Section 1. Each person on being elected to Active Membership shall pay

[Illustration: Cover]

PROCEEDINGS OF THE

* * * * *

NEW YORK STATE HISTORICAL

ASSOCIATION

* * * * *

THE SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING,

WITH CONSTITUTION, BY-LAWS

AND LIST OF MEMBERS.

* * * * *

[Illustration: Seal of the Association]

* * * * *

PUBLISHED BY THE

NEW YORK STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION

1906

NEWBURGH JOURNAL PRINT.

NEW YORK STATE HISTORICAL

ASSOCIATION.

* * * * *

President,

Hon. JAMES A. ROBERTS, New York.

First Vice-President,

Hon. GRENVILLE M. INGALSBE, Sandy Hill.

Second Vice-President,

Dr. SHERMAN WILLIAMS, Glens Falls.

Third Vice-President,

JOHN BOULTON SIMPSON, Bolton.

Treasurer,

JAMES A. HOLDEN, Glens Falls.

Secretary,

ROBERT O. BASCOM, Fort Edward.

Assistant Secretary,

FREDERICK B. RICHARDS, Ticonderoga.

TRUSTEES.

* * * * *

Mr. Asahel R. Wing, Fort Edward Term Expires 1906

Mr. Elmer J. West, Glens Falls " 1906

Rev. John H. Brandow, Schoharie " 1906

Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe, Sandy Hill " 1906

Col. William L. Stone, Mt. Vernon " 1906

Mr. Morris Patterson Ferris, New York " 1906

Hon. George G. Benedict, Burlington, Vt. " 1906

Hon. James A. Roberts, New York " 1907

Col. John L. Cunningham, Glens Falls " 1907

Mr. James A. Holden, Glens Falls " 1907

Mr. John Boulton Simpson, Bolton " 1907

Rev. Dr. C. Ellis Stevens, New York " 1907

Dr. Everett R. Sawyer, Sandy Hill " 1907

Mr. Elwyn Seele, Lake George " 1907

Mr. Frederick B. Richards, Ticonderoga " 1907

Mr. Howland Pell, New York " 1907

Gen. Henry E. Tremain, New York " 1908

Mr. William Wait, Kinderhook " 1908

Dr. Sherman Williams, Glens Falls " 1908

Mr. Robert O. Bascom, Fort Edward " 1908

Mr. Francis W. Halsey, New York " 1908

Mr. Harry W. Watrous, Hague " 1908

Com. John W. Moore, Bolton Landing " 1908

Rev. Dr. Joseph E. King, Fort Edward " 1908

Hon. Hugh Hastings, Albany " 1908

PROCEEDINGS

Of The

Seventh Annual Meeting of the New York State Historical

Association, held August 22d, 1905, at the

Court House, Lake George, N. Y.

* * * * *

At the Seventh Annual Meeting of the New York State Historical

Association, held at Lake George on the 22d day of August, 1905, a

quorum being present, the President, James A. Roberts, called the

meeting to order, whereupon it was duly moved, seconded and carried,

that the reading of the minutes be dispensed with.

The report of the Treasurer, James A. Holden, was read and adopted after

having been approved by the auditors, Dr. Joseph E. King and the Hon.

Grenville M. Ingalsbe.

It was further moved, seconded and carried, that the annual publication

of the society be not sent to those members who are two or more years

in arrears in their dues.

Dr. Sherman Williams, chairman of the committee on historic spots,

reported orally that arrangements had been made for the erection of a

boulder with a bronze tablet at Half-Way Brook, and that arrangements

were in progress for marking other spots in the vicinity of Lake George.

The report was accepted and the committee continued, and the committee

were requested to make a written report with a historic sketch relating

to the spots marked and proposed to be marked, which report together

with a cut of the tablets erected and to be erected shall be published

in the proceedings of the Association.

Mr. Harry W. Watrous, chairman of the committee on Fort Ticonderoga, by

Mr. Grenville M. Ingalsbe reported progress.

Upon the suggestion of the chairman the following committee on Fort

Ticonderoga was appointed for the ensuing year:

Mrs. Elizabeth Watrous, Mr. John Boulton Simpson, Mr. Geo. O. Knapp.

The committee on program made an oral report, which was adopted.

A vote of thanks was extended to Gen. Tremain for his very liberal gift

to the Association reported by the treasurer.

A vote of thanks was extended to the committee on program.

The following new members were elected:

Alice Brooks Wyckoff, Elmira, N. Y.

Hon. F. W. Hatch, N. Y. City.

Hon. Albert Haight, Albany, N. Y.

Hon. John Woodward, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Mr. E. B. Hill, 49 Wall Street, N. Y. City.

Rev. Dr. Thos. B. Slicer, N. Y. City.

Mr. G. C. Lewis, Albany, N. Y.

Dr. George S. Eveleth, Little Falls, N. Y.

George C. Rowell, 81 Chapel Street, Albany, N. Y.

Mr. James F. Smith, So. Hartford, N. Y.

Mr. George Foster Peabody, Lake George, N. Y.

Mr. Grenville H. Ingalsbe, Sandy Hill, N. Y.

Mr. A. N. Richards, Sandy Hill, N. Y.

Mr. Irwin W. Near, Hornellsville, N. Y.

Mr. Archibald Stewart, Derby, Sandy Hill, N. Y.

Mr. Alvaro D. Arnold, Sandy Hill, N. Y.

Mr. Richard C. Tefft, Sandy Hill, N. Y.

Mr. F. D. Howland, Sandy Hill, N. Y.

Mr. A. W. Abrams.

Mr. D. M. Alexander, Buffalo, N. Y.

Mr. Philip M. Hull, Clinton, N. Y.

Addie E. Hatfield, 17 Linwood Place, Utica, N. Y.

George K. Hawkins, Plattsburgh, N. Y.

Dr. Claude A. Horton, Glens Falls, N. Y.

Dr. E. T. Horton, Whitehall, N. Y.

Gen. T. S. Peck, Burlington, Vt.

Myron F. Westover, Schenectady, N. Y.

Dr. Wm. C. Sebring, Kingston, N. Y.

Mr. Neil M. Ladd, 646 Fulton Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Mr. J. Hervey Cook, Fishkill-on-the-Hudson, N. Y.

Mr. H. L. Broughton, Sandy Hill, N. Y.

Daniel L. Van Hee, Rochester, N. Y.

Edmund Wetmore, 34 Pine Street, N. Y. City.

Mrs. Lydia F. Upson, Glens Falls, N. Y.

Mr. Daniel F. Imrie, Lake George, N. Y.

