1814.
Changes produced by time--Correspondence between the Provisional
Government and Hartwell--Louis XVIII's reception in London--
His arrival at Calais--Berthier's address to the King at Compiegne--
My presentation to his Majesty at St. Ouen-Louis--XVIII's entry into
Paris--Unexpected dismissal from my post--M. de Talleyrand's
departure for the Congress of Vienna--Signs of a commotion--
Impossibility of seeing M. de Blacas--The Abby Fleuriel--Unanswered
letters--My letter to M. de Talleyrand at Vienna.
No power is so great as that resulting from the changes produced by time.
Wise policy consists in directing that power, but to do so it is
requisite to know the wants of the age. For this reason Louis XVIII.
appeared, in the eyes of all sensible persons, a monarch expressly formed
for the circumstances in which we stood after the fall of Napoleon.
In the winter of 1813-14 some Royalist proclamations had been circulated
in Paris, and as they contained the germs of those hopes which the
Charter, had it been executed, was calculated to realise, the police
opposed their circulation, and I recollect that, in order to multiply the
number of copies, my family and I daily devoted some hours to
transcribing them. After the definitive declaration of Alexander a very
active correspondence ensued between the Provisional Government and
Hartwell, and Louis XVIII. was even preparing to embark for Bordeaux when
he learned the events of the 31st of March. That news induced the King
to alter his determination, and he soon quitted his retirement to proceed
to London. Louis XVIII. and the Prince Regent of England exchanged the
orders of the Holy Ghost and the Garter, and I believe I may affirm that
this was the first occasion on which any but a Catholic Prince was
invested with the order of the Holy Ghost.
Louis XVIII. embarked at Dover on board the Royal Sovereign, and landed
at Calais on the 24th of April. I need not enter into any description of
the enthusiasm which his presence excited; that is generally known
through the reports of the journals of the time. It is very certain that
all rational persons saw with satisfaction the Princes of the House of
Bourbon reascend the throne of their ancestors, enlightened by experience
and misfortune, which, as some ancient philosopher observes, are the best
counsellors of kings.
I had received a letter addressed to me from London by the Duc de Duras,
pointing out the route which Louis XVIII. was to pursue from Calais to
Paris: In this he said, "After the zeal, monsieur, you have shown for the
service of the King, I do not doubt your activity to prevent his
suffering in any way at a moment so happy and interesting for every
Frenchman." The King's wishes on this subject were scrupulously
fulfilled, and I recollect with pleasure the zeal with which my
directions were executed by all the persons in the service of the
Postoffice. His Majesty stopped for a short time at Amiens, and then
proceeded to Compiegne, where the Ministers and Marshals had previously
arrived to present to him their homage and the assurance of their
fidelity. Berthier addressed the King in the name of the Marshals, and
said, among other things, "that France, groaning for five and twenty
years under the weight of the misfortunes that oppressed her, had
anxiously looked forward to the happy day which she now saw dawning."
Berthier might justly have said for "ten years"; but at all events, even
had he spoken the truth, it was ill placed in the mouth of a man whom the
Emperor had constantly loaded with favours: The Emperor Alexander also
went to Compiegne to meet Louis XVIII., and the two monarchs dined
together.
I did not go to Compiegne because the business which I had constantly to
execute did not permit me to leave Paris for so long an interval as that
journey would have required, but I was at St. Ouen when Louis XVIII.
arrived on the 2d of May. There I had to congratulate myself on being
remembered by a man to whom I was fortunate enough to render some service
at Hamburg. As the King entered the salon through which he had to pass
to go to the dining-room M. Hue recognising me said to his Majesty,
"There is M. de Bourrienne." The King then stepping up to me said, "Ah!
M. de Bourrienne, I am very glad to see you. I am aware of the services
you have rendered me in Hamburg and Paris, and I shall feel much pleasure
in testifying my gratitude."
At St. Ouen Louis XVIII. promulgated the declaration which preceded the
Charter, and which repeated the sentiments expressed by the King twenty
years before, in the Declaration of Colmar. It was also at St, Ouen that
project of a Constitution was presented to him by the Senate in which
that body, to justify 'in extremis' its title of conservative, stipulated
for the preservation of its revenues and endowments.
On the 3d of May Louis XVIII. made his solemn entrance into Paris, the
Duchess d'Angouleme being in the carriage with the King. His Majesty
proceeded first to Notre Dame. On arriving at the Pont Neuf he saw the
model of the statue of Henri IV. replaced, on the pedestal of which
appeared the following words: 'Ludovico reduce, Henricus redivivus',
which were suggested by M. de Lally-Tollendal, and were greatly
preferable to the long and prolix inscription composed for the bronze
statue.
The King's entrance into Paris did not excite so much enthusiasm as the
entrance of Monsieur. In the places through which I passed on the 3d of
May astonishment seemed to be the prevailing feeling among the people.
