CHAPTER V

EARLY LIFE OF FATHER MASTAI

Nearly a hundred years have passed since the day when the young priest

who was to be the best loved and the worst hated man in Europe said

his first Mass, and Time’s heavy wings have already blurred his memory

in their flight, to a fading outline for the present generation. Very

few now know anything about his early years, and in the story of them

the finger of God is so clear that it seems to be worth while to make a

brief record of the steps by which he was prepared for the burdens and

honours of his Pontificate. In reading about his childhood one seems

to be carried back not one, but many centuries, so sharply does it

contrast with the ideals placed before children in these latter days.

It seems to be a road on which there is no returning, but there can be

no harm in glancing back at it for a moment.

It was on May 13, 1792, that Pius IX was born, in the Umbrian seaport

of Sinigaglia, in the Papal States. His father, Count Mastai-Ferretti,

was the descendant of a long line of noblemen who had come thither

from Crema in Lombardy towards the end of the fourteenth century.

Home-loving but public-spirited men they had been, and for a long time

their fellow-citizens had confided to them the chief interests of the

town, one of the family always filling the office of Mayor, which had

thereby become practically hereditary, to the advantage and convenience

of all concerned. So Count Mastai was Mayor of his native city at the

time that his youngest son came to make the eighth in the house already

filled with the laughter and play of three sons and four daughters.

The mother of this large family was Caterina Solazzo, one of those

noble ladies of whom there were yet so many in Italy when I was

a child—a woman of high education and devout soul, who saw in her

maternal duties the highest honour to which woman could aspire, and

fulfilled them with whole-hearted joy and ardour. That meant work

such as the modern woman, who thinks she is an example to toilers for

the benefit of the race, would shrink from; the Countess had to rise

very early so that she should be the first to approach her children’s

bedsides when the rising sun woke the nursery to the frolic and

laughter of a new day, and from that moment till all were tucked up and

asleep at night she never let them out of her sight. The first words

they had ever spoken were the Holy Names, the first conscious movement

of each baby hand had been trained to make the sign of the Cross.

They were all good and happy children, and the mother-heart prayed

and watched and taught, doubtless forming noble plans for all; but

as the youngest grew older his sweetness and goodness filled her with

the hope that he might be called to the special service of God. Even

as a tiny child his charity was of the alert, all-embracing kind that

generally spells saintship in the end; toys, sweets, money—the little

boy always found poor children to bestow them upon, and would beg

from his protégés when his own stores were exhausted. Naturally of a

particularly cheerful and sociable disposition—as indeed he remained

all his life—yet he pondered much on the stories he heard, and took

things to heart in a way very unusual for a child of his age.

All devout and loyal subjects of the Papacy were grieving at that time

over the trials inflicted by Napoleon on Pius VI, kept a prisoner far

from his own dominions, and subjected to many insults and privations.

The Countess one evening told her son that he must pray for the Holy

Father, thus suffering at the hands of wicked men. The child was deeply

impressed; he obeyed, and prayed with tears for the Pope, and then,

in his young logic, proposed to pray for the prompt punishment of his

persecutors. Great was the surprise of the ardent little champion when

his mother pointed out that that would be wrong—he must pray for their

conversion instead!

Giovanni Maria was about ten years old when, romping about the ground

of his father’s country house, he fell into a pond and was nearly

drowned. At first the accident seemed to have had only slight effects,

but the malady which showed itself a little later, and from which he

suffered so long, was, probably with reason, ascribed to that cause. It

was a great sorrow to his father, who was bent upon his son’s entering

the army, a desire which the boy was ready to satisfy through filial

sentiment, but which went contrary to all his own wishes and to those

of his mother. He was sent to an ecclesiastical school, of course—no

other could be thought of then for a gentleman’s son—and, in spite of

bad health, worked hard and attained much distinction. As he grew up,

tall, handsome, and brilliantly intelligent, his father repeatedly

applied for a commission in the Noble Guards for him, but Prince

Barberini, then the chief authority in the Papal army, sternly refused

to grant it, saying that an officer subject to epileptic attacks would

be a danger to himself and others.[4]

By the time he was seventeen it was fairly clear to all that he could

never be a soldier, a relief to him and his mother, though a terrible

disappointment to the old Count. They had already brought him to Rome,

and under the care of his Uncle Paulinus, a Canon of St. Peter’s,

he worked assiduously at his theological studies, always hoping and

praying that the strange malady which had kept him out of the army

would not, in the end, keep him out of the Church.

