CHAPTER XII.

ENGLAND AND THE CALIPHATE.

Abd-ul-Hamid's use of his power as Caliph--What the

Moslems think of him--British Mohammedan subjects--The

validity of the Ottoman claims to the Caliphate--The

mistaken policy of British Statesmen in opposing

them--Danger of alienating the Mohammedan world--The

errors of English writers.

THERE can hardly be found in the history of nations a more fortunate

tyrant than the autocrat of Yildiz Kiosk. Besides all the circumstances

I have noted, Abd-ul-Hamid has at his back the authority of the

Caliphate, which he can, when he chooses, ingeniously employ for his

own ends. The devotion of the Mussulmans of Turkey and the respect of

orthodox Mohammedans of other countries for the Caliph are very great,

and becoming greater every day. As a matter of fact, the attachment of

Mohammedans is to the office of the Caliph rather than to his person,

and according to the qualities necessary for the man who holds it, a

true Caliph must be a perfect specimen of humanity. If he cannot fulfil

the prescribed conditions of the Islamic religious law, that law orders

the faithful to depose him, and justifies the election of a proper

Caliph. There are not lacking in the history of Islam instances in

which the Caliph has been deposed solely on these religious grounds. It

is almost impossible for these people to comprehend that the present

Sultan does not possess any of these good qualities, and is therefore

quite unworthy of his office. The Sultan employs subtle methods that

he may pose before the Mohammedans as the true Caliph and the sole

champion of the Islamic cause, and spends immense sums of money for

the same purpose. In reality, however, he should be known as the worst

enemy of Islam, as no Moslem ruler has ever brought by his misdeeds

so much shame upon his faith as he has. Anyone who has observed his

career closely knows that his actions are diametrically opposed to the

principles of the Mussulman law and creed. But it is the hardest thing

in the world to make Moslems understand this. Those in Turkey are just

beginning to understand what he really is, but outside Turkey he is

held in blind veneration by all Moslems. An Englishman, who had great

experience of the East, and who followed the Prince of Wales during

his tour round the Colonies, told me that the further you go away from

Turkey the greater is the influence of the Sultan among the followers

of Islam.

In pursuance of my remarks on the way in which the Sultan makes use of

the influence of the Caliphate for his personal ends, it may perhaps

be of some interest if I make some general remarks on the Caliphate,

and the influence of the Caliph among the Mussulmans of the world. It

must be remembered that Great Britain has under her rule or protection

a very large number of the followers of Islam. Some authorities say

that her Moslem subjects are five times as many as those who belong to

Turkey itself. It follows that this immense Mohammedan population in

Great Britain's Eastern dominions will some day prove of the highest

importance in determining the direction of her policy in the East

There are now symptoms of rivalry between the Sultan of Turkey and

those British authorities whose business it is to maintain their

country's prestige and influence in the Moslem world. It is on account

of this rivalry that some British writers and politicians try to

represent the religious influence of the Sultan as being less than it

is, while others seek to deny the validity of the Ottoman Caliphate.

That the present Sultan is unworthy of the title cannot be questioned;

but the validity of the claim of the occupant of the Turkish throne to

the office, quite apart from his character, is incontestable. Those

who deny this, or seek to depreciate the influence of the Ottoman

Sultanate on orthodox Mohammedans, periodically shower abuse on Turkey,

as was done during the Armenian agitation, perhaps with the view of

creating a breach between the Moslem populations of British territories

and Turkey. And I cannot but think that this policy is having just

the opposite effect. The study of the English language is increasing

steadily but surely among the Mohammedan subjects of Great Britain,

and so they read or hear many of the hostile sentiments published and

uttered in England against the Ottoman Caliphate, and become suspicious

and irritated. In fact, the more this hostility is displayed, the

closer will become the attachment of the Moslem subjects of England

towards the Ottoman Caliphate. Such alienation of feeling, which is at

present latent, will be anything but favourable for England in case

of international complications in some part of the Orient. There are

European Powers who may take advantage of it, and use it against the

interests of the British Government The speech of the Kaiser delivered

at Damascus must still be fresh in the memory of many people. It was

certainly with the object of increasing the influence of his country in

the East that he said that he would stand side by side with the head

of three hundred million Mohammedans. A highly connected Russian once

told me that during Queen Victoria's reign Great Britain waged over

fifty different wars, small and great, and added that most of these

wars were carried on against Mohammedan peoples in different parts of

Asia and Africa, in order to crush their independence and take their

countries. Very likely he used to relate this to other compatriots or

co-religionists of mine whom he met, so that the idea became popular,

and would add to the belief that Great Britain is the worst enemy of

the cause of Islam. "Supposing that the fanaticism of the Mohammedans

under our rule were stirred up by Turkey, what could they do?" a proud

Jingo once asked me, at a time when some persons were urging Lord

Salisbury to send the British fleet over the mountains of Asia Minor to

avenge the Armenian wrongs. "We could put them down," added this Jingo,

with an increased air of proud confidence, "any time and anywhere."

