THE AUTHOR'S APOLOGY FOR GREAT CATHERINE

Exception has been taken to the title of this seeming tomfoolery on the

ground that the Catherine it represents is not Great Catherine, but the

Catherine whose gallantries provide some of the lightest pages of modern

history. Great Catherine, it is said, was the Catherine whose diplomacy,

whose campaigns and conquests, whose plans of Liberal reform, whose

correspondence with Grimm and Voltaire enabled her to cut such a

magnificent figure in the eighteenth century. In reply, I can only

confess that Catherine's diplomacy and her conquests do not interest

me. It is clear to me that neither she nor the statesmen with whom she

played this mischievous kind of political chess had any notion of

the real history of their own times, or of the real forces that were

moulding Europe. The French Revolution, which made such short work of

Catherine's Voltairean principles, surprised and scandalized her as much

as it surprised and scandalized any provincial governess in the French

chateaux.

The main difference between her and our modern Liberal Governments was

that whereas she talked and wrote quite intelligently about Liberal

principles before she was frightened into making such talking and

writing a flogging matter, our Liberal ministers take the name of

Liberalism in vain without knowing or caring enough about its meaning

even to talk and scribble about it, and pass their flogging Bills, and

institute their prosecutions for sedition and blasphemy and so forth,

without the faintest suspicion that such proceedings need any apology

from the Liberal point of view.

It was quite easy for Patiomkin to humbug Catherine as to the condition

of Russia by conducting her through sham cities run up for the occasion

by scenic artists; but in the little world of European court intrigue

and dynastic diplomacy which was the only world she knew she was more

than a match for him and for all the rest of her contemporaries. In such

intrigue and diplomacy, however, there was no romance, no scientific

political interest, nothing that a sane mind can now retain even if

it can be persuaded to waste time in reading it up. But Catherine as a

woman with plenty of character and (as we should say) no morals,

still fascinates and amuses us as she fascinated and amused her

contemporaries. They were great sentimental comedians, these Peters,

Elizabeths, and Catherines who played their Tsarships as eccentric

character parts, and produced scene after scene of furious harlequinade

with the monarch as clown, and of tragic relief in the torture chamber

with the monarch as pantomime demon committing real atrocities, not

forgetting the indispensable love interest on an enormous and utterly

indecorous scale. Catherine kept this vast Guignol Theatre open for

nearly half a century, not as a Russian, but as a highly domesticated

German lady whose household routine was not at all so unlike that of

Queen Victoria as might be expected from the difference in their notions

of propriety in sexual relations.

In short, if Byron leaves you with an impression that he said very

little about Catherine, and that little not what was best worth saying,

I beg to correct your impression by assuring you that what Byron said

was all there really is to say that is worth saying. His Catherine is my

Catherine and everybody's Catherine. The young man who gains her favor

is a Spanish nobleman in his version. I have made him an English country

gentleman, who gets out of his rather dangerous scrape, by simplicity,

sincerity, and the courage of these qualities. By this I have given some

offence to the many Britons who see themselves as heroes: what they mean

by heroes being theatrical snobs of superhuman pretensions which, though

quite groundless, are admitted with awe by the rest of the human race.

They say I think an Englishman a fool. When I do, they have themselves

to thank.

I must not, however, pretend that historical portraiture was the motive

of a play that will leave the reader as ignorant of Russian history

as he may be now before he has turned the page. Nor is the sketch of

Catherine complete even idiosyncratically, leaving her politics out of

the question. For example, she wrote bushels of plays. I confess I

have not yet read any of them. The truth is, this play grew out of the

relations which inevitably exist in the theatre between authors and

actors. If the actors have sometimes to use their skill as the author's

puppets rather than in full self-expression, the author has sometimes to

use his skill as the actors' tailor, fitting them with parts written to

display the virtuosity of the performer rather than to solve problems of

life, character, or history. Feats of this kind may tickle an author's

technical vanity; but he is bound on such occasions to admit that the

performer for whom he writes is "the onlie begetter" of his work,

which must be regarded critically as an addition to the debt dramatic

literature owes to the art of acting and its exponents. Those who have

seen Miss Gertrude Kingston play the part of Catherine will have no

difficulty in believing that it was her talent rather than mine that

brought the play into existence. I once recommended Miss Kingston

professionally to play queens. Now in the modern drama there were no

queens for her to play; and as to the older literature of our stage: did

it not provoke the veteran actress in Sir Arthur Pinero's Trelawny of

the Wells to declare that, as parts, queens are not worth a tinker's

oath? Miss Kingston's comment on my suggestion, though more elegantly

worded, was to the same effect; and it ended in my having to make good

my advice by writing Great Catherine. History provided no other queen

capable of standing up to our joint talents.

In composing such bravura pieces, the author limits himself only by the

range of the virtuoso, which by definition far transcends the modesty

of nature. If my Russians seem more Muscovite than any Russian, and

my English people more insular than any Briton, I will not plead, as

I honestly might, that the fiction has yet to be written that can

exaggerate the reality of such subjects; that the apparently outrageous

Patiomkin is but a timidly bowdlerized ghost of the original; and

that Captain Edstaston is no more than a miniature that might hang

appropriately on the walls of nineteen out of twenty English country

houses to this day. An artistic presentment must not condescend to

justify itself by a comparison with crude nature; and I prefer to admit

that in this kind my dramatic personae are, as they should be, of the

stage stagey, challenging the actor to act up to them or beyond them,

if he can. The more heroic the overcharging, the better for the

performance.