Those early years in Rome were illuminated with the crowning joy of

seeing Pius VII return in triumph to the Throne of St. Peter, an event

which threw the Romans, gentle and simple, into a state of delirious

joy. Pius VI had died in captivity at Valance, on August 29, 1799; his

successor, Cardinal Chiaramonti, was elected at Venice (Rome being

in the hands of the French) on March 16, 1800, and on July 3 of the

same year, the French having been expelled from the Papal States by

the Neapolitans and Austrians, the new Pope, who had taken the name of

Pius VII, came back to his own. Everybody believed that once more “the

Church would have peace”; Napoleon, whose genius realized that there

was no governing a nation of atheists, had restored Religion to her

public place, and was preparing, by the Concordat, to harmonize Church

and State as far as the times would allow.

But the Napoleon whose unerring eye showed him the necessity of

religion for mankind had counted without the other Napoleon, whose

towering ambition demanded the sacrifice of all other claims to itself.

With his coronation as Emperor, all barriers seemed to break down; the

Pope was to become his submissive vassal or cease to reign. His demands

became more imperious and unreasonable every day, and reached the

limit of arrogance when he decided that the centre of Christendom was

to be transferred to Avignon: France was to enjoy that glory instead

of Italy, and the Pope, no longer an independent sovereign, was to

rule the Church for the advantage and according to the caprices of the

Emperor.

This proposition was first made soon after the election in Venice, when

Napoleon had brought the Pope to Paris to crown him in Notre Dame. Pius

VII replied, in an outburst of righteous indignation, that rather than

so degrade his office he would resign it, and cause another election

to be carried through; Napoleon could then do as he pleased with the

obscure Benedictine monk who would be left on his hands!

Surprised at his firmness, the Emperor yielded for the moment and

permitted him to return to Rome, but, amidst all the rejoicings with

which he was greeted, the good Pope’s heart was heavy. He knew the

character of his adversary too well. On the day of his coronation,

at the foot of the altar, Napoleon had solemnly sworn to uphold and

protect the Church. Immediately afterwards had come the insulting

proposal to transfer the seat of her government to his own dominions.

Who could say what he would do next?

That question did not long wait for its answer. The notion of having

the Papacy established at Avignon was too alluring to be renounced.

Again and again was it put forward, each time accompanied by some

outrageous demand. The Pope was informed that he was to close all

the Roman ports to British vessels; that he was to declare war (!)

on Great Britain; that he was to annul the marriage of Jerome, the

Emperor’s brother, with a Protestant lady in America; and so on. And

always Pius VII replied by his quiet “non possumus” (“we cannot”). Then

the great break came. The Emperor permitted himself an outburst of

temper in which all considerations of policy and decency were thrown

to the winds. On May 13, 1809, the trembling world was informed that

the States of the Church had become part of the French Empire. On June

10 all the Pope’s insignia in Rome were torn down and replaced by the

heraldic _réchauffé_ which now represented the arms of France; Rome was

elevated to the dignity of being proclaimed “a free French city!”

The outraged Pontiff responded by laying the usurper and his supporters

under the major excommunication; and then came the crowning atrocity,

the one which Napoleon, a contrite prisoner in St. Helena, called the

beginning of his own downfall.

In the darkness of a soft summer night the Vatican was surrounded by

French troops, and General Radet, sickly frightened at the task laid

upon him, made his way with a detachment of soldiers to the Pope’s

bedroom. The horrified attendants in the corridors and ante-rooms were

forcibly silenced, and Pius VII was roused from his sleep by the sudden

entrance of this sinister company. He was a brave man, and, although

it seemed only too probable that they had come to murder him, he lost

neither his nerve nor his dignity. He asked them what the errand was

which caused them thus to transgress on the rules of respect. At first

the general and his aides stood dumb, trembling with fear before the

helpless old man. At last Radet found his tongue and delivered his

master’s orders. The Pope was to rise at once and come downstairs,

where a coach was waiting to take him into France. The instructions

were that he was to be taken by force if he resisted, but so great

was the awe inspired by his sacred person that even in pronouncing the

arrest Radet could not bring himself to touch his victim.

