we may refer to the end of _Droplaugarsona Saga_
(Ljósvetninga): “Thorvaldr (born c. 1006) son of Grímr”--one of the
chief actors in the story--“had a son called Ingjaldr. His son was
named Thorvaldr, and he it was who told the story.”[234]
The passage quoted from _Njála Saga_ and _Fóstbroethra Saga_ seem
to show that the art of story-telling was already developed at the
beginning of the eleventh century. In these instances, it is true, we
have only the records of events given by the actors themselves or by
eyewitnesses, and we cannot be certain that such stories had assumed
anything like a fixed form. Far more important is the passage from
_Haralds Saga Hardrada_,[235] for there the story-teller was not an
eyewitness, but had obtained the story, or the material for it, from
Halldór Snorrason, an Icelandic follower of King Harald. From what is
said about the length of the saga, there can be no doubt that it had
been worked up in a very elaborate way. For such elaborate secondhand
stories we have no other definite evidence, but again, considering the
time which the recital is said to have occupied, it would be unwise to
conclude that this later form of the art was entirely new.
We have, therefore, clearly to distinguish two stages in the history
of the oral saga; (i) the story as told by someone who had taken part
in the events described; (ii) the secondhand story. The story was soon
embellished, especially in the second stage, not merely with such
devices as the records of conversation, but even by the introduction of
imaginary adventures. Indeed we need not assume that even in the first
stage the stories were told in strict accordance with fact. Reference
may be made, for instance, to the passage quoted above from _Njáls
Saga_, where Gunnarr Lambi’s son is said to have told the story of the
burning unfairly. Even in the _Íslendinga_ and _Konunga Sögur_ fiction
forms a not inconsiderable element: in the _Fornaldar Sögur_ it is
obviously much greater.
Yet there is good reason for believing that in the main the
_Íslendinga_ and _Konunga Sögur_ are historical. This may be seen
by the general agreement between the various sagas, since the same
characters constantly reappear, and there is little inconsistency
with regard to their circumstances or personal traits. Again, the
description of houses, ships, weapons, and other articles seems
generally to correspond to those known to date from the period to which
the stories refer. There is, moreover, one feature which points to a
more or less fixed tradition dating from the closing years of the tenth
century, namely, the attitude towards those characters who figured
prominently in the struggle between Christianity and heathenism. Thus
there are indications that the rather unsympathetic representation of
Harold Greycloak and his brothers may be due to the fact that they
were Christians. Still more significant is the attitude of the sagas
towards Haakon the Bad, whose character seems to undergo a great
change--probably a reflection of the change in the popular opinion of
Christianity.
Sagas like those of Egill and Kormak relating to the middle or first
part of the twelfth century are few in number and usually contain a
considerable amount of poetry; in fact, the prose is not infrequently
based upon the poetry. Stories dealing with early Icelandic history
from A.D. 874 onwards and Norwegian history of the same period are much
less full. In general they appear to be trustworthy, but the details
are such as might have been preserved by local or family tradition
without the special faculty which is characteristic of the sagas.
Of a totally different character are the sagas relating to times before
the settlement of Iceland (A.D. 874). Some of these, such as _Völsunga
Saga_ and _Hervarar Saga_, deal with events as far back as the fifth
century, and are, to a great extent, paraphrases of poems, many of
which have come down to us. Very frequently, too, whether based on
poems or not, the narrative bears the stamp of fiction.[236]
Conditions in Iceland were especially favourable to the development
of the art of story-telling, owing partly to the isolated position of
the country itself and to the difficulties of communication across
the wide tracts of land separating the various settlements within it,
partly also to the love of travel which characterised its inhabitants.
In Icelandic literature the recital of stories is mentioned in
connection with public meetings--such as the annual general assembly
(_Althingi_)--and with social gatherings at the “winter-nights,” the
chief season for hospitality in Iceland, when travellers had returned
from abroad.
The Icelanders were famous, too, for the cultivation of poetry. This
art was evidently much practised in Norway in early times, but we
hear of hardly any Norwegian poets after Eyvindr (c. 980), whereas
in Iceland poetry flourished for a considerable period after this.