The abatement of public enthusiasm was more perceptible a short time
after, when Louis XVIII. restored "the red corps" which Louis XVI. had
suppressed long before the Revolution.
It was not a little extraordinary to see the direction of the Government
consigned to a man who neither had nor could have any knowledge of
France. From the commencement M. de Blacas affected ministerial
omnipotence. When I went on the 11th of May to the Tuileries to present,
as usual, my portfolio to the King, in virtue of my privilege of
transacting business with the sovereign, M. de Blacas wished to take the
portfolio from me, which appeared to me the more surprising as, during
the seven days I had the honour of coming in contact with Louis XVIII.,
his Majesty had been pleased to bestow many compliments upon me. I at
first refused to give up the portfolio, but M. de Blacas told me the King
had ordered him to receive it; I then, of course, yielded the point.
However, it, was not long before I had experience of a courtier's
revenge, for two days after this circumstance, that is to say, on the
13th of May, on entering my cabinet at the usual hour, I mechanically
took up the 'Moniteur', which I found lying on my desk. On glancing
hastily over it what was my astonishment to find that the Comte Ferrand
had been appointed Director of the Post-office in my stead. Such was the
strange mode in which M. de Blacas made me feel the promised gratitude of
the sovereign. Certainly, after my proofs of loyalty, which a year
afterwards procured for me the honour of being outlawed in quite a
special way, I had reason to complain, and I might have said 'Sic vos non
vobis' as justly as Virgil when he alluded to the unmerited favours
lavished by Augustus on the Maevii and Bavii of his time.
The measures of Government soon excited complaints in every quarter.
The usages of the old system were gradually restored, and ridicule being
mingled with more serious considerations, Paris was speedily inundated
with caricatures and pamphlets. However, tranquillity prevailed until
the month of September, when M. de Talleyrand departed for the Congress
of Vienna. Then all was disorder at the Tuileries. Every one feeling
himself free from restraint, wished to play the statesman, and Heaven
knows how many follies were committed in the absence of the schoolmaster.
Under a feeble Government there is but one step from discontent to
insurrection, under an imbecile Government like that of France in 1814,
after the departure of M. de Talleyrand, conspiracy has free Scope.
During the summer of 1814 were initiated the events which reached their
climax on the 20th of March 1815. I almost fancy I am dreaming when I
look back on the miraculous incapacity of the persons who were then at
the head of our Government. The emigrants, who, as it has been truly
said, had neither learned nor forgotten anything, came back with all the
absurd pretensions of Coblentz. Their silly vanity reminded one of a
character in one of Voltaire's novels who is continually saying, "Un
homme comme moi!" These people were so engrossed with their pretended
merit that they were blind to everything else. They not only disregarded
the wishes and the wants of France; which in overthrowing the Empire
hoped to regain liberty, but they disregarded every warning they had
received.
I recollect one circumstance which was well calculated to excite
suspicion. Prince Eugene proposed going to the waters of Plombieres to
join his sister Hortense. The horses, the carriages, and one of the
Prince's aides de camp had already arrived at Plombieres, and his
residence was prepared; but he did not go. Eugene had, no doubt,
received intimation of his sister's intrigues with some of the
individuals of the late Court of Napoleon who were then at the waters,
and as he had determined to reside quietly at the Court of his father-in-
law; without meddling with public affairs, he remained at Munich. This
fact, however, passed off unnoticed.
At the end of 1814 unequivocal indications of a great catastrophe were
observable. About that time a man, whom I much esteem, and with whom I
have always been on terms of friendship, said to me, "You see how things
are going on: they are committing fault upon fault. You must be
convinced that such a state of things cannot last long. Between
ourselves, I am of opinion that all will be over in the month of March;
that month will repair the disgrace of last March. We shall then, once
for all, be delivered from fanaticism and the emigrants. You see the
intolerable spirit of hypocrisy that prevails, and you know that the
influence of the priests is, of all things, the most hateful to the
nation. We have gone back a long way within the last eight months. I
fear you will repent of having taken too active a part in affairs at the
commencement of the present year. You see we have gone a very different
way from what you expected. However, as I have often told you before,
you had good reason to complain; and after all, you acted to the best of
your judgment."