Mr. James Green, Lake George, N. Y.

Mr. Edwin J. Worden, Lake George, N. Y.

Dr. Sherman Williams moved that the chair appoint a committee of two to

take into consideration an amendment to the constitution relating to

the payment of dues.

Carried.

Whereupon the chair appointed as such committee Robert O. Bascom and

James A. Holden.

Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe offered the following resolution.

_Resolved,_ That the President be authorized to appoint a committee of

three to investigate and report to the next annual meeting as to the

feasibility of co-operation and of the establishment of a community of

action between this association and the various other historical

societies in the State, which resolution was unanimously adopted.

After some discussion, participated in by various members of the

Association, it was regularly moved, seconded and carried, that a

committee of three be appointed by the president upon membership,

whereupon the president appointed the following committee:

Dr. Ellis C. Stevens, with power to name his associates.

The following trustees were unanimously elected by ballot for the term

of three years:

Gen. Henry E. Tremain, N. Y. City; William Wait, Kinderhook, N. Y.;

Dr. Sherman Williams, Glens Falls, N. Y.; Robert O. Bascom, Fort Edward,

N. Y.; Francis W. Halsey, New York; Harry W. Watrous, Hague, N. Y.; Rev.

Dr. Joseph E. King, Fort Edward, N. Y.; Hon. Hugh Hastings, Albany,

N. Y.; Com. John W. Moore, Bolton Landing, N. Y.

Rev. Mr. Hatch and Rev. Mr. Black presented for the consideration of the

Association the subject of the erection of a museum building. After some

discussion it was moved, seconded and carried, that the thanks of the

Association be tendered to the gentlemen for bringing the matter to the

attention of the Association, after which the meeting was adjourned

until two o'clock in the afternoon.

August 22d, 1905.--Afternoon Session.

_Symposium--The Sullivan Expedition._

At the adjourned session held in the afternoon August 22d, 1905, Dr.

W. C. Sebring, of Kingston, read a paper entitled, "The Character of

Gen. Sullivan."

A paper entitled "The Primary Cause of the Border Wars," by Francis W.

Halsey, of New York, was read by the Hon. Grenville M. Ingaslsbe in the

absence of Mr. Halsey.

Dr. Sherman Williams, of Glens Falls, read a monograph entitled, "The

Organization of Sullivan's Expedition."

Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe read by title only a paper entitled, "A

Bibliography of Sullivan's Expedition."

A paper entitled, "An Indian Civilization and its Destruction," by Col.

S. W. Moulthrop, was read by the Rev. W. H. P. Hatch in the absence of

Col. Moulthrop.

A paper entitled, "The Campaign," was read by William Wait, of

Kinderhook, when the meeting adjourned until August 23d, at 10 o'clock

A. M., at the same place.

ROBERT O. BASCOM,

_Secretary._

TRUSTEES' MEETING.

August 23d, 1905.

At a meeting of the Trustees of the New York State Historical

Association held at Lake George on the 22d day of August, 1905, a

quorum being present, the following officers were elected:

President, Hon. Jas. A. Roberts, Buffalo, N. Y.

First Vice-President, Hon. G. M. Ingalsbe, Sandy Hill, N. Y.

Second Vice-President, Dr. Sherman Williams, Glens Falls, N. Y.

Third Vice-President, John Boulton Simpson, Bolton, N. Y.

Treasurer, James A. Holden, Glens Falls, N. Y.

Secretary, Robert O. Bascom, Fort Edward, N. Y.

Asst. Secretary, Frederick B. Richards, Ticonderoga, N. Y.

The printing bill of E. H. Lisk was presented to the Trustees and after

discussion the same was referred to the Treasurer and Secretary with

power to settle the same.

The following committees were appointed:

_Standing Committee on Legislation:_

Hon. James A. Roberts,

Gen. Henry E. Tremain,

Dr. Sherman Williams,

Morris Patterson Ferris,

Hon. Hugh Hastings.

_On Marking Historic Spots:_

Dr. Sherman Williams,

Frederick B. Richards,

James A. Holden,

Asahel R. Wing,

Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe.

_On Fort Ticonderoga:_

Mrs. Elizabeth Watrous,

John Boulton Simpson,

George O. Knapp.

_On Program:_

Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe,

Dr. Sherman Williams,

Dr. C. Ellis Stevens.

_On Membership:_

Dr. C. Ellis Stevens.

Bill of the Secretary for postage, express and sundries was thereupon

audited and ordered paid, whereupon the meeting adjourned.

At a meeting of the Trustees it was moved, seconded and carried, that

E. M. Ruttenber, of Newburgh, N. Y., be made an honorary member of the

Association.

ROBERT O. BASCOM,

_Secretary._

* * * * *

ASSOCIATION MEETING.

August 23d, 1905.

At the adjourned session held August 22d, a paper entitled, "Concerning

the Mohawks," was read by W. Max Reid, of Amsterdam, N. Y., after which

the Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe read certain hitherto unpublished letters

from Gen. George Washington relating to the "Sullivan Expedition," after

which a resolution was adopted requesting that Mr. Ingalsbe furnish the

same for publication in the ensuing volume of the proceedings of the

Association.

An address entitled, "Robert R. Livingston, the Author of the Louisiana

Purchase," by Hon. D. S. Alexander, of Buffalo, N. Y., concluded the

session, and after a vote of thanks to the various speakers, the meeting

adjourned until two o'clock in the afternoon of the same day, at which

session a paper entitled, "The Birth at Moreau of the Temperance

Reformation," by Dr. Charles A. Ingraham, of Cambridge, was read.

The annual address, "The Democratic Ideal in History," by Hon. Milton

Reed, of Fall River, Massachusetts, concluded the literary exercises of

this meeting, and after a vote of thanks to the speakers of the

afternoon the meeting adjourned sine die.

ROBERT O. BASCOM,

_Secretary._

* * * * *

TRUSTEES' MEETING.

At a meeting of the Trustees of the New York State Historical

Association, held at the Hotel Ten Eyck on the 19th day of January,

1906, in the City of Albany.

Present, Hon. James A. Roberts, President; Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe,

First Vice-President; Dr. Sherman Williams, Second Vice-President; Hon.

Hugh Hastings, Trustee; Hon. Robert O. Bascom, Secretary.

The meeting being duly called to order by the President, the semi-annual

report of James A. Holden, Treasurer, was read and adopted.

The report is as follows:

SEMI-ANNUAL REPORT

of

J. A. Holden, Treasurer New York State Historical Association,

From July 1, 1905, to Jan. 18, 1906.