Icelandic poets were received with favour not only in Norway, but
elsewhere, for instance, in England and Ireland. It has been stated
that sagas dealing with the early part of the tenth century owe a
good deal to poetry, while stories relating to times earlier than the
settlement of Iceland are often almost entirely dependent on poetic
sources. Moreover, the cultivation of poetry probably contributed very
largely to the development of the faculty of story-telling, and the
two arts may have been practised by the same person. On this point,
however, we have no precise information.
II.
Yet the remarkable fact that this faculty of story-telling was peculiar
to the Icelanders alone among the Teutonic peoples still remains to be
explained. It can hardly be without significance that the only parallel
in Europe for such a form of literature is to be found in Ireland.
From the allusions to this type of composition in old Irish literature
it would seem to have existed at a very early period; so early, that
its very origin is obscure. There is, for example, mention of a king’s
“company of story tellers” in the eight lines of satirical verse, said
to have been composed by the poet Cairbre on Bress, the niggardly king
of the Formorians.[237]
Story-telling was one of the many attractions of the great _aonachs_ or
fairs which played the same part in the national life of Ireland as the
_things_ or popular assemblies in Iceland. From the poem on the ancient
fair of Carman preserved in the _Book of Ballymote_, we can form an
idea of the entertainment provided by the professional story-teller:--
“The tales of Fianna of Erin, a never-wearying entertainment: stories
of destructions, cattle-preys, courtships, rhapsodies, battle-odes,
royal precepts and the truthful instructions of Fithil the sage: the
wide precepts of Coirfic and Cormac.”[238]
The _Book of Leinster_ states that the poet who had attained the rank
of _ollamh_ was bound to know for recital to kings and chieftains two
hundred and fifty tales of prime importance (prím-scéla), and one
hundred secondary ones.[239] The same source gives the names of one
hundred and eighty-seven of these tales, the majority of which have not
come down to us. These include stories from the three great cycles of
legend, viz., that relating to the gods; to Cuchulain and the warriors
of the Red Branch, and to Finn and Fianna. A number of stories relating
to the kings of Ireland mentioned in this list have an historical
basis; while there are others purporting to deal with kings as far back
as 1000 B.C., which are no doubt partly imaginary, and were invented to
arouse popular interest in the past history of the country.
We know of several stories and poems about kings and chieftains who
played a prominent part in the wars against the Vikings. The list in
_The Book of Leinster_ mentions only one, _The Love of Gormflaith for
Niall_ _i.e._, Niall Glundubh (d. 919), a summary of which is contained
in the mediæval English translation of _The Annals of Clonmacnois_.
In the case of _The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel_, it
is difficult to say whether this was originally an oral narrative
committed to writing for the first time in the fifteenth century, or
whether it was copied from an older manuscript, now lost. Brian Borumha
and his sons are the principal characters in _The Leeching of Cian’s
Leg_, a tale preserved in a sixteenth century manuscript.[240] It is
interesting to note here the presence of a strong folk element which
would seem to point towards a popular, not a literary origin.
At the close of the tenth century story-telling was in high favour
in Ireland, and the professional story-teller was able not only to
recite any one of the great historical tales, but to improvise, if
the occasion arose. Mac Coisse, the poet attached to the court of
Maelsechnaill II., tells in an interesting prose work how his castle at
Clartha (Co. Westmeath) was once plundered by the O’Neills of Ulster.
He immediately set out for Aileach in order to obtain compensation from
the head of the clan, King Domhnall O’Neill (d. 978). On his arrival,
he was received with great honour and brought into the king’s presence.
In response to Domhnall’s request for a story, Mac Coisse mentioned
the names of a large number of tales including one called _The Plunder
of the Castle of Maelmilscotach_. This was the only one with which the
king was unfamiliar, so he asked the story-teller to relate it. In it
Mac Coisse described, under the form of an allegory, the plundering of
his castle by the king’s kinsmen. When he had finished he confessed
that he himself was Maelmilscotach[241], and he begged the king to
grant him full restitution of his property. This the king agreed to do,
and the grateful poet then recited a poem of eighteen stanzas which he
had composed about the king and his family.[242]
III.
The resemblance which we have noted between Icelandic and Irish customs
seem to justify us in suggesting that they may be due in part to some
influence exercised by the one people upon the other. There is in fact
a certain amount of evidence which renders such influence probable.