There was no question of physical resistance. Gathering courage from

the Pontiff’s calm demeanour, Radet gave him a few minutes to put

on his clothes, and then hurried him downstairs surrounded by the

soldiers. Only two attendants were allowed to follow him. He was

hustled into the coach; mounted guards closed in on every side, and the

party galloped at full speed out of the Porta del Popolo, heading for

the north.

By this time the people had learnt what was happening, and they came

out in crowds and ran beside the coach entreating with tears and sobs

that their Father might not be taken away from them. The Pope blessed

them from the carriage window as he was whirled along; soon all the

mourning crowd was left behind, but at each town that he passed through

in his dominions the same heart-rending scenes were renewed. His

captors dared not pause—some attempt at a rescue might yet snatch him

from their grasp—and it was only when they reached Grenoble that they

stayed their flight. From there he was transferred to Savona, where he

passed three melancholy years of captivity; when Napoleon was preparing

to start on the Russian campaign he brought the Pope to Fontainebleau

for safer keeping, and there Pius VII remained for nearly two years

more.

The first care of the allies after the taking of Paris on March 31,

1814, was to officially reinstate the Pope in his temporal sovereignty,

and secure it from future molestation, but Pius VII was even then

approaching his own frontier.

After Leipsic and the train of disasters which marked the close

of 1813, Napoleon had informed his prisoner that he was free to go

whither he chose. But it was not until January 25 following that the

preparations for his journey were sufficiently completed for the Pope

to leave Fontainebleau, and then, worn out with suffering of mind and

body, he had to travel by stages of only a few miles at a time and

to rest for long periods on the way. He finally reached Rome in May

of that year, a few weeks after Napoleon had signed his abdication at

Fontainebleau. Then for Napoleon came Elba—the hundred days—the short

triumph, the irrevocable eclipse, and the five years at St. Helena.

“Qui mange du Pape en meurt.”

I used to have among my possessions a number of old coloured drawings,

the original designs for the decorations put up in Rome for the

return of Pius VII. It was a triumph not decreed by politicians,

but a spontaneous outburst of overwhelming joy. For five years the

entire government of the Church had been suspended; not once had the

Pontiff been allowed to make his voice heard in her affairs. There is

something strangely sinister in that silence, during which no Bishops

were appointed, and not a single line was added to the ecclesiastical

archives. The fear and depression that weighed down Catholic hearts

were indescribable, and the relief when the cloud lifted almost too

overwhelming to be borne. The Papal States had suffered much during

those years, and the Pope’s own city worst of all. Business was at a

standstill; more than a third of the population had migrated elsewhere,

preferring exile to the tyranny of the French rule. Those who remained

were frightfully impoverished by heavy taxation and by the general

paralysis of commerce which Napoleon’s wars and blockades had brought

not only on Italy, but on the whole of Europe.

The populations turned out _en masse_ to meet their sovereign as he

travelled home, and as he neared Rome many nobles who had retired to

their estates came to accompany him on the last stages of his journey.

Among these were Count Mastai-Ferretti and his son, Giovanni Maria,

now eighteen years of age. The event made a profound impression on

the young man. As a child he had wept and prayed for the Holy Father

in his captivity; through the first years of his youth the thought

of Pius VII, a helpless prisoner, had ever been present to his mind,

and many a fervent prayer had gone up for his sovereign’s and his

country’s deliverance. Now it had come, and to him, not yet illuminated

with knowledge of the future, as well as to all those around him, it

seemed as if all trouble were passed away, and the sun that shone so

gloriously on that 24th of May, when the people took the horses from

the Pope’s carriage and themselves dragged it through the rejoicing

streets, were but an earnest of unbroken peace and happiness to come.

Rome had seen many festivals, but none so spontaneously, madly joyful

as this. From every window floated crimson and blue silk draperies rich

with gold; the thousands of balconies were wreathed in flowers, and the

vast procession moved along in a rain of roses and lilies and violets

showered from above; music was everywhere, but it was drowned in the

shouts and hosannas of the multitude that had gone out to meet the

traveller with palms in their hands and now thronged the way before,

beside, behind him. The women were weeping for joy and audibly thanking

God for this great day; a hundred thousand persons knelt to receive his

blessing, and many, many of them must have remembered how they knelt

to receive it last, as the coach was whirled along the highway in the

summer’s dawn and the weeping supplicants just caught a glimpse of the

pale face and the blessing hand as it flashed by.