RECEIPTS.

July 1, 1905--Cash on hand $194.73

Received from dues, etc. 390.10

____

$584.83

DISBURSEMENTS.

Aug. 5, E. H. Lisk, printing $200.00

" 5, R. O. Bascom, postage and sundries 27.50

Sep. 8, E. H. Lisk, printing 62.25

Sep. 7, R. O. Bascom, postage 23.28

" 7, Milton Reid, expenses 15.31

Nov. 8, E. H. Lisk, printing 31.75

Dec. 4, R. O. Bascom, stamps 10.00

" 11, R. O. Bascom, " 10.00

Jan. 9, Postage 5.00

____

385.09

______

Cash on hand $199.74

ASSETS.

Cash on hand $199.74

Life Membership Fund 271.40

Respectfully submitted,

JAMES A. HOLDEN,

_Treasurer._

The report of the committee on amendments to the Constitution was

read and laid upon the table.

The report of Committee on Marking Historic Spots was read and adopted.

The report is as follows:

Glens Falls, N. Y., Jan. 18, 1906.

_To the Trustees of the New York State Historical Association,_

_Gentlemen:_--I beg to report progress in regard to the work of the

committee on marking Historic Spots. A good number of persons have made

contributions ranging from five to fifty dollars each. A marker has

been erected at Half-Way Brook and another planned for at Bloody Pond.

The tablet at Half-Way Brook was made under the direction of W. J.

Scales, who is also to prepare the design for the one at Bloody Pond.

The marker at Half-Way Brook is a large boulder resting upon another

large boulder nearly buried in the ground. The boulders are large and

very hard, and the cost of cutting them to fit was unexpectedly great.

Both boulders were drawn from a long distance. The cost of drawing and

erecting them, and getting them ready for the tablet was about one

hundred and ten dollars. This work was supervised by Mr. Henry Crandall,

who had subscribed fifty dollars toward the work. When it was finished

he said that if I would cancel his subscription he would meet all the

expense of getting the stones in place. As this was more than twice the

amount of his subscription his offer was gladly accepted. The other

expenses to date have been as follows:

For cutting a smooth face on the boulder and

fitting tablet to it $25.25

For photographing the monument 1.00

Paid Mr. Scales on account 45.00

______

Total $71.25

In the Spring it will be necessary to meet a small expense to grade the

ground and seed it. We hope to have the marker at Bloody Pond in place

before our next annual meeting.

Respectfully submitted,

SHERMAN WILLIAMS,

_Chairman of Committee for Marking Historic Spots._

The following new members were duly elected:

Applegate, Rev. Dr. Octavius, Newburgh, N. Y.

Atkins, Hon. T. Astley, 73 Nassau Street, N. Y.

Benjamin, Rev. Dr. William H., Irvington-on-Hudson, N. Y.

Bunten, Roland, Garden City, N. Y.

Brooks, James B., 1013 East Adams Street, Syracuse, N. Y.

Bockus, Dr. Truman J., Packer Institute, Brooklyn, N, Y.

Banker, Dr. Silas J., Fort Edward, N. Y.

Cooke, Rev. Jere K., Hempstead, N. Y,

Coon, Hon. Stephen Mortimer, Oswego, N. Y.

Clark, Rev. Joseph B., Fourth Ave. and 22d St., N. Y. City.

Clark, Walter A., 755 Main Street, Geneva, N. Y.

Donnell, Rev. Dr. William Nichold, 292 Henry St.. N. Y.

Davis, William Gilbert, 32 Nassau Street, N. Y.

Davis, Dr. Booth C., Alfred, N. Y.

de Peyster, Mrs. Beekman, 2345 Broadway, N. Y. (winter),

Johnstown, N. Y. (summer).

Draper, Hon. A. S., Albany, N. Y.

Gunnison, Hon. Royal A., Juneau, Alaska.

Hopson, Rev. Dr. George B., Annandale, N. Y.

Horton, Mrs. John Miller, 736 Main St., Buffalo, N. Y.

Ingalsbe, Franc Groesbeck, Sandy Hill, N. Y.

Jessup, Rev. Chas. A., Greenport, N. Y.

Jessup, Morris K., 195 Madison Avenue, N. Y,

Joline, Dr. Adrien H., 54 Wall Street, N. Y.

Jackson, Rev. Dr. T. G., 6851 Paul's Place, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Kirby, Dr. R. M., Potsdam, N. Y.

Krotel, Rev. Dr., 65 Convent Avenue, N. Y.

Leavey, Russell H., 147 W. 21st Street, N. Y.

Lefferts, Marshall C., 30 Washington Place, N. Y.

Lewis, George C., Albany, N. Y.

Mace, Dr. William H., Syracuse, N. Y.

Martin, John, Pittsburgh, N. Y.

Morton, Hon. Levi Parsons, 681 Fifth Avenue, N. Y.

Mills, D. O., 634 Fifth Avenue, N. Y.

Munger, Rev. Dr. R. D., 105 Delaware Street, Syracuse, N. Y.

Morgan, Rev. Dr. D. Parker, 3 East 45th Street, N. Y.

Nottingham, William, 701 Walnut Avenue, Syracuse, N. Y.

Nelson, Ven. George F., 29 Lafayette Place, N. Y.

Olmsted, Rt. Rev. Chas. Tyler, 159 Park Avenue, Utica, N. Y.

O'Brien, M. J., 195 Broadway, N. Y.

Paige, Edward Winslow, 44 Cedar Street, New York.

Pierce, Rev. Dr. Walter Franklin, 16 S. Elliott Place, Brooklyn.

Rogers, Howard J., Albany, N. Y,

Rhoades, W. C. P., 400 Putnam Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Sill, Dr. Frederick S., 169 Mohawk Street, Cohoes, N. Y.

Schell, F. Robert, 280 Broadway, N. Y.

Smith, William Alex., 412 Madison Avenue, N. Y.

Samson, William H., 420 Oxford Street, Rochester, N. Y.

Sillo, Dr. Chas. Morton, Geneva, N. Y.

Seabury, Rev. Dr. William Jones, 8 Chelsea Square, N. Y.

Stackpole, George F., Riverhead, N. Y.

Sims, Charles N., Liberty, Indiana.

Steele, Mrs. Esther B., 532 W. Clinton Street, Elmira, N. Y.

Stilwell, Giles H., 1906 West Genesee St., Syracuse, N. Y.

Sheddon, Hon. Lucian L., Plattsburgh, N. Y.

Silver, Dr. John Archer, Geneva, N. Y.

Spencer, Dr. Charles W., Princeton, N. J.