We know that Irish poets and story-tellers were welcome guests at the
court of the Scandinavian kings in Ireland. In an elegy on Mathgamain,
Brian’s brother,[243] one of the Munster bards, says he finds it
difficult to reproach the foreigners because of his friendship with
Dubhcena, Ivarr’s son.[244] And during the lifetime of Brian, Mac
Liag, Brian’s chief poet, and Mac Coisse, poet and story-teller to
Maelsechnaill II., visited the court of Sigtryggr and remained there
for a whole year. On their departure they gave expression to their
feelings of regret in a poetical dialogue:--
_Mac Liag_:
It is time for us to return to our homes,
We have been here a whole year;
Though short to you and me may seem
This our sojourn in Dublin,
Brian of Banba deems it too long
That he listens not to my eloquence.[245]
Another poem of Mac Liag’s, in which he addresses the Scandinavians
of Dublin as “the descendants of the warriors of Norway,” was also
composed in Dublin, at the court of ‘Olaf of the golden shields,’ soon
after the battle of Clontarf.[246]
On the other hand Icelandic sources mention at least three skálds who
made their way to Ireland during the tenth century: Thorgils Orraskáld,
who was with Olaf Cuaran in Dublin,[247] and Kormak (Ir. Cormac) who
fought with Harold Greycloak in Ireland (c. 961).[248] In _Gunnlaugs
Saga Ormstungu_ (ch. 8) there is a charming account of the poet’s
reception in Dublin, shortly after Sigtryggr became king (c. 994):
Gunnlaug went before the king and said: “I have composed a poem about
you, and I would like to get a hearing for it.”
“The king answered: “No man has yet made a poem about me, and I will
certainly listen to yours.”
“Then Gunnlaug recited his poem in praise of “Cuaran’s son,” and the
king thanked him for it.
“Sigtryggr then called his treasurer and asked: “How shall I reward him
for this poem?”
““As you will, lord,” replied the treasurer.
““Shall I give him two merchant-ships?” asked the king.
““That is too much,” said the treasurer, “other kings give, as rewards
for songs, costly gifts, good swords or gold rings.”
“So the king gave Gunnlaug his own garments of new scarlet cloth, a
tunic ornamented with lace, a cloak lined with choice furs, and a gold
ring which weighed a mark. Gunnlaug remained for a short time there and
then went to the Orkneys.”
It is to be noted, too, that among the original settlers in Iceland
there were a not inconsiderable number who came from Ireland and the
islands off the west coast of Scotland. These included some of the most
important families in the country. We may mention especially Authr,
widow of Olaf the White, king of Dublin, with her brothers Ketill the
Foolish, Björn, Helgi Bjóla and all their families and dependants;[249]
also Helgi the Lean who had been brought up partly in the Hebrides,
partly in Ireland, Jörundr the Christian and Örlygr the Old.[250] Not a
few of these were partly of Irish stock such as Helgi the Lean, Áskell
Hnokkan and his brother Vilbaldr who were descendants of Cearbhall,
king of Ossory (d. 877).[251] Sometimes we hear of settlers who were
of pure Gaelic blood, like Kalman (Ir. Colman) from the Hebrides,[252]
and Erpr, son of a Scottish earl Maeldúin,[253] and Myrgjol (Ir.
Muirgheal), daughter of Gliomall, an Irish king.[254]
It has been urged[255] that the persons mentioned in the _Landnámabók_
as coming from Ireland and Scotland form a very small percentage of the
whole number of settlers. But we have to remember that by no means all
the colonists are mentioned in the records and genealogies. There can
be no doubt that a number of slaves and freedmen accompanied the more
important settlers to Iceland, and of these probably the great majority
were of Celtic blood. Their numbers, too, were being continually
reinforced during the tenth century. It is difficult, however, to
estimate how many they were, because in the case of thralls Icelandic
names were not infrequently substituted for Irish ones. Thus, of the
Irish thralls whom Hjörleifr brought to Iceland only one, Dufthakr, had
a Gaelic name.
Such slaves were not always people of humble origin. Gilli (Ir.
