CHAPTER III

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARINE INSTINCT

But when we come to the Phœnicians we are in touch with a veritable

race of seamen who to the south are in just the same relation as the

Vikings are to the north. Whether they took to the sea because they

longed to become great merchants, or whether they were seamen first and

employed their daring to commercial benefit needs no discussion. They

had the true vocation for the sea, and it was inevitable that sooner or

later they must become mighty explorers and traders.

They had the real ship-love, which is the foundation of all true

seamanship; they were in sympathy with the life and work, and they

knew how to build a ship well. They furnished themselves with the

finest timber from Lebanon and surpassed the Egyptian inland sailors by

making their craft stronger, longer, more seaworthy, and more able to

endure the long, daring voyages which it delighted the Phœnicians to

undertake. Similarly, their crews were better trained to sea-work, were

more daring and skilful than the Nile-dwellers. They minded not to sail

out of sight of land, nor lay-to for the darkness to pass away. They

were wont to sail the open sea fearlessly direct from Tyre or Sidon to

Cyprus, and thence to the promontories of Lycia and Rhodes, and so from

island to island to the lands of the Acheans, the Daneans, and further

yet to Hesperia. How did they do it? What were their means and methods

for navigation?

The answer is simply made. They observed the position of the sun

by day. They would watch when the sun rose, when it became south,

when it set, and then by night there was the Great Bear by which to

steer. Their ships they designated “sea-horses,” and the expression

is significant as denoting strength, speed, and reliability. By their

distant voyages the Phœnicians began to open out the world, and they

contributed to geographical knowledge more than all the Egyptian

dynasties put together had ever yielded under this category. Their

earliest craft were little more than mere open boats which were

partially decked. Made of fir or cedar cut into planks, which were

fashioned into craft all too soon before the wood had sufficient time

to become seasoned, they were caulked probably with bitumen, a poor

substitute for vegetable tar. We know from existing illustrations that

the Egyptian influence as to design was obvious in their ships. We

know also that the thirty or more oarsmen sat not paddling, but rowing

facing aft, and that they used the boomless squaresail and shortened

sail by means of brails.

“The first considerable improvement in shipbuilding which can be

confidently ascribed to the Phœnicians,” says Professor Rawlinson,[1]

“is the construction of biremes. Phœnician biremes are represented

in the Assyrian sculptures as early as the time of Sennacherib (700

B.C.), and had probably then been in use for some considerable period.

They were at first comparatively short vessels, but seem to have been

decked, the rowers working in the hold. They sat at two elevations,

one above the other, and worked their oars through holes in the

vessel’s side. It was in frail barks of this description, not much

better than open boats in the earlier period, that the mariners of

Phœnicia, and especially those of Sidon, as far back as the thirteenth

or fourteenth century before our era, affronted the perils of the

Mediterranean.”

At first the Phœnicians confined their voyages to the limits of the

western end of the Mediterranean, but even then, notwithstanding their

superiority in seamanship and navigation, they suffered many a disaster

at sea. Three hundred ships were lost in a storm off Mt. Athos when

they first attempted to invade Greece. And on their second attempt

six hundred more ships were lost off Magnesia and Eubœa. In addition

to this, it must be presumed that the rocks and shoals of the Ægean

Sea, the cruel coasts of Greece, Spain, Italy, Crete, and Asia Minor

would account for a good many more losses of ships and men. In those

days, too, when one ship on meeting another used to ask in perfect

candour if the latter were a pirate, and received an equally candid

answer, there was thus a further risk to be undergone by all who used

the sea for their living. If the ship were in fact piratical and her

commander considered himself the stronger of the two, his crew would

waste little time, but promptly board the other ship, confiscate her

cargo, bind the seamen and sell them off at the nearest slave market.

And be it remembered that a Phœnician ship, inasmuch as she was usually

full of goods recently purchased or about to be sold, was something

worth capturing. Her cargo of rich merchandise was deserving of a keen

struggle and the loss of a number of men.