Vanderveer, Dr. A., 28 Eagle Street, Albany, N. Y.

Waller, Rev. Henry D., Flushing, N. Y.

Watson, Col. Jas. T., Clinton, N. Y.

Welch, Miss J. M., 76 Johnston Park, Buffalo, N. Y.

Willey, Rev. John H., 466 East 18th Street, N. Y.

Willis, James D., 40 East 39th Street, N. Y.

The thanks of the Trustees were extended to Dr. Stevens for his services

as chairman of the Committee on Membership. The Secretary and Mr.

William Wait, of Kinderhook, were by motion duly carried appointed a

committee on the publication of the Proceedings of the Association. The

edition was fixed at 750 copies and the Secretary instructed not to send

proceedings to persons who were more than four years in arrears, after

which the meeting adjourned.

ROBERT O. BASCOM,

_Secretary._

CHARACTER OF GEN. SULLIVAN.

* * * * *

By Dr. W. C. Sebring.

* * * * *

How the mists do gather. With the exception of Greene and Benedict

Arnold, George Washington trusted Sullivan beyond any other general of

the Continental army. Sullivan acquitted himself well on diverse

battlefields and, though defeated, the real worth of the man shows in

this, that defeat added as much prestige to his reputation as his

victories. His greatness like that of Washington throve on defeat, for

it can be fairly said that Washington never won a battle. And yet if

you ask even those who have given time to our history as to General

Sullivan, they will convey to you but the most vague impression of some

minor general who sometime in the revolution made a foray on some

Indians somewhere in this State.

The last scene of a drama is best remembered. The picture as the curtain

falls is stamped most clearly on the memory. Sullivan was not to be an

actor in the war's closing scenes, and the valor that gleams the name

of Marion, the splendor of Greene's military intelligence, and the glory

that is linked with the name of Washington at Yorktown were not his.

Neither had he the methodical madness of Wayne, the pusillanimity of

the self-seeking Gates, the recklessness of Putnam, nor the aestheistic

fatalism of Ethan Allan; none of these things had Sullivan to carve his

picture on men's memory.

It may not be out of place here to give a short chronology of this man's

life.

He was born in Summerworth, N. H., in 1740. His parents were well-to-do

emigrants from Ireland. He studied law and was a member of the first

Congress, 1774. Was made Brigadier General 1775. In 1776 he superseded

Arnold in Canada. Then he succeeded General Greene and was taken

prisoner. He was exchanged in November. In 1777 he took part in the

battle of Brandywine, Germantown, and 1778 he commanded in Rhode Island.

In 1779 he led the expedition against the Indians. He then resigned from

the army and took up again the practice of law. He was a member of the

State constitutional convention, then he was elected a member of

Congress, and in '86, '87, '89 was president of his State. Later, in

1789, he was appointed District Judge, and died in 1795 at the age of

54 years.

His personal characteristics are said to be that he was a dignified,

genial and amiable man. He displayed a fine courtesy to those about him,

both to his soldiers and compatriot generals.

I quote the following paragraph from A. Tiffany Norton, who I believe to

be the one who has written the best account of the Indian campaign, and

it is a wonder to me that one who shows so broad a grasp of history and

its essential principles and the elements that make for historical

research, has never written more than he has.

Norton, in his general description of Sullivan, says: "His eyes were

keen and dark, his hair curly black, his form erect, his movements full

of energy and grace. His height was five feet nine inches, and a slight

corpulency when in his prime gave but an added grace. General Sullivan

was a man of undoubted courage, warmth of temperament and independent

spirit equaled only by his patriotic devotion to his country's cause

and his zeal in all public affairs." Doubtless he was too impatient and

outspoken and may have been deserving of some measure of blame, still

his faults should not have detracted from that meed of praise to which

he was justly entitled. Neither should the jealousies of his brothers in

arms, which prompted them to ridicule his achievements, question his

reports and detract from his hard-earned laurels, have weight with the

historian. Yet such has been, in great degree, the case, and the name of

Sullivan occupies a lesser space in the history of the Revolutionary

struggle, than those of many others whose achievements fell far short

of his in magnitude and importance. Sullivan has been made the victim of

the intrigues and petty jealousies of his times, and while for this his

own indiscretions may justly be blamed, the duty is none the less

incumbent on the present generation to render due homage to one who is

a brave soldier and a devoted, disinterested, self-sacrificing patriot.

As Amory has justly said: "A friend of Washington, Greene, Lafayette,

and all the noblest statesmen and generals of the war, whose esteem for

him was universally known, to whom his own attachment never wavered,

he will be valued for his high integrity and steadfast faith, his loyal

and generous character, his enterprise and vigor in command, his

readiness to assume responsibility, his courage and coolness in

emergencies, his foresight for providing for all possible contingencies

of campaign or battle-field, and his calmness when the results became

adverse."

Could the character of Sullivan be fairly said to be that of a great

man? Does he measure up to "bigness?" Remember a little man seldom does

big things. Briefly, what did he do in this Indian campaign? At the

beginning of the Revolution there was a democracy of six confederate

states within the present boundaries of our own municipality. So strong

had this democracy grown that it dominated the inhabitants of a

territory of more than a million square miles. Their battle-cry was

heard from the Kennebec to Lake Superior, and under the very

fortifications of Quebec they annihilated the Huron.

Their orators were fit to rank with any that we have to-day. Their

legends are the legends of a people whose souls were filled with poetry.

Their military tactics were those of a people trained for war--successful

war. Man to man, they were what no other barbarians have been, a match

for the white man. They held the gateway to the West and their position

made them umpires between the mighty nations of the Old World who were

struggling for the possession of the New. Civilized in a sense they

were, but they were barbarians too, and savages to their very heart of

hearts. Rapacious, treacherous, cruel beyond belief,--they were dreaded

alike by friend and foe. Their home was a _terra incognita._ No colonist

had trodden it. From no peak had trapper looked across the profile of

their land. Their numbers were unknown and could only be guessed at by

their achievements--and these were terrible.

How silly of Gordon to criticize Sullivan for over-manning his

expedition. Darkest Africa is better known to-day than was then the land

of the Iroquois. They were re-enforced by British regulars, by fanatical

Tories; they were led by white men, and one of their leaders was a

thorough Indian and thoroughly educated in the white man's lore.

Among this people and into this _terra incognita_ came Sullivan and

smote them hip and thigh. He conquered them to the uttermost. He broke

down the gateway to the mighty West. With a miserable commissariat, he

invaded an unknown country and forever destroyed a democracy that had

ruled for five hundred years.