Yes, in the East we know England's might, and we all admire the

Englishman's great tenacity in defence of the interests of his country.

But there are instances in history of small and backward nations having

inflicted irreparable damage on mighty Powers, and Mussulmans will not

always fight--if it should, unfortunately, ever come to fighting--with

spears and mediæval weapons. They will not easily be exterminated

or subjugated; nor is it true that the Mohammedans will ever be won

over by conversion, as the missionaries assert. These millions of

Mohammedans will continue to exist, and some day there will certainly

be a general awakening among them, which will make the adoption of

modern methods and means of war imperative. I do not imagine that it

would be to Turkey's interest to alienate Great Britain by attempting

to stir up her Moslem subjects, and I am sure that when once the

present regime is over, everyone in Turkey will heartily, welcome the

re-establishment of England's prestige. There is, therefore, no sound

reason for the attitude of malignant jealousy towards the Ottoman

Caliphate which some Englishmen have chosen to adopt It seems to me

that past generations of British statesmen must have had sounder

statesmanlike qualities than the present generation, for they used to

benefit their country by the influence of that Caliphate. For instance,

during the earlier periods of the conquest of India, the English

representative in Turkey requested the Porte to use its good offices

in the court of certain Mohammedan rulers of India in favour of his

country.

Leaving the political aspect, I will say something as to the

validity of Turkey's claim to the Caliphate. In discussing this

subject some English writers use such phrases as the "pretensions of

the Ottoman Sultans" to the headship of Moslems. So long as the great

bulk of those who profess that religion recognise that authority, what

value can be attached to the attempts to question it on the part of

prejudiced outsiders? It is argued that the sect of Shiites, or the

unorthodox Moslems, do not recognise the Caliphate in question. But

there are strong indications that they too will, sooner or later,

recognise it for political if not religious reasons, as the danger

threatening the remaining vestige of Islamic independence looms equally

large before orthodox and unorthodox alike. One of the arguments

brought forward against the Ottoman Caliphate is that the Caliph must

be appointed from among the Koreish, the Prophet's own people, and must

be his direct descendant. It is probable that the tradition related

in connection with this argument is one of the many spurious sayings

made up by individuals after the time of Mohammed, as such a just

legislator would not show partiality towards his own family and people

by restricting to them the privilege of being his Caliphs. According to

his doctrine, community of faith is tantamount to community of race,

and he founded a perfect democratic equality between his followers,

whatever their race or colour, and called them all 'ommetee,' that is,

'my nation.' A Caliph, therefore, need not necessarily be a descendant

of the Prophet Besides, he left no male issue; and according to the

Moslem law, female issue has not the right of succession, the Caliph

being a temporal and not a spiritual head.

Another strong argument is the length of time for which the Ottoman

sovereigns have held the title of Caliph. This title was first assumed

by the Ottomans during the conquest of Egypt by Sultan Selim I. in

1517 A.D., when the keys of the sacred places of Mecca and Medina were

handed over to him at Cairo by a deputation which came from Hijaz

expressly to accept him as Caliph. From that moment up till now the

Ottoman sovereigns have uninterruptedly held the title, and have been

the guardians of the standard of Mohammed. The provinces of Mecca and

Medina have ever since that time formed an integral part of the Ottoman

empire. A Caliph must be an independent ruler, and must in particular

be ruler over those holy places. It would certainly never do if an

Arab were appointed as the spiritual head of Islam by a Power of alien

faith. Such mischievous suggestions are merely an expression of the

political hostility which is often shown by some individuals in England

to the Turkish Caliphate. An ultra-patriotic evening paper once said

that there could not be a better Caliph than the 'British Raj.' To make

the Mussulmans recognise the 'British Raj.' as the supreme religious

head of their community is as impossible and ridiculous as to attempt

to convert this country to Islam. If Englishmen are really patriotic

in guarding and promoting the interests and prestige of their country

in the Islamic world, they should not attack the Ottoman Caliphate,

but make good use of its influence. Such a suggestion as I have quoted

would not appear to the Moslem mind to be a friend's advice, as the

general tendency among the Mohammedans is to strengthen the position

of the existing Caliphate. This tendency is becoming so evident that

some Continental journals have already believed it to be the result

of Pan-Islamic organisation, though in reality there is no such

organisation.

The Diary of a Turk · 第 12 / 16 章