Nor were the Phœnicians averse from reckoning slaves among their

commodities for barter; indeed, this was a great and important feature

of their trade. Away they went roaming the untracked seas with their

powerful oarsmen and single squaresail and their hulls well filled

with valuable commodities, “freighting their vessels,” as Herodotus

relates, “with the wares of Egypt and Assyria” for the Greek consumer.

Year after year the ships sailed forth from Tyre to traverse the whole

length of the Mediterranean and out into the Atlantic northwards to

the British Isles, through storm and tempest, to embark the cargoes of

tin. To be able to perform such a voyage not once but time after time

is sufficient proof of the seamanship and navigation of the crews no

less than of the seaworthiness of the Phœnician craft. Even that most

wonderful circumnavigation of Africa by the Phœnicians as given by

Herodotus is regarded by Grote, Rawlinson, and other authorities as

having actually occurred and being not a mere figment of imagination.

The story may be briefly summed up thus. Neco, King of Egypt, was

anxious to have a means of connecting the Red Sea and Mediterranean

by water, but had failed in his efforts to make a canal between the

Nile and the Gulf of Suez, so he resolved that the circumnavigation

of Africa should be attempted. For this he needed the world’s finest

seamen and navigators with the best ocean-going ships available.

Accordingly he chose the Phœnicians, who, departing from a Red Sea

port, coasted round Africa, and after nearly three years arrived safely

back in Egypt. The obvious question which the reader will ask is how

could such craft possibly carry enough food for three years. The answer

is that they did not even attempt such a feat. Instead, they used to

make some harbour after part of their voyage was accomplished, land,

sow their grain, wait till harvest-time, and then sail off with their

food on board all ready for a further instalment of the journey.

And there is really nothing too wonderful in this long voyage when

we remember that in Africa what is to-day called Indian corn can be

reaped six weeks after being sown; and that three years is not such

an excessively long time for a well-manned craft fitted with mast and

squaresail to coast from headland to headland, across all the bays and

bights of the African continent. A great achievement it certainly was,

not to be attempted (unless history is woefully silent) again until

towards the close of the fifteenth century, when Vasco da Gama doubled

the Cape of Good Hope.

They had for years been wont in the Mediterranean to make voyages by

night. They had steered their course by aid of the Polar star. “They

undoubtedly,” remarks Professor Rawlinson, “from an ancient date

made themselves charts of the seas which they frequented, calculated

distances, and laid down the relative position of place to place.

Strabo says that the Sidonians especially cultivated the arts of

astronomy and arithmetic as being necessary for reckoning a ship’s

course, and particularly needed in sailing by night.” Later on we

shall again call attention to the great surprise which confronted the

dwellers by the Mediterranean when they voyaged into other seas. The

Phœnicians, so long as they cruised only in the former, had no tide

to contend with; but when they set forth into the Red Sea, the Indian

Ocean, the Atlantic, and the English Channel, they found a factor

which, hitherto, they had not been compelled to encounter. But by such

a seafaring race it was not long before even this new consideration

was dealt with and utilised in the proper manner. “They noted,” says

Rawlinson, “the occurrence of spring and neap tides, and were aware of

the connection with the position of the sun and moon relatively to the

earth, but they made the mistake of supposing that the spring tides

were highest at the summer solstice, whereas they are really highest

in December.”

If we omit the Egyptians from our category as being almost exclusively

inland navigators, we must regard these Phœnicians as historically the

first great seamen of the world, and it is nothing short of remarkable

that in an age such as theirs, when there were so few accessories to

encourage and develop the marine instinct, they should have essayed

so much and succeeded so magnificently in their projects. Remember,

too, that they had something of the instinct of the engineer as well

as of the seaman in their nature. It was the Phœnicians whom Xerxes

employed in 485 B.C. for the purpose of cutting a ship canal through

the isthmus which joins Mt. Athos to the mainland. It was they, also,

who constructed a double bridge of boats across the Hellespont to form

the basis of a solid causeway, and in each of these undertakings they

covered themselves with distinction.