In dragging the reader thus for a moment behind the scenes, I am

departing from a rule which I have hitherto imposed on myself so rigidly

that I never permit myself, even in a stage direction, to let slip a

word that could bludgeon the imagination of the reader by reminding him

of the boards and the footlights and the sky borders and the rest of

the theatrical scaffolding, for which nevertheless I have to plan as

carefully as if I were the head carpenter as well as the author. But

even at the risk of talking shop, an honest playwright should take at

least one opportunity of acknowledging that his art is not only limited

by the art of the actor, but often stimulated and developed by it. No

sane and skilled author writes plays that present impossibilities to

the actor or to the stage engineer. If, as occasionally happens, he asks

them to do things that they have never done before and cannot conceive

as presentable or possible (as Wagner and Thomas Hardy have done,

for example), it is always found that the difficulties are not really

insuperable, the author having foreseen unsuspected possibilities both

in the actor and in the audience, whose will-to-make-believe can perform

the quaintest miracles. Thus may authors advance the arts of acting and

of staging plays. But the actor also may enlarge the scope of the drama

by displaying powers not previously discovered by the author. If the

best available actors are only Horatios, the authors will have to

leave Hamlet out, and be content with Horatios for heroes. Some of the

difference between Shakespeare's Orlandos and Bassanios and Bertrams and

his Hamlets and Macbeths must have been due not only to his development

as a dramatic poet, but to the development of Burbage as an actor.

Playwrights do not write for ideal actors when their livelihood is at

stake: if they did, they would write parts for heroes with twenty arms

like an Indian god. Indeed the actor often influences the author too

much; for I can remember a time (I am not implying that it is yet wholly

past) when the art of writing a fashionable play had become very

largely the art of writing it "round" the personalities of a group of

fashionable performers of whom Burbage would certainly have said that

their parts needed no acting. Everything has its abuse as well as its

use.

It is also to be considered that great plays live longer than great

actors, though little plays do not live nearly so long as the worst of

their exponents. The consequence is that the great actor, instead of

putting pressure on contemporary authors to supply him with heroic

parts, falls back on the Shakespearean repertory, and takes what he

needs from a dead hand. In the nineteenth century, the careers of Kean,

Macready, Barry Sullivan, and Irving, ought to have produced a group of

heroic plays comparable in intensity to those of Aeschylus, Sophocles,

and Euripides; but nothing of the kind happened: these actors played

the works of dead authors, or, very occasionally, of live poets who

were hardly regular professional playwrights. Sheridan Knowles, Bulwer

Lytton, Wills, and Tennyson produced a few glaringly artificial high

horses for the great actors of their time; but the playwrights proper,

who really kept the theatre going, and were kept going by the theatre,

did not cater for the great actors: they could not afford to compete

with a bard who was not for an age but for all time, and who had,

moreover, the overwhelming attraction for the actor-managers of not

charging author's fees. The result was that the playwrights and the

great actors ceased to think of themselves as having any concern with

one another: Tom Robertson, Ibsen, Pinero, and Barrie might as well have

belonged to a different solar system as far as Irving was concerned; and

the same was true of their respective predecessors.

Thus was established an evil tradition; but I at least can plead that

it does not always hold good. If Forbes Robertson had not been there to

play Caesar, I should not have written Caesar and Cleopatra. If Ellen

Terry had never been born, Captain Brassbound's Conversion would never

have been effected. The Devil's Disciple, with which I won my cordon

bleu in America as a potboiler, would have had a different sort of hero

if Richard Mansfield had been a different sort of actor, though the

actual commission to write it came from an English actor, William

Terriss, who was assassinated before he recovered from the dismay into

which the result of his rash proposal threw him. For it must be said

that the actor or actress who inspires or commissions a play as often

as not regards it as a Frankenstein's monster, and will have none of it.

That does not make him or her any the less parental in the fecundity of

the playwright.

To an author who has any feeling of his business there is a keen and

whimsical joy in divining and revealing a side of an actor's genius

overlooked before, and unsuspected even by the actor himself. When I

snatched Mr Louis Calvert from Shakespeare, and made him wear a frock

coat and silk hat on the stage for perhaps the first time in his life, I

do not think he expected in the least that his performance would enable

me to boast of his Tom Broadbent as a genuine stage classic. Mrs

Patrick Campbell was famous before I wrote for her, but not for playing

illiterate cockney flower-maidens. And in the case which is provoking me

to all these impertinences, I am quite sure that Miss Gertrude

Kingston, who first made her reputation as an impersonator of the most

delightfully feather-headed and inconsequent ingenues, thought me more

than usually mad when I persuaded her to play the Helen of Euripides,

and then launched her on a queenly career as Catherine of Russia.

It is not the whole truth that if we take care of the actors the plays

will take care of themselves; nor is it any truer that if we take care

of the plays the actors will take care of themselves. There is both give

and take in the business. I have seen plays written for actors that made

me exclaim, "How oft the sight of means to do ill deeds makes deeds ill

done!" But Burbage may have flourished the prompt copy of Hamlet under

Shakespeare's nose at the tenth rehearsal and cried, "How oft the sight

of means to do great deeds makes playwrights great!" I say the tenth

because I am convinced that at the first he denounced his part as a

rotten one; thought the ghost's speech ridiculously long; and wanted to

play the king. Anyhow, whether he had the wit to utter it or not, the

boast would have been a valid one. The best conclusion is that every

actor should say, "If I create the hero in myself, God will send an

author to write his part." For in the long run the actors will get the

authors, and the authors the actors, they deserve.

Great Catherine was performed for the first time at the Vaudeville

Theatre in London on the 18th November 1913, with Gertrude Kingston as

Catherine, Miriam Lewes as Yarinka, Dorothy Massingham as Claire, Norman

McKinnell as Patiomkin, Edmond Breon as Edstaston, Annie Hill as the

Princess Dashkoff, and Eugene Mayeur and F. Cooke Beresford as Naryshkin

and the Sergeant.

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