[Illustration: PIUS THE NINTH. From a portrait taken soon

after his election to the Papacy in 1846.]

Every town in the dominions had raised its triumphal arches, gathered

all its flowers for his progress, but Rome surpassed them and all the

records of herself that day. The “Te Deum” was sung in all the churches

as it had never been sung before; Rome’s thousand bells rang as if

they would never cease; and when darkness fell, St. Peter’s gathered

the stars to itself, and the magic dome, a hive of breathing gold,

glowed through the night, a beacon of joy to the dwellers in a hundred

mountain towns of Sabina and Latium and all the country round.

Thirty-two years were to elapse before the youth kneeling beside his

father to receive the Pope’s blessing, on that day, would himself

ascend the Papal Throne, but strange to say, Pius VII himself had

already foreseen the event. Pius IX had been reigning for some years

when, through the merest accident, the written prophecy was discovered.

Pius VII, while a prisoner at Fontainebleau, one day handed to his

body-servant a sealed packet, saying that it was not to be opened until

1846. The man religiously regarded the prohibition, and put the packet

away carefully. Before his own death he gave it to his son, repeating

the Pope’s instructions. 1846 was still far off, and the son laid the

thing aside and had forgotten all about it when the year in question

came round. Having occasion, however, to look through a number of old

papers, he came across this, and broke the seal. Inside, in Pius VII’s

handwriting, were these words, “The prelate who fills the office of

Bishop of Imola in 1846 will be elected Pope and will take the name of

Pius IX.”

Another prophecy, that of the venerable servant of God, Anna Maria

Taigi, uttered in 1823, is very full and clear. After describing

minutely the revolution of 1848 and all the sufferings that Rome

and its ruler would undergo at that time, she added, “The Pope whose

destiny this is, is now a simple priest and far beyond the sea.” After

minutely describing the personal appearance of Pius IX, she continued:

“He will be elected in a very unusual way and contrary to his own

and general expectation. He will inaugurate many wise reforms which,

if gratefully and wisely accepted by the people, will bring great

blessings upon them. His name will be honoured throughout the world.”

She spoke much of the great trials that he was to undergo in defence

of the Church, and of the special assistance Heaven would give him to

sustain them, and also of the gift of miracles which would be bestowed

on him during the latter years of his life. All that came to pass

precisely as the Saint foretold, and the present generation seems to

be seeing the beginning of the fulfilment of her closing prophecy: “At

last, after many and varied trials and humiliations, the Church shall

achieve, before the eyes of the world, such a glorious triumph that men

will be struck silent with awe and admiration.”

The famous prophecy of St. Malachy, the Archbishop of Armagh, who died

at Clairvaux in the arms of his friend St. Bernard, in 1148, designated

the title of Pius IX as “Crux de Cruce”—“Cross of a Cross”—and

certainly that prediction, supposed to refer to the Cross of Savoy, was

fulfilled!

Anna Maria Taigi’s mention of a “simple priest then beyond the sea”

refers to the mission to Chile, undertaken by Pius IX when he was as

yet only Father Mastai, the director of Tata Giovanni’s orphanage.

It is an episode of his history so generally forgotten that it seems

worth while to recall it briefly to the minds of Catholic readers. The

Republic of Chile was just five years old—it concluded its victorious

struggle with Spain for independence in 1818—when the Government sent

a respected prelate, Canon Cienfuegos, to Rome, to ask Pius VII to

reorganize ecclesiastical matters in Chile, where everything had been

left in a very unsatisfactory condition after the separation from the

Mother Country.

Pius VII gladly complied with the request. The mission would require

delicate handling, and he singled out a diplomatist prelate, Monsignor

Muzi, then Auditor of the Nunciatura at Vienna, for its accomplishment.

In order that his rank should be consonant with its dignity Monsignor

Muzi was made Archbishop of Philippi, and then appointed Vicar

Apostolic of Chile. He asked that Father Mastai might accompany him as

Auditor, a post corresponding to that of “Conseiller d’Ambassade” in a

secular embassy; and another well-known ecclesiastic, Father Sallusti,

was named as the secretary.