The Indians conquered by Wayne were but a frazzle of the Six Nations

united with Indians farther West.

Little men do little things, big men do big things, and great men do

great things. Before Sullivan vanished

"that savage senate at the Lake,

By the salt marshes, yonder in the north,

Dull-visaged butchers, coarsely blanketed

Squatted in a ring by their dark Council House

And with strange mumery of pipes and belts

Decreeing, coldly, death--forever death."

The strongest are the gentlest. It is related that having found an

Indian woman too old and feeble to retreat with her people, that

Sullivan left her with a plentiful supply of provisions, though, as one

of the party writes, "we only had half a ration every other day

ourselves."

It is not my province to put forth a brief for General Sullivan, yet

that one incident cast a side-light on his character that impressed me

more as to the true lovely heartiness of the man than anything I have

found. Constancy to a friend is an attribute to those who approach

greatness. After the Indian war Sullivan was reviled unmercifully for

the devastation wrought by him in the Indian country. Out of his love

for General Washington he suffered in silence, while he had in his

possession General Washington's written instructions to do exactly as he

had done.

Perchance for a good man some would even dare to die. But what of a man

whose friendship holds so strong that he may see that which is dearer

to him than life--his character--filched from him, and lest he should

harm a friend, allow his enemies to do with that character as they

wished.

Probably no historian ever lived who could write more wrong history than

Benjamin Lossing, who accuses Sullivan of carelessness and want of

vigilance as a commanding officer and mentions Bedford and Brandywine.

Nothing could be farther from the truth. At Bedford he withdrew his

forces because the French Navy would not support him, and it was out of

the question to remain in the position he had taken up. We have John

Fiske's word for it that Brandywine was a drawn battle.

Of energy he had a plenty. It is on record that after he and General

Clinton united (and Clinton was no sluggard) his Division time and again

out-marched that of Clinton. At one time he broke road across nine miles

of swamp while Clinton following him had to camp in the middle of the

morass. So difficult was the morass that the Indian spies who had been

watching his advance never dreamed that he would attempt the passage of

the swamp, and withdrew to their camps. So confident were the Tories and

Indians, that when he emerged from the swamp their campfires were still

burning.

Right here is a place to say a word about General Sullivan's veracity.

After his return from conquering the Six Nations he reported that he had

destroyed forty villages, and his detractors could not find but

eighteen. It at last developed that when his subordinates had reported

destroying a group of buildings he most naturally supposed that it was

an Indian village, and so put it down in his report.

It has been said of him that he resigned from the army out of spite.

Well, if he did, he was perhaps blamable. But we should remember that he

was dealing with a Continental Congress of the latter years of the war,

and if you search history for a thousand years you will not be able to

find an aggregation of political castros equal to this same Continental

Congress. The men who had made the primal congresses great had set

themselves to serve the nation in other ways, and Congress had fallen

to those who had some money without brains or brains without principle,

or lacking both, were like our modern ones in that they loved "graft"

and knew how to get it.

Sullivan was not a liar, and he himself says that his health was

failing. If we care to plow through the many diaries kept by officers

under him we can well believe that he told the truth, for with the

spoiling of the provisions sent to the expedition most of the soldiers

did suffer from chronic intestinal troubles, and it would be strange if

the commander who takes the same fare as his subordinates should not

suffer in the same manner.

And to back up this we must remember that even after he retired he never

lost the confidence or the love of the greatest of them all, General

Washington. Much has been written of General Sullivan's fallibilities,

and fallibilities the greatest have.

We should remember that Sullivan was a Kelt. And through the centuries

the Kelts have given us the lordliest orators and golden artists, but

for tenacity of purpose no one has celebrated them.

General Sullivan when he was taken prisoner and fell under the influence

of the British military power, and contrasting them with the meagerness

that he had been accustomed to, for once his heart failed him and his

soul sank within him, and it is no sorrow to his name to say that for

the moment he thought the liberty of mankind in the Western continent

was doomed.

He came from the British to us seeking peace, but after he was exchanged

and in his old environment his true native Keltic courage returned and

his after life was the life of an ardent patriot.

I do not think we give enough credit to the perceptions of the ignorant.

Suppose to ten thousand ignorant people this entirely hypothetical

question should be stated: Around the globe is a people who for three

hundred years had been fighting a tyrannical power and well nigh

achieved success. Would it be right for a republic to step in and take

them away from the power they were in rebellion against, and then this

republic by force of arms prevent them from becoming an independent

republic? State to ten thousand ignorant people this question, and they

will shout with one voice "that it is not right." State this question

to ten thousand college professors, and they will back and fill, debate

and re-debate, and finally be fogged by their very knowledge and at last

come to no conclusion at all.

It has never been sufficiently made clear that the classes fought the

Revolutionary war. The educated, the elegant, the conservative, the

well-to-do, in short the "better elements," were practically all with

the British. While the broken, the ignorant, the discouraged, "the

rabble," were the ones that won our liberty. Every single Tory that

was expatriated could read and write, while I believe if the muster

rolls of my own county, inhabited at that time by the educated Dutch,

not one-third of those who enlisted could sign their names. So coldly

did the wealthy Dutchman look upon the war that it was a common trick

for him to send a slave to serve in the ranks instead of himself.

Sullivan by birth and position belonged among the former class, and yet

in spite of position, broke with his own class and gladly took up the

sword with the ignorant because he saw clearly that all social progress

must from very necessity spring from the discontent of the _Hoi Polloi._

He was a true patriot for he lost his all by giving his attention to

public rather than private affairs, and though respected by all and

honored by his State, his last years were the years of gloom and the

gathering clouds, for his life was beset by heartless creditors. The

last scene is the saddest of all, for at his funeral his creditors tried

to seize his body and would have done so, except that an old army

general drew his pistols and drove off the bailiffs of the law. So was

buried one of America's greatest patriots, a constant friend, a brave

and good soldier, and a man who, take him ail in all, it is not an

exaggeration to call "Great."

THE PRIMARY CAUSES OF THE

BORDER WARS

* * * * *

By Francis W. Halsey.

* * * * *

General Sullivan's expedition of 1779 was an immediate outcome of the

massacres of Wyoming and Cherry Valley in the summer and autumn of

1778--not to mention those minor incidents of the Border Wars, which,

beginning in the summer of 1777, had converted the valley of the upper

Susquehanna into a land of desolation. It was a most drastic punishment

that Sullivan inflicted, and such it was intended by Congress that his

work should be. "The immediate objects," said Washington, in his letter

of instruction to Sullivan, "are the total destruction and devastation

of the Indian settlements," He added that the Indian country was "not

to be merely overrun, but destroyed." If we have regard for proportions,

greater losses were inflicted upon the Indians by Sullivan than were

ever inflicted upon the settlements of New York by the Indians.