They were no amateurs, no mere experimenters. It is certain that,

in their own time, they were, even with their primitive ships, very

far from primitive in their ideas of seamanship. Read the following

exceedingly interesting account of one who went aboard a Phœnician

vessel and has left to posterity his impressions of his visit. The

descriptive narrative reads so true and seems so perfectly spontaneous

and natural that we almost forget the many centuries which have elapsed

since it was set down. Here, then, you have the record of no less a

person than Xenophon, a man who was far too discriminating to allow

any flow of careless words, far too observant, also, to allow anything

worth noting to escape his watchful eye. In “The Economist” he makes

one of his characters refer to a Phœnician trireme, and he is speaking

of that nation’s ships when the Phœnicians were under the Persian

system:--

“Or[2] picture a trireme, crammed choke-ful of mariners; for what

reason is she so terror-striking an object to her enemies, and a sight

so gladsome to the eyes of friends? Is it not that the gallant ship

sails so swiftly? And why is it that, for all their crowding, the

ship’s company cause each other no distress? Simply that there, as you

see them, they sit in order; in order bend to the oar; in order recover

the stroke; in order step on board; in order disembark.”

And again:--

“I must tell you, Socrates, what strikes me as the finest and most

accurate arrangement of goods and furniture it was ever my fortune to

set eyes on, when I went as a sightseer on board the great Phœnician

merchantman and beheld an endless quantity of goods and gear of all

sorts, all separately packed and stowed away within the smallest

compass. I need scarce remind you (he said, continuing his narrative)

what a vast amount of wooden spars and cables a ship depends on in

order to get to moorings; or again, in putting out to sea: you know

the host of sails and cordage, rigging as they call it, she requires

for sailing; the quantity of engines and machinery of all sorts she

is armed with in case she should encounter any hostile craft; the

infinitude of arms she carries, with her crew of fighting men aboard.

Then all the vessels and utensils, such as people use at home on land,

required for the different messes, form a portion of the freight; and

besides all this, the hold is heavy laden with a mass of merchandise,

the cargo proper, which the master carries with him for the sake of

traffic. Well, all these different things that I have named lay packed

there in a space but little larger than a fair-sized dining-room.

The several sorts, moreover, as I noticed, lay so well arranged,

there could be no entanglement of one with other, nor were searchers

needed; and if all were snugly stowed, all were alike get-at-able,

much to the avoidance of delay if anything were wanted on the instant.

Then the pilot’s mate--the look-out man at the prow, to give him his

proper title--was, I found, so well acquainted with the place for

everything that, even off the ship, he could tell you where each set

of things was laid and how many there were of each, just as well as

anyone who knows his alphabet could tell you how many letters there are

in Socrates, and the order in which they stand. I saw this same man

(continued Ischomachus) examining at leisure everything which could

possibly be needful for the service of the ship. His inspection caused

me such surprise, I asked him what he was doing, whereupon he answered,

‘I am looking to see, stranger, in case anything should happen, how

everything is arranged in the ship, and whether anything is wanting or

not lying handy and shipshape. There is no time left, you know, when

God makes a tempest in the great deep, to set about searching for what

you want or to be giving out anything which is not snug and shipshape

in its place.’”

There was something, then, so excellent in arrangement in these

Phœnician ships which seemed to Xenophon so superior to the vessels

of his own countrymen; and the sailor-like neatness and systematic

order were to him so striking that even to his disciplined and orderly

mind they were most remarkable. It requires but little imagination to

picture from this scant reference the ship’s company doing everything

according to drill. The seaman-like care for the running gear on the

part of the ship’s husband ready for any emergency is, indeed, highly

suggestive.

The importance of the Phœnicians is considerable, not merely for their

own sake, but because of their permanent influence on the Greeks.

But the latter were rather fighters than explorers as compared with

the Phœnicians. At a very early date there was the sea communication

between the Mediterranean and the North, and we may date this certainly

as far back as the year 2000 B.C., suggests Dr. Nansen, himself an

explorer and student of the early voyagers. The only places, excluding

China, whence tin-ore was known to be procurable in ancient times,

he asserts, were North-West Spain, Cornwall, and probably Brittany.