Long years afterwards one of the “boys” described the last evening of

Father Mastai at the Asilo. He had as yet said nothing to them of his

approaching departure, but at supper they noticed that he seemed very

sad. When the meal was over and they were about to leave the table,

he motioned to them to sit down again, as he had something to say

to them. Then he told them that the next day he must leave them, to

travel far away on the business of the Church. There were a hundred and

twenty boys, big and little, in the hall, and there broke from them one

simultaneous cry of grief. Sobbing and wailing they threw themselves

upon him, the little ones climbing up into his arms and clinging to his

knees, others catching at his garments as if to hold him back by force,

and those who could not reach him through the press lifting up their

voices in supplication that the “Caro Padre” would not leave them.

The father wept too as he caressed and embraced the _piccolini_, and

when at last he tore himself away and shut himself up in his room, a

number of the older boys broke in and insisted on staying with him all

night. The dear patient man did not resent thus being robbed of his

rest; he let them have their way, and talked to them long and earnestly

of their present duties and their future lives. He would return some

day, and how eagerly he would inquire for every one by name, how

rejoiced he would be at a good report, how immeasurably grieved at a

bad one.

With the dawn he had to leave them, and, as the narrator said, “We were

orphans more than ever before.”

Great as was the grief of “Tata Giovanni’s” boys on losing their

beloved Director, it did not equal the despair and indignation of

Countess Mastai when she learnt that her son had been picked out for a

journey which was full of perils and hardships so late as twenty years

ago, and in those early days was veritably appalling.

To the ardent young priest, this fact had only added to the readiness

he felt in carrying out the Pope’s wishes; he asked nothing better than

to suffer in such a cause, but his mother, without saying anything to

him, flew to Cardinal Consalvi, then Secretary of State, and implored

that the appointment might be cancelled. Pius VII, however, refused

to yield to her entreaties, and when Father Mastai came to receive his

final blessing before departing, he told him of the Countess’s request

and added “I assured her that you would return safe and sound.”

The embassy was to embark at Genoa, and it was there, while waiting

for the final preparations to be made, that its members received the

sad news of the death of Pius VII. This caused delay, and it was only

after the election of Leo XII and his confirmation of Archbishop Muzi’s

powers that the mission finally sailed from Genoa, on October 5, 1823.

Ninety years ago! The world has shrunk since then; the voyage that

I made in 1885 in three weeks took Monsignor Muzi and his companions

three months to accomplish.

The “good barque _Eloïse_,” manned by “thirty experienced seamen,” had

been chartered for the expedition, but one’s heart aches to think of

what those three good ecclesiastics must have suffered in one way and

another on board of her. Very few Italians of their class are good

sailors, and all the horrors of sea-sickness were certainly theirs,

combined with the unsavoury and unwholesome food that was all people

had to depend upon during sea-journeys before the discovery of steam

and cold storage. Storm after storm broke over the little vessel; she

was nearly wrecked off Teneriffe; one dreadful night, November 5, she

was waylaid by pirates, who overhauled her from stem to stern seeking

for plunder, and only abandoned her—in furious disgust—when Father

Mastai had shown them that there was not a single article of value

on board. Then came a sad encounter with a Brazilian slave-trader,

packed with unfortunate negroes, a sight most grievous and terrible to

the kind-hearted priests; and then, after two long months’ sailing, a

fearful storm which lasted eight days, during which the _Eloïse_ was so

beaten about that no one hoped to escape alive. It was all a searching

dispensation for quiet, stay-at-home Italian gentlemen who had followed

their pious way hitherto along the most familiar lines!

They reached Monte-Video on New Year’s Day, 1824, stopped a few days

for repairs, and made Buenos Ayres soon after, their joy at finding

themselves on terra firma much tempered by the extremely rude reception

accorded to them by the civil authorities. But Buenos Ayres was merely

the starting-point for the most difficult part of the journey, the

crossing of the Andes. Had the good Countess Mastai-Ferretti had the

slightest idea of what her cherished son was to encounter there, I

believe she would have died of anxiety before his return! I only met

one or two Europeans, when I was in Chile, who had accomplished the

feat, and they told me that nothing would induce them to attempt it

again.