Giolla), the slave who killed Thorsteinn, son of Hallr[256] of
Side, was a descendant of Cearbhall, king of Ossory. Mention is
made elsewhere of Nithbjörg, daughter of the Irish king Biolan (Ir.
Beollán) who was carried off from Ireland in a Viking raid;[257] also
of Melkorka, King Myrkjartan’s daughter, who was bought from a slave
dealer in Norway.[258] Icelandic custom did not necessarily prevent the
children of slave women from becoming persons of wealth and influence;
indeed Ósvifr, son of Nithbjörg and Olaf Pái, son of Melkorka, were
among the leading men in Iceland in their time. It is not unreasonable,
then, to suppose that by the end of the tenth century Irish blood had
found its way into a large number of Icelandic families.
Lastly we may observe that the Irish and Icelandic sagas bear certain
resemblances to one another which are at least worthy of attention. In
both cases the narrative prose is frequently interspersed with poetry,
and in both the use of dialogue is a prominent feature. Nor is the
subject matter dissimilar. Indeed it is possible to apply to the Irish
stories a classification roughly similar to that which is adopted for
the more important of the Icelandic sagas.[259] As far as the “stories
of the kings” are concerned, the resemblance is most striking in the
case of sagas relating to early times such as _Ynglinga Saga_. There
are Irish stories, too, corresponding to a certain extent to the
_Íslendínga Sögur_, though they are comparatively few in number, while
many of the _Fornaldar Sögur_ may be said to bear a certain resemblance
to the Irish epic stories.
The evidence discussed above seems to afford some ground for suspecting
that the saga literature of Iceland and Ireland may not be wholly
unconnected, and, as we have seen, the conditions of the time,
particularly the frequent intercourse between the two countries, were
such as to favour the exercise of literary influence by one people upon
the other. If so, one can hardly doubt that in this case the influence
came to Iceland from Ireland.
We have seen[260] that the prose saga appears to have developed in
Iceland in the course of the tenth century. There are indeed narratives
relating both to the settlement of Iceland and to still earlier events
in Norway. But these, in so far as they can be regarded as trustworthy
traditions--not embellished by fiction in later times--are quite brief,
and not far removed from such local or family traditions as one could
find in other parts of the world. The detailed and elaborate type of
story which we dealt with in Section I., and which is the distinctive
feature of Icelandic literature, can hardly be traced back beyond the
end of the tenth century.
The prose stories of Ireland, on the other hand, are without doubt much
earlier. Although we have few MSS. of Irish prose dating from a period
before the twelfth century, yet it is generally agreed that many of the
forms preserved, _e.g._, in the _Yellow Book of Lecan_ MS. of the Tain
Bo Cualnge must be derived from an earlier MS. of not later than the
seventh or early eighth century. The oral saga in Ireland is therefore
of great antiquity.
It may, of course, be argued that if the prose saga arose spontaneously
in Ireland, there is no reason why it should not also have arisen
independently in Iceland. But the existence of this form of literature
in Ireland may be due to special circumstances for which Iceland offers
no parallel. The oldest Irish sagas belong to that class of literature
known as the heroic epic, a class which among the Teutonic peoples--as
indeed among all other European peoples--makes its first appearance
in verse. The exceptional treatment of this subject in Irish is all
the more remarkable in view of the fact that among the Celtic peoples
the _file_ or professional minstrel occupied a distinguished position
in society. It would be strange if the professional minstrel were not
primarily concerned with heroic epic poetry in Ireland as in other
countries, since in the times to which our records refer the recitation
of the heroic prose epics was one of the chief functions of the _file_.
On the other hand, we know nothing of the ancient forms of Irish
poetry. The earliest poems that have come down to us have a metrical
form which is not native. Earlier than these--in the fifth and sixth
centuries--there is evidence for the cultivation of “rhetorics,” or
metrical prose, but this too appears to be of foreign origin.[261] The
unique feature in Irish literature, namely, the fact that the early
epic, as it has come down to us, appears in prose instead of poetry may
be due, at least in part, to the disappearance of native metrical forms
before the fifth century. It may be that the prose epics originated
in paraphrases of early poems such as we find, for instance, in the
_Völsunga Saga_, which is a paraphrase of older poems dealing with the
story of Sigurthr. Or the change may have been more automatic, the
outcome of a process of metrical dissolution similar to that of which
the beginnings may be seen in certain Anglo-Saxon and German poems.