The expedition, however, failed completely in achieving its main

purpose, which was to suppress the Indian raids. Sullivan and his army

had scarcely left the Western country, when the Indian attacks were

renewed and for three years were continued with a savage energy before

unknown. The Indians' thirst for revenge having been thoroughly aroused,

nothing could afterwards restrain their hands. Aside from the burning

of German Flats and the battle of Oriskany (the latter not properly an

incident of the Border Wars, since it was an integral part of the

Burgoyne campaign), the injury done by the Indians to the Mohawk Valley

was done subsequent to the Sullivan expedition.

In their entirety, the Border Wars constitute a phase of the Revolution

of which far too little has been remembered. We may seek in vain for a

territory elsewhere in the United States where so much destruction was

done to non-combatants. In Tryon county alone, 12,000 farms went out of

cultivation; fully two-thirds of the population either died or fled,

While of the one-third who remained 300 were widows and 2,000 orphans.

And yet, as I have said, the losses of the Iroquois were greater still.

But it is with the causes which led to this savage work that I am here

to deal. For quite 100 years, Joseph Brant and the Tories of the Mohawk

Valley, with Col. Guy and Sir John Johnson, and John and Walter Butler,

at their head, were generally accepted as the original and inspiring

forces in all the barbarities committed. The greater offenders, however,

were men of much higher station and more ample powers--men who had never

seen the valleys of the Susquehanna and the Mohawk, but who lived in

London, and as members of the King's Cabinet were in direct charge of

the war in America. One of them was the Earl of Dartmouth, the other

Lord George Germaine; but it is to Germaine that we must ascribe the

chief odium.

The administration of the Province of New York, when the Revolution

began, was completely in the hands of Loyalists. New York was still a

Crown colony, officials holding their appointments directly from London.

Outside the official class, however, there were patriots in plenty; none

of the colonies possessed more; but as New York City was completely

dominated by Tory influences, so was the Mohawk Valley dominated by the

Johnsons and their army of followers, in whom loyalty to England was a

deep-seated sentiment and a fixed principle of conduct. Sir William

Johnson had died just as the Revolution was about to begin. His

successors became not only as great Loyalists as ever he had been, but,

being men of smaller minds and fewer talents. They added to the

sentiment of loyalty an expression of it which took the form of satanic

bitterness and brute savagery. It was these men who, with their

followers, became the hated Tories of the frontier of New York--men of

whom in some instances, Joseph Brant said, they had been more savage

than the savages themselves.

The attitude of the Indians can be best understood if we remember that

they had been practically in alliance with the English of New York for

a hundred years. When war began between the mother country and the

colonies, or between what the Indians called "two brother nations,"

they were lost in amazement and tried in vain to understand it. Their

own history for three hundred years had been one of peace between

brother nations. "No taxation without representation" was a principle

beyond their comprehension. The men who defied British soldiers in the

streets of New York and Boston seemed to them exactly like the French

of Canada who in the older wars had stormed English forts on the

Northern Frontier, since they were engaged in war with the King of

England, and the King was the Indians' powerful friend.

When the Border Wars reached their height, the frontier of New York

should have been in a state of tranquility. With Burgoyne's surrender,

the center of conflict was to pass away from New York and New England,

and was soon to be transferred to Virginia, Georgia, and South Carolina.

Why then, these Border Wars in New York? In one short sentence, the

whole truth may be disclosed. The ministry of George III, after long and

laborious efforts, now at last had won the Indians of New York into

active sympathy with their cause. For three years they had tried in vain

to gain their support, and again and again had held counsels with them,

but the net results had been an essentially neutral stand by the

Indians.

But let us recapitulate. Soon after the battle of Lexington, Col. Guy

Johnson, the official successor of Sir William, convened at his home

near Amsterdam, a conference with the Indians, mostly Mohawks, and

later, after the result at Bunker Hill had alarmed him anew, fled to

Oswego and thence to Canada. Nearly all the Mohawk Indians went with

him, as well as a domestic force of about 500 white men, mainly Scotch

Highlanders, over whom he had placed in command, Col. John Butler. In

July Col. Johnson reached Montreal, Where he had an interview with Sir

Frederick Haldemand, who said to the Indians:

"Now is the time for you to help the King. The war has begun. Assist

him now, and you will find it to your advantage. Whatever you lose

during the war, the King will make up to you when peace returns."

Later in the same month, the Earl of Dartmouth, then a member of the

British Cabinet, wrote from London to Col. Johnson, that it was the

King's pleasure "That you lose no time in taking such steps as may

induce the Indians to take up the hatchet against his Majesty's

rebellious subjects in America." This letter was accompanied by a large

assortment of presents for the Indians, and Col. Johnson was urged not

to fail to use "the utmost diligence and activity" in accomplishing

the purpose. Col. Johnson was joined in Canada in the spring of the

following year by his brother-in-law, Sir John Johnson, the son and heir

of Sir William. Sir John had organized a force known as the Royal

Greens, composed of loyalists from the New York frontier, and mainly

former tenants and dependents of his father's estate.

The Mohawks, who alone of all the Six Nations had gone to Canada, were

slow to yield to the importunities of the English, in so far as taking

an active part in the war was concerned. A topic of far deeper interest

to them was their title to certain lands in the Mohawk and upper

Susquehanna Valleys, concerning which they had failed to secure

adjustments for many years. In November, 1775, Joseph Brant with other

Indian chiefs, sailed for England with a view to accomplishing a

settlement of this dispute. An interview took place with the Colonial

Secretary, who subsequently was in direct charge of the war in America,

Lord George Germaine. Brant made two speeches before Germaine, outlining

the grievances of his people, and it is clear from one of them that

Germaine then secured the adhesion of Brant to the English cause by

promising to redress the Indian grievances after the war, and to keep

for the Indians the favor and protection of the King. Thenceforth the

responsibility for Indian activity in the Revolution rests mainly on

Germaine. It was to him that Lord Chatham referred in a memorable speech

on the American War:

"But, my lord, who is the man, that, in addition to the disgrace and

mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms

the tomahawk and scalping knife of the savage? To call into civilized

alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitants of the woods? To delegate to

the merciless Indian the defense of disputed right, and to wage the

horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My lords, these

enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment."