I have described some of the terrors of the passes in former works,[5]

and will not enlarge upon them here. Suffice it to say that for two

whole months Monsignor Muzi and Fathers Sallusti and Mastai rode

through those appalling solitudes, over the bridle paths cut in the

face of the rock that towers thousands of feet above and sinks sheer

down thousands of feet below, paths where one false step means death,

and so narrow in some places that if two parties meet it is usual for

them—if they are not the fighting sort—to decide on the spin of a coin

which shall dismount, pitch its mules over the precipice and crawl past

the winners as best they can—to continue the journey on foot!

The resting-places are even now the haunts of outlaws and robbers.

The members of the Roman embassy of 1824 only escaped being murdered

_en masse_ because, through some unforeseen occurrence, they changed

the time of their departure from a hamlet called Desmochadas. Had they

waited till the hour first fixed upon, they would have shared the fate

of a party of merchants who, on that day, were massacred, to a man,

by a band of robbers. It was Father Mastai who discovered—and stayed

behind to take care of—a sick English officer named Miller, forsaken

in a wayside inn; and it was Father Mastai, the others said, who had

during the whole journey sustained their courage by his unfailing fun

and good humour. It seems to me that this is not the least glorious

note in all his wonderful record, and because few, even of those who

most loved and venerated him in his later years, have ever heard of it

I have written it here. The whole thing, somehow, is so absolutely Pius

IX!

Very sore and weary, the travellers reached Santiago on March 17, only

to encounter every kind of obstacle and annoyance in the attempt to

carry out the object of their mission. The Government had changed,

and the party in power had no desire to come to an understanding

with the Holy See. The people, indeed, received the envoys most

enthusiastically, but Chile in 1824 was apparently much what I found

it in 1885—a country of ardent believers ruled by atheists. Let some

expert explain the problem; I cannot! For seven months Monsignor Muzi

remained in Santiago, perseveringly trying to clear matters up and

reach some _modus vivendi_ between Church and State. But his efforts

were nullified by the hostility of the President and his supporters,

and at last he had to acknowledge his defeat and withdraw from the

conflict.

The _Eloïse_ meanwhile had successfully rounded Cape Horn and reached

Valparaiso, and on October 19 the Archbishop and his party embarked

once more on the gallant little vessel and started for home. Of course

no sailing vessel can pass through the twisting narrows and rocks of

the Straits of Magellan, so for three weeks—surely the most miserable

of their lives—those poor priests, children of Italy and the sun,

shivered in the awful cold of those frozen regions, where the sea is

the colour of cold steel, and the sailors, as they have often told me,

come down from the deck at night with their garments frozen stiff, and

have to work their way into them, still frozen stiff as boards in the

morning.

My own travelling in that part of the world did not include the

rounding of Cape Horn, but even the passage of the Straits in a big

liner, with the water smooth as glass, was such a freezingly wretched

experience that, having made it once, the prospect of its repetition

took something away from my eagerness to go home. But outside the Horn,

with the Antarctic Ocean, unbroken from the South Pole, flinging its

icy rollers against a little sailing vessel that took three weeks to

beat up on the other side—_that_, the skippers have told me, furnishes

merchant seamen with their best nightmares to their dying day! Most of

the coal supply for the West Coast is carried by this route, and by the

time it has reached the Horn, the coal, loaded under the damp English

skies, has ignited, and the remainder of the trip is made with hatches

battened down and the pleasing knowledge that a puff of air finding its

way into the hold will send the whole mass into a blaze!

Yet, there is a little English colony that lives and flourishes

in these cold seas some two hundred and fifty miles to the east of

the Horn, and we in England wear its wool and eat its mutton quite

habitually. I never could learn my geography properly until I began to

travel round the world. From that time maps became a special recreation

of mine, and I had, when travelling through the Straits of Magellan,

thought with both curiosity and pity of the handful of islands, so much

more exposed than even we were in those comfortless days. I was told

the place was a purgatory—that it was just possible to carry on life,

and that no one stayed there who could help it.