Such metrical dissolution would be favoured, if not necessitated, by
the extensive phonetic changes which took place in Ireland in the fifth
century. But into this question it is not necessary to enter here. It
is sufficient to point out that Irish Saga literature, according to
all appearances, began in the heroic epic, a form which in all other
literatures, including Norse, originated in poetry.
The preservation of poetry, narrative or other, by oral tradition is
a common enough phenomenon among many peoples, but the traditional
prose narrative, except in such primitive forms as folk-tales, is very
rare. Since we find it both in Ireland and Iceland--and apparently in
no other European countries--and since we have found so many other
connections between these two countries, the theory that the Icelandic
Saga owes its origin, however indirectly, to the Irish Saga, seems
to deserve more serious consideration from scholars than it has yet
received.
FOOTNOTES
[224] It has been stated (cf. E. Mogk: _Geschichte der
Norwegisch-Isländischen Literatur_. Strassburg, 1904, p. 830) that many
of Saxo’s stories came from Norway, where they had been collected by an
Icelander in the twelfth century. There can be no doubt that stories
of some kind relating to families and localities--especially stories
which accounted, or professed to account for local names--were current
in Norway down to this time. Such stories form the basis of many of the
_Fornaldar Sögur_, but in all probability these had been familiar to
Icelanders from the first settlement of the island, or at least during
the tenth century. We have no evidence that they ever gained literary
form in Norway. (Cf. Finnur Jónsson: _Old Norske Litteraturs Historie_,
II., p. 791.)
[225] _The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus._
Translated by Oliver Elton (ed. by F. York Powell, p. 5). It is not
clear whether Saxo had Icelandic manuscripts before him, but his words
leave no doubt that he was aware of the fact that stories had been
carried on by oral tradition.
[226] This was probably something in the nature of a fairy-tale like
the _Huldre-eventyr_ of modern Norway. We may refer to the story of the
witch Huldr given in _Ynglinga Saga_ (ch. 16), and to the supernatural
being Holda or Holle in German folk-lore.
[227] “_hafa meth sér trollkonu-söguna._” From these words Finnur
Jónsson (_op. cit._, II., p. 792) concludes that Sturla possessed a
written copy of the saga.
[228] _Sturlunga Saga_, II., pp. 270-271.
[229] _Thorgil’s Saga ok Haflitha_ (_Sturlunga Saga_, Vol. I., p. 19).
[230] _Fornaldar Sögur_, Vol. II., p. 323.
[231] _Harald’s Hardrada Saga_, ch. 99 (_Fornmanna Sögur_, VI., pp.
354-356).
[232] _Fóstbroethra Saga_, ch. 23.
[233] _Njáls Saga_ (by G. W. Dasent), chs. 153, 154.
[234] _Droplaugarsona Saga_ (Ljosvetninga Saga), p. 175 (_Austfirthinga
Sögur_, ed. Jakobsen).
[235] See pp. 60, 61, ante.
[236] Cf. the references to _Hrómundar Saga_, pp. 69, 70, ante.
[237] The poem is preserved in the _Book of the Dun Cow_ (twelfth
century), but the form of the language in which it is written is
considerably earlier than this date; indeed, the meaning of the verses
would be quite obscure if we did not possess explanatory glosses.
Cf. D’Arbois de Jubainville: _The Irish Mythological Cycle_, p. 96
(Best’s translation): also D. Hyde: _A Literary History of Ireland_, p.
285.
There is a possible reference to an Irish story-teller in an
inscription on a stone cross at Bridgend (Glamorganshire). The
inscription, which is thought to date from the seventh century,
runs:--_(Co)nbellini possuit hanc crucem pro anima eius Scitliuissi_ …
Rhys takes _scitlivissi_ to be an Irish word, a compound of _viss_ (Ir.