It is significant that in the oldest pyramid-graves of Egypt tin is

found, and the inference is that the inhabitants of the Mediterranean

from at least this epoch voyaged north to fetch this commodity from

Western Europe. And with the tin came also supplies of amber as well.

Archæological finds, affirms the same authority, prove that as far

back as the Scandinavian Bronze Age, or prior to this, there must have

been some sort of communication between the Mediterranean and northern

lands. One of the earliest trade routes connecting the Mediterranean

and the Baltic was from the Black Sea up the Dneiper, then along its

tributary the Bug to the Vistula, and down the latter to the coast. By

their sea-voyages to distant lands the Phœnicians contributed for the

first time a great deal of geographical knowledge of the world, and

in many ways influenced Greek geography. Up till then the learned men

who applied themselves to such subjects had but the vaguest idea of

the North. But just as in subsequent centuries the Spanish kept their

explored regions to themselves and continued most cautious lest other

nationalities should learn their sources of wealth, so the Phœnicians

did their best to keep their trade routes secret lest their rivals,

the Greeks, should step in and enrich themselves. In the absence,

therefore, of anything sufficiently definite, there was for a long

period a good deal of wild and inaccurate speculation.

But it is when we come to Pytheas of Massilia that we reach the

border-line which separates fact from fable. This eminent astronomer

and geographer of Marseilles brought together a knowledge of northern

countries which was based not on premonition, not on speculation, not

on hearsay, but on actual experience. So original, so accurate, and

so far-reaching was his work, that for the next fifteen hundred years

he dominated all geographical knowledge. We can fix his time if we

remember that he flourished probably about the year 330 B.C. He was

the first person in history to introduce astronomical measurements for

ascertaining the geographical situation of a place, and thus became the

founder of the science of navigation--the science which has enabled

seas to be crossed in safety and continents to be discovered; which has

given to the ship of all species a freedom to employ her speed without

sacrificing safety. Indirectly arising from these may be traced the

development and civilising and peopling of the world which have so

entirely modified history.

By means of a great gnomon, Pytheas determined “with surprising

accuracy” the latitude of Marseilles, and in relation to this laid

down the latitude of more northerly places. He observed that the Pole

of the heavens did not coincide, as the earlier astronomer Eudoxus

had supposed, with any star. What Pytheas did find was that it made

an almost regular rectangle with three stars lying near it. (At that

time the Pole was some distance from the present Pole-star.) And since

Pytheas steered by the stars, the Pole of the heavens was obviously of

the highest importance to him. A gnomon, it may be explained, was the

pillar of projection which cast the shadow on the various Greek forms

of dial. In the case under discussion the gnomon was a vertical column

raised on a plane.

As to the species of ship in which Pytheas sailed we can but speculate.

Most probably it was somewhat similar to the Phœnician type, with

oarsmen and one mast with squaresail. But what is known is that he

sailed out through the Pillars of Hercules. At that date Cape St.

Vincent--then known as the Sacred Promontory--was the furthest of the

world’s limit in the minds of the Greeks. He was the first to sail

along the coasts of Northern Gaul and Germany. He was the discoverer

of at least most of Great Britain, the Shetlands, and Norway as far as

the Arctic Circle. And as he voyaged he studied the phenomena of the

sea--collected invaluable data as to tides and their origin. Himself

a Greek and unaccustomed to tidal movements, he was the first of his

race to connect this systematic flowing and ebbing of the sea with the

moon. Dr. Nansen, himself the greatest explorer of our times, has not

hesitated to describe Pytheas as “one of the most capable and undaunted

explorers the world has ever seen.” But as so often happens in the case

of a pioneer, Pytheas was ahead of his time, and the description which

he brought back of his travels, of the strange lands and unheard-of

phenomena, was not believed by his contemporaries. There followed,

therefore, a gulf of incredulity for about three hundred years till we

come to the time of Julius Cæsar, and from that point we shall, in due

course, continue to trace the development of navigational science.

Ships & Ways of Other Days · 第 3 / 13 章