Some time afterwards, when we were established in Santiago, a card was

brought up and I gazed at it for a moment in some bewilderment. “The

Governor of the Falkland Islands!” Then it was true! Our indomitable

fellow-countrymen had really added another mesh to the net of empire

which Great Britain has cast over the world. My reflections were

interrupted by the entrance of a big handsome man who looked as if

he had just come out of Yorkshire. His clear blue eyes, ruddy cheeks,

and joyful bearing belied the sad tales I had heard, and when, in the

course of conversation, I asked some timid questions about his frozen

place of exile, he laughed in a way that was good to hear. Frozen?

Exile? Why, he would not live anywhere else for the world! A grand

climate, pleasant society, and better pasturage for sheep than could be

found anywhere else!

“Pasturage!” I exclaimed. “Do you mean to say that anything will _grow_

in that latitude?”

“Grow? I should think so!” he replied. “We get the back wash of the

Gulf Stream down there, and our sheep can graze all winter in the

open. Why, I have three trees, _real trees_, on Stanley Island! I

wish you and Mr. Fraser would come and pay me a visit there. My wife

and daughters would be so delighted to see you.” Then, turning to

my husband, he continued, “Our flocks are getting too big for their

feeding-grounds, so I have come to ask the Chilean Government to rent

us five hundred thousand acres in Patagonia for a supplementary run.

The pasturage is not as good as that in the Falklands, but it will be

better than nothing.”

Of course we instantly invited our visitor to dine. An English face

was always a joy to look at where one saw so few, and this man brought

the very atmosphere of the North Country with him. He told us many

interesting details about his little domain, the management of which he

took very seriously and evidently accomplished with much success. “Of

course I could do more,” he said regretfully, “if it were not for the

blind hostility of the Opposition.”

“Does it reach so far?” I asked politely. “I should have thought there

was quite enough to keep it busy at home.”

“Oh, I don’t mean the little crowd at Westminster,” he replied

indignantly. “Please understand, Mrs. Fraser, that I have an Opposition

_of my own_!”

“I do congratulate you,” I said; “that is certainly a triumph! What

Britisher could ask more?”

There is a little plant of which every Englishman carries the seeds

about with him. It is called Love-of-the-soil. Give him a bit of land

anywhere—the best or the worst, a vast fertile tract or a few miles of

desert island; tell him it is his very own to do as he likes with; and

before you can turn round every grain of its dust is sprouting with

Love-of-the-soil. He sees, knows, loves, only that spot. He will fight

for it, work for it, cheat for it if need be, perhaps even slay; for to

him it has taken on the sacred character of the mother country; it is

_his_ piece of England, and woe to any one who tries to take it away

from him! That is why English colonies succeed. And it is the lack of

this passion for the land which makes bad colonists of men of other

nationalities.

The Americans are simply brutal about their possessions. Out here in

the North-west one is horrified at the general callousness. I have

watched people making what _we_ should call a home, breaking new land,

building a charming house, working hard to make everything within and

without as perfect as they know how. A cloud of dust shows up on the

road, a motor car full of “land grabbers” kicks and coughs and stinks

at the gate; the next minute the hard-eyed hucksters are being shown

into all the sacred arena of airy rooms and flowering garden, are

fingering, valuing, depreciating; there follows an hour or two of hard

bargaining, and then your neighbour’s wife flies across lots to tell

you, with shining eyes, “We’ve sold the place!” “Sold the place?” I

cry. “Why, I thought it was to be your home!” “What does that matter?”

she retorts, huffed. “I got my price! We can easily build another house

that we shall like just as much.”

I suppose it is a form of the disease now diagnosed as Americanitis,

the feverish restlessness that would rather “trek” anywhere than stay

put for more than a year or two. But it is a terrible disqualification

for building a State. Since I have seen it at close quarters, I have

often thought of the contrast presented by that handful of North

Country shepherds and their descendants in the Falklands,[6] so proud

of doing their best with the best they could get, pleased with their

drizzly climate (it rains two hundred and fifty days in the year)

because it is so English, proud of their thriving little community,

sending out their pelts and mutton by the once-a-month steamer,

actually growing their pelargoniums and fuchsias in the open air, and

so furiously interested in their miniature politics that the Government

and the Opposition are ready to knock each other forty ways from Sunday

every time they meet! Good luck and long life to you, my incorrigible

brothers! The secret of success is certainly yours, and it all comes

from the little plant called Love-of-the-soil.

More Italian Yesterdays · 第 5 / 18 章