_fis_, ‘knowledge’) and _scitl_ (_scetlon_, _scél_, a ‘story,’ ‘news’)
and surmises that _scitliviss_ might mean a ‘messenger,’ a ‘bringer of
news,’ a ‘scout.’ (Cf. _Celtic Britain_, pp. 313-315.) But _scitliviss_
can also be explained as ‘one who knows stories.’ In that case we might
infer that story-telling was a profession in Ireland as early as the
seventh century; but the reading appears to be too uncertain to justify
us in attaching any great importance to the inscription.
[238] O’Curry: _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish_, II., p. 543.
[239] O’Curry: _Lectures on the MS. Materials of Irish History_, pp.
243, 583.
[240] Printed in _Silva Gadelica_ (ed. Standish O’Grady), Vol. I., pp.
296-305.
Stories of Brian and his sons are still current in the Gaelic-speaking
districts of Ireland. (See _Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie_, Band
I., pp. 477-492.) They are, however, more likely to be folk tales, in
which the deeds of mythical heroes have been transferred to historical
people, than sagas transmitted by oral tradition from generation to
generation.
[241] _i.e._, “son of the honeyed words,” a poet.
[242] O’Curry: _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish_, II., pp.
130-135.
[243] Mathgamain was murdered at the instigation of King Ivarr of
Limerick in 976.
[244] _War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill_, pp. 98-99.
[245] _O’Curry_, _op. cit._, II., p. 128.
[246] _Ibid._, II., p. 125.
[247] _Landnámabók_, I., ch. 19.
[248] _Kormak’s Saga_, ch. 19.
[249] Cf. _Landnámabók_, II., ch. 16, etc.
[250] _Landnámabók_, V., ch. 15.
[251] _Ib._, IV., ch. 11.
[252] _Ib._, II., ch. 1.
[253] _Ib._, II., ch. 16.
[254] _Ib._, II., ch. 16.
[255] Finnur Jónsson, _op. cit._, II., pp. 187-188 (n); W. A. Craigie:
_Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie_, Band I., p. 441.
[256] “This Gilli was the son of Jathguth, who was the son of Gilli,
son of Bjathach (Ir. Blathach), son of King Kjarval of Ireland.”
(_Thorsten’s Saga Síthu-Hallssonar_, appendix. _Draumr Thorsteins
Síduhalssonar_, Ásmundarson’s Ed., pp. 26, 27.)
[257] _Landnámabók_, II., ch. 11.
[258] Cf. p. ante.
[259] Cf. p. 66, ante.
[260] Cf. p. 63 ante.
[261] See Kuno Meyer: _Learning in Ireland in the Fifth Century_
(Dublin, 1913).
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II.
Bugge, A. _Contributions to the History of the Norsemen
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---- _Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes
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Collingwood, W. G. _Scandinavian Britain._ London, 1908.
Craigie, W. A. _The Icelandic Sagas._ Cambridge, 1913.
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Jónsson, F. _Old Norske Litieraturs Historie_, also
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Joyce, P. W. _A Social History of Ancient Ireland_,
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Irish_ (ed. by W. K. Sullivan). London,
1873.
---- _Lectures on the Manuscript Materials of
Ancient Irish History._ Dublin, 1861.
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Worsaae, J. J. A. _Minder om de Danske og Nordmaendene i
England, Skotland og Irland._
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_An Account of the Danes and Norwegians
in England, Scotland and Ireland_.
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(translated by A. Meyer). London, 1902.
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Irland_ (Aarboger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed
og Historie, 1900, pp. 279-332).
---- _Bidrag Bidet Sidste Afsnit af Nordboernes
Historie i Irland_ _ibid._, 1904, pp.
248-315.
Craigie, W. A. _Oldnordiske Ord i de Gaeliske Sprog_ (Archiv
for Nordisk Filologi. 1894.)
Curtis, E. _The English and the Ostmen in Ireland_
(English Historical Review, XXIII., p.
209 ff.)
Hull, E. _Irish Episodes in Icelandic Literature_
(Saga Book of the Viking Club. January,
1903.)
---- _The Gael and the Gall: Notes on the Social
Condition of Ireland during the Norse
Period._ (_Ibid._ April, 1908.)
Mawer, A. _The Scandinavian Kingdom of Northumbria._
_Ibid._ January, 1911.
Stokes, W. _A few Parallels between the Old Norse and
the Irish Literatures and Traditions_
(Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi. 1885.)