When the Burgoyne campaign began, Brant had arrived home. New efforts

were now actively put forth to enlist the Indians in British service. A

considerable company of them started south with Burgoyne, but they

subsequently deserted him before a battle had been fought, or even the

American army was discovered. With St. Leger a much larger force started

for a descent upon the Mohawk Valley. These were in direct charge of

Joseph Brant, and comprised the greater part of the efficient Mohawk

force. At Oswego a counsel had been held a few weeks before, in order

to enlist in British service the other "nations" of the Iroquois, who

were assured that the King was a man of great power and that they should

never want for food and clothing if they adhered to him. Rum, it was

said, would be "as plentiful as water in Lake Ontario." Presents were

made, and a bounty offered on every white man's scalp that they might

take. The Senecas notably, and to some extent the Onondagas and Cayugas,

thus became fired with ambition to see something of the war.

By the time St. Leger arrived at Oswego, about 700 warriors had been

secured. Some of them still remained lukewarm as to fighting, but they

were at last drawn into the campaign under an assurance that they need

not fight themselves, but might sit by during the battle smoking their

pipes, while they saw the redcoats "whip the rebels." The result was,

that when a battle was imminent at Oriskany, the Indian's love of war

was uppermost, and they became the most active participants in the

conflict. They also became proportionately the heaviest losers and

returned to their homes, not only with doleful shrieks and yells over

their losses, but with a determined purpose to revenge themselves on the

defenseless frontier. At what frightful cost to the Mohawk Valley they

secured that revenge, the story of the ensuing four years bears ample

witness.

But, as I have said, the Indians lost more. When the war was over, they

had practically lost everything. Their homes were destroyed and their

altars obliterated. England virtually abandoned them to the men whom

they had fought as rebels, but who were now victorious patriots, the

masters of imperial possessions. Nothing whatever was exacted for them

in the treaty of peace. Not even their names were mentioned. Such, at

the close of the war, was their pitiful state. Everything in the world

that they had, had been given to a cause, not their own--the cause of

an ally across the great waters, with whom they were keeping an ancient

covenant chain. When at last their wide domain, among whose streams and

forests for ages their race had found a home, passed forever from their

control, they might have said, with a pride more just than that of

Francis I., after the battle of Pavia, "All is lost save honor."

THE ORGANIZATION OF SULLIVAN'S

EXPEDITION.

* * * * *

By Dr. Sherman Williams.

* * * * *

History has not done justice to the subject in telling the story of

Sullivan's expedition. There are few if any equally important events in

our history of which the great majority of our people know so little.

It was the most important military event of 1779, fully one-third of the

Continental army being engaged in it. The campaign was carried on under

great difficulties, was brilliantly successful, and executed with but

small loss of life. It is possible that the movement would have received

more attention from the historians had the loss of life been much

greater, even if the results had been of less importance.

The chief result was the practical destruction of the Iroquois

Confederacy. While the Six Nations were very active on the frontier the

following year, the Confederacy as an organization had received its

death blow.

The massacres at Wyoming, along the New York frontier, especially in

the Mohawk, Schoharie and Susquehanna valleys, had so aroused the people

that the Continental Congress felt called upon to take action and on

the 27th of February, 1779, passed a resolution directing Washington to

take effective measures to protect the frontier.

It was decided to send a strong expedition against the Iroquois

settlements, and utterly destroy their towns and crops, more especially

in the territory of the Senecas and Cayugas. It was no small task to

equip a large force and traverse an almost unknown, and altogether

unmapped, wilderness which was wholly without roads, in the face of an

active and vigilant as well as relentless foe.

The command of the expedition was tendered to General Gates because of

his rank. In reply to the tender of the command General Gates wrote to

Washington as follows: "Last night I had the honor of your Excellency's

letter. The man who undertakes the Indian service should enjoy health

and strength, requisites I do not possess. It therefore grieves me that

your Excellency should offer me the only command to which I am entirely

unequal. In obedience to your command I have forwarded your letter to

General Sullivan."

Washington had evidently anticipated that Gates would not accept the

command as he had enclosed in his letter to him a communication that was

to be forwarded to Sullivan in case Gates declined the service. It was

this letter to which Gates referred in his reply to Washington. No doubt

it was fortunate for the country that the command of the expedition

devolved upon some other person than Gates.

Washington felt somewhat hurt at the tone of the letter he received from

Gates, and in a communication to the President of Congress he said, "My

letter to him on the occasion I believe you will think was conceived

in very candid and polite terms, and merited a different answer from the

one given to it."

In his instructions to Sullivan Washington wrote as follows:

"Sir:--The expedition you are appointed to command is to be directed

against the hostile tribes of the Six Nations of Indians, with their

associates and adherents. The immediate object is their total

destruction and devastation, and the capture of as many persons of

every age and sex as possible. It will be essential to ruin their crops

now in the ground and prevent their planting more."

At this time it was supposed that the expedition would reach the Indian

country in the early summer, but it was not until August that the work

of destruction began. Writing again of the expedition Washington said

the purpose was "to cut off their settlements, destroy their crops, and

inflict upon them every other mischief which time and circumstances

would permit."

The purpose of the expedition was primarily to destroy the crops and

villages of the Indians, after which Sullivan was to move forward and

capture Niagara, if such action should prove to be practicable.

The expedition was to be made up of three divisions. The first was

directly under the command of Sullivan; and the forces of which it was

composed assembled at Easton, Pa., from which point they marched to

Wyoming on the Susquehanna, and from there to Tioga Point. Here they

waited for the second division under the command of General Clinton, who

had sent an expedition into the Onondaga country, after which he was to

assemble his forces at Canajoharie and march across the country to the

head of Otsego Lake and then come down the Susquehanna River to join

Sullivan at Tioga. The third division was under the command of Colonel

Daniel Brodhead, who started from Pittsburgh, Pa. He never directly

co-operated with Sullivan, but no doubt aided him by his movement. He

left Pittsburgh on the 11th of August with a force of six hundred and

fifty men. He followed the Allegheny river and passed up into the Seneca

country, where he destroyed more than one hundred and fifty houses and

about five hundred acres of corn. His presence in the southern portion

of the Seneca country kept some of the Senecas from joining in the

movement to oppose Sullivan and so lessened the Indian force at the

battle of Newtown and possibly somewhat affected the expedition. The

original intention was to have Brodhead join Sullivan at Genesee and aid

in the movement against Niagara, but as for some reason no movement was

made against Niagara there was no occasion for him to do more than he

did, and no further attention need be given his movement as a part of

the Sullivan expedition. Brodhead marched three hundred and eighty

miles, destroyed houses, cornfields, and gardens, and did his part in

destroying the Indian civilization.

