The army extremists were not the only ones to share these views. They
had supporters in the bureaucracy, even in the highest positions. Many
naval officers also supported them, although the navy as a whole was
more conservative than the army. And, despite their anti-capitalist
propaganda, they had close relations with some business groups who
hoped to profit from the expansion program.
Though the military-fascist leaders did not succeed in organizing a
unified mass fascist party, they wielded extraordinary powers. They
influenced public opinion through the Ex-Servicemen’s Association,
with its three million members. They also had a host of reactionary
societies to work through. Some of them were dignified patriotic
societies, with members from the highest ranks of Japanese society.
Others went in for espionage, strike-breaking, or outright terrorism.
Finally, the army had its special powers under the Constitution, such
as dictating the choice of War Minister, and going direct to the
Emperor over the head of the Premier.
To all these powers the extremists now added two special techniques
and used them for all they were worth. One was resorting directly to
military action, without waiting for authorization from the Cabinet.
Underlings in the field could plot “incidents” which committed their
superior officers and the government to certain courses of action. The
Manchurian occupation was largely brought about in this way.
The second technique was terrorism, or direct action, against political
opponents at home. Public opinion in Japan does not automatically
condemn assassination, especially if it appears to have been inspired
by patriotic or disinterested motives. The list of distinguished
Japanese who have been assassinated is very long--Okubo, Ito, Hara (the
first commoner to become Premier), Hamaguchi, to mention a few. Since
1931 many others have been added to this list, and their deaths have
all helped the military-fascists to rise to power.