I did not attach much importance to this prediction of a change in the
month of March. I deplored, as every one did, the inconceivable errors
of "Ferrand and Company," and I hoped that the Government would gradually
return to those principles which were calculated to conciliate the
feelings of the people. A few days after another of my friends called on
me. He had exercised important functions, and his name had appeared on a
proscription list. He had claims upon the Government, which was by no
means favourably disposed towards him. I asked him how things were going
on, and he replied, "Very well; no opposition is made to my demands. I
have no reason bo complain." This reminded me of the man in the 'Lettres
Persanes', who admired the excellent order of the finances under Colbert
because his pension was promptly paid. I congratulated my friend on the
justice which the Government rendered him, as well as on the justice
which he rendered to the Government, and I remarked that if the same
course were adopted towards every one all parties would speedily be
conciliated. "I do not think so," said my friend. "If the Government
persist in its present course it cannot possibly stand, and we shall have
the Emperor back again."--"That," said I, "would be a very great
misfortune; and even if such were the wish of France, it would be opposed
by Europe. You who are so devotedly attached to France cannot be
indifferent to the danger that would threaten her if the presence of
Bonaparte should bring the foreigners back again. Can you endure to
think of the dismemberment of our country?"--"That they would never dare
to attempt. But you and I can never agree on the question of the Emperor
and your Bourbons. We take a totally different view of the matter. You
had cause to complain of Bonaparte, but I had only reason to be satisfied
with him. But tell me, what would you do if he were to return?"--
"Bonaparte return!"--"Yes."--"Upon my word, the best thing I could do
would be to set off as speedily as I could, and that is certainly what I
should do. I am thoroughly convinced that he would never pardon me for
the part I have taken in the Restoration, and I candidly confess that I
should not hesitate a moment to save my life by leaving France."--"Well,
you are wrong, for I am convinced that if you would range yourself among
the number of his friends you might have whatever you wished--titles,
honours, riches. Of this I could give you assurance."--"All this, I must
tell you, does not tempt me. I love France as dearly, as you do, and I
am convinced that she can never be happy under Bonaparte. If he should
return I will go and live abroad."
This is only part of a conversation which lasted a considerable time,
and, as is often the case after a long discussion, my friend retained his
opinion, and I mine. However, this second warning, this hypothesis of
the return of Bonaparte, made me reflect, and I soon received another
hint which gave additional weight to the preceding ones. An individual
with whom I was well acquainted, and whom I knew from his principles and
connections to be entirely devoted to the royal cause, communicated to me
some extraordinary circumstances which he said alarmed him. Among other
things he said, "The day before yesterday I met Charles de Labedoyere,
who, you know, is my intimate friend. I remarked that he had an air of
agitation and abstraction. I invited him to come and dine with me, but
he declined, alleging as an excuse that we should not be alone. He then
asked me to go and dine with him yesterday, as he wanted to talk with me.
I accepted his invitation, and we conversed a long time on political
affair's and the situation of France. You know my sentiments are quite
the reverse of his, so we disputed and wrangled, though we are still very
good friends. But what alarms me is, that at parting Charles pressed my
hand, saying, 'Adieu; to-morrow I set off for Grenoble. In a month you
will hear something of Charles de Labedoyere.'"
These three successive communications appeared to me very extraordinary.
The two first were made to me by persons interested in the event, and the
third by one who dreaded it. They all presented a striking coincidence
with the intrigues at Plombieres a few months before. In the month of
January I determined to mention the business to M. de Blacas, who then
engrossed all credit and all power, and through whose medium alone
anything could reach the sovereign. I need scarcely add that my
intention was merely to mention to him the facts without naming the
individuals from whom I obtained them. After all, however, M. de Blacas
did not receive me, and I only had the honour of speaking to his
secretary, who, if the fact deserve to be recorded, was an abbe named
Fleuriel. This personage, who was an extraordinary specimen of
impertinence and self-conceit, would have been an admirable study for a
comic poet. He had all the dignity belonging to the great secretary of a
great Minister, and, with an air of indifference, he told me that the
Count was not there; but M. de Blacas was there, and I knew it.
Devoted as I was to the cause of the Bourbons, I thought it my duty to
write that very day to M. de Blacas to request an interview; I received
no answer. Two days after I wrote a second letter, in which I informed
M. de Blacas that I had something of the greatest importance to
communicate to him; this letter remained unnoticed like the first.
Unable to account for this strange treatment I again repaired to the
Pavilion de Flore, and requested the Abbe Fleuriel to explain to me if he
could the cause of his master's silence. "Sir," said he, "I received
your two letters, and laid them before the Count; I cannot tell why he
has not sent you an answer; but Monsieur le Comte is so much engaged . .
. . Monsieur le Comte is so overwhelmed with business that"--"Monsieur
le Comte may, perhaps, repent of it. Good morning, sir!"
I thus had personal experience of the truth of what I had often heard
respecting M. de Blacas. That favourite, who succeeded Comte d'Avaray,
enjoyed the full confidence of the King, and concentrated the sovereign
power in his own cabinet. The only means of transmitting any
communication to Louis XVIII. was to get it addressed to M. de Blacas by
one of his most intimate friends.
Convinced as I was of the danger that threatened France, and unable to
break through the blockade which M. de Blacas had formed round the person
of the King, I determined to write to M. de Talleyrand at Vienna,' and
acquaint him with the communications that had been made to me. M. de
Talleyrand corresponded directly with the King, and I doubt not that my
information at length reached the ears of his Majesty. But when Louis
XVIII. was informed of what was to happen it was too late to avert the
danger.