Zimmer, H. _Ueber die frühesien Berührungen der Iren
mit den Nordgermanen._ (Sitzungsberichte
der Kgl. Preussichen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Bd. I., pp. 279-317.
Berlin, 1891.)
INDEX.
Aedh Finnliath, 10, 15.
Albann, brother of Ivarr the Boneless, 4.
Albdann, son of Gothfrith, 22 _n._
Altar-ring, 53, 54.
_aonach_, 30, 67.
Armagh, 21-22, 48, 52, 55.
Art, Scandinavian influence on Irish, 20.
Authr, wife of Olaf the White, 15, 48, 72;
wife of Turgéis, 47.
Brian Borumha, 7-8, 29, 37-38.
Brunanburh, battle of, 6, 24.
Burial mounds, 12.
Canterbury, 55-56.
Carlingford Lough, battle of, 3, 13, 50-51.
Cearbhall, king of Ossory, 13-15, 50, 72, 73.
Cellachan, king of Cashel, 26, 36-37.
Chester, siege of, 12.
Clontarf, battle of, 8-9, 54.
Colla, 25.
Cork, 27, 30.
Danes, 2-4, 12, 13, 24-27, 50-1.
_dóm-hringr_, 53-4.
Dublin, fortress built at, 2;
seat of Scandinavian kings, 3, 5-7;
Vikings driven from, 5;
coins minted in, 19;
early history, 21-3;
as a trade centre, 30-1, 70-1.
_epscop_, 29.
Eric Blood-axe, 7.
Fingal, 8.
Finn Gaill, 3 _n._
Gaill-Gaedhil, 10-11, 38.
_gelt_, 44.
Gleann Máma, battle of, 8, 30, 54.
Gluniarainn, 17-8.
Gnimcinnsiolla, 27.
Gormflaith, wife of Brian Borumha, 8, 17, 54;
wife of Niall Glundubh, 68.
Gothfrith, king of Dublin, 6, 24.
Heathenism, 47-8, 50-4.
Hebrides, 17, 25, 36, 41 _n._, 48-9.
Iceland, 13 _n._, 8, 57-8, 66, 71.
Ivarr the boneless, 3-4, 11, 48;
king of Limerick, 7, 24, 70 _n._,
king of Waterford, 18.
Ketill Flatnose, 48-9;
Ketill “the foolish,” 49, 72.
Kilmashogue, battle of, 5.
_lagmainn_, 41.
Lambey, 1.
Limerick, 7, 9, 23-5, 30-1.
_longphort_, 2, 34, 35.
Mac Liag, 70.
Maelsechnaill I (Malachy), 2, 11;
Maelsechnaill II, 7-8, 17, 70.
Melkorka, 16, 31, 73.
Morann, son of the king of Lewis, 25.
Muirchertach of the Leather Cloaks, 6, 16-7.
Niall Glundubh, 5, 68.
Norsemen, _passim_.
Northumbria, 5-7.
Norway, 4, 16, 32, 59.
Olaf Cuaran (Sihtricsson), 6-7, 17, 34, 40, 53, 71;
Godfreyson, 6, 26;
Olaf the White, 3-4, 11-2, 15, 48;
Trygvasson, 13-4.
_Ostmen_, 9, 26.
Ota, wife of Turgéis, 2, 47.
Place-names, Scandinavian influence on Irish, 27-8;
Irish influence on Icelandic, 45-6.
_prime-signing_, 75.
Raghnall, grandson of Ivarr, 5, 25.
Runic inscriptions, 27 _n._, 51-2.
Settlers in Iceland, 13 _n._, 71, 72.
Sihtric Silken Beard, 8, 19, 34, 54-5, 70.
Sigurd, earl of Orkney, 8, 15 _n._
Slave traffic, 32-3, 72-3.
Story-telling in Iceland, 58-64;
in Ireland, 67-9.
Sulcoit, battle of, 7.
_Tengmouth_, 22 _n._
_thing_, 22, 61, 67.
Turgeis, 1-2, 21, 23.
Waterford, 5, 9, 23, 25-6, 30.
Wexford, 22, 23, 30.
_völva_, 47.
York, 5, 6, 23.