Aside from the force of Brodhead, Sullivan's expedition was made up of

four brigades. The first consisted of the First New Jersey regiment

under the command of Colonel Matthias Ogden; the Second New Jersey

commanded by Colonel Israel-Shreve; the Third New Jersey under Colonel

Elias Dayton, and Spencer's New Jersey regiment commanded by Colonel

Oliver Spencer. The brigade was under the command of Brigadier-General

William Maxwell.

Brigadier-General Enoch Poor commanded the second brigade, which was

made up of the First New Hampshire regiment under Colonel Joseph Cilley;

the Second New Hampshire commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel George Reid;

the Third New Hampshire commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Dearborn;

the Sixth Massachusetts under the command of Major Daniel Whiting. The

Sixth Massachusetts was at the outset a part of the fourth brigade, and

the Second New York was a part of the second brigade, but the two

regiments exchanged brigades in August, and from that time till the

close of the expeditions were in the brigades as given in this sketch.

The third brigade was commanded by Brigadier-General Edward Hand and was

composed of the Fourth Pennsylvania regiment under the command of

Lieutenant-Colonel William Butler; the Eleventh Pennsylvania under

Lieutenant-Colonel Hubley; the German Battalion under Major Daniel

Burchardt; an artillery regiment under Colonel Thomas Proctor; Morgan's

riflemen under Major James Parr; an independent rifle company under

Captain Anthony Selin; the Wyoming militia under Captain John Franklin;

and an independent Wyoming company under Captain Simon Spalding.

The fourth brigade, commanded by Brigadier-General James Clinton, was

made up of the Second New York regiment under Colonel Philip Van

Cortlandt; the Third New York under Colonel Peter Gansevoort; the Fourth

New York under Colonel Frederic Weissenfels; the Fifth New York under

Colonel Lewis Dubois; and the New York artillery detachment under

Captain Isaac Wool.

It would be exceedingly interesting to trace the movement of each of the

regiments engaged in the expedition from their place of starting to the

various rallying places, but in many instances the writer has been

unable to ascertain the facts after consulting all the works relating to

Sullivan's expedition to be found in the State library, and other

libraries, and after writing to the secretary of some of the state

historical societies. Therefore the assembling of the forces

constituting Sullivan's expedition will have to be treated in rather a

general way.

The New Hampshire regiments apparently wintered at Soldier's Fortune,

about six miles above Peekskill, as diaries of various New Hampshire

officers engaged in the expedition mention marching from that point and

I find no reference to any place occupied earlier. From Soldier's

Fortune the New Hampshire troops, certainly the Second and Third

regiments, and presumably the whole force, marched to Fishkill, a

distance of seventeen miles. At this point they crossed the Hudson river

to Newburgh. From that place they marched to the New Jersey line passing

through Orange county. They took a route leading through New Windsor,

Bethlehem, Bloomgrove Church, Chester, Warwick, and Hardiston. The

distance was thirty-eight miles. From Hardiston the force marched to

Easton on the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware river. It passed through

Sussex State House, Moravian Mills, Cara's Tavern, all these places

being in the state of New Jersey. The distance from Hardiston to Easton

was fifty-eight miles.

On the first of May, 1779, the Second and Fourth New York regiments left

their camp near the Hudson and marched to Warwarsing in the southwestern

part of Ulster county, thence to Ellenville, a few miles south of

Warwarsing, then to Mamacotting (now Wurtsboro) in Sullivan county. The

next day was spent in rest at Bashesland (now Westbrookville) near the

Sullivan and Orange county line; from this point they marched to Port

Jervis. On the 9th of May they crossed the Delaware at Decker's Ferry,

and from there marched to Easton.

The New Jersey brigade had spent the previous winter at Elizabethtown,

New Jersey, from which point they marched to Easton, passing through

Bound Brook.

The forces which gathered at Easton marched from there to Wyoming on the

Susquehanna, a distance of sixty-five miles. Nearly forty days were

required to cover that distance. The way lay through thick woods and

almost impassable swamps. The route took them through Hillier's Tavern,

Brinker's Mills, Wind Gap, Learn's Tavern, Dogon Point, and the Great

Swamp. They reached Wyoming on the 24th of June.

General Sullivan was much blamed but most unjustly so for his tardy

movement. Pennsylvania had been relied upon to furnish not only a

considerable body of troops but most of the supplies, but that

commonwealth did not give the expedition a hearty support. The Quakers

were most decidedly opposed to inflicting any punishment whatever upon

the Indians. Other Pennsylvanians were offended because a New Englander

had been chosen for the command instead of a Pennsylvanian. Troops were

slow in coming forward. Supplies were furnished tardily and reluctantly.

They were insufficient in quantity and poor in quality. The commissaries

were careless and inefficient. The contractors were unscrupulous and

dishonest. The authorities complained saying that Sullivan's demands

were excessive and unreasonable and they threatened to prefer charges

against him. However, all the testimony goes to show that the commissary

department was in charge of men who were either utterly incompetent or

grossly negligent of their duty. On the 23rd of June Sullivan wrote

Washington saying, "more than one-third of my soldiers have not a shirt

to their backs." On the 30th of July Colonel Hubbard wrote to President

Reed saying, "My regiment I fear will be almost totally naked before we

can possibly return. I have scarcely a coat or a blanket for every

seventh man."

On the 31st of July Sullivan's army left Wyoming for Tioga Point. A

fleet of more than two hundred boats and a train of nearly fifteen

hundred pack horses were required to transfer the army and its

equipment. Tioga Point at the junction of the Tioga and the Susquehanna

rivers was reached on the 11th of August. The army had been eleven days

in making sixty-five miles. The route from Wyoming led through

Lackawanna (now Coxton) in Luzerne county; Quialutimuck, near Ransom

Station, Luzerne county; Hunkhannock; Vanderlip's Farm (now Black

Walnut) Wyoming county; Wyalusing, Standing Stone, Bradford county;

Sheshhequin, Bradford county.

While waiting for Clinton Sullivan built a fort which was named in his

honor, between the Tioga and Susquehanna rivers about a mile and a

quarter above their junction at a point where the two streams were

within a few hundred yards of each other. The center of the present

village of Athens, Pa., is almost exactly at this point.

Early in the spring Clinton with the First and Third New York regiments

passed up the Mohawk to Canajoharie. From this point an expedition was

sent out against the Onondagas. About fifty houses were burned and

nearly thirty Indians were killed and a somewhat larger number taken

prisoners.

After this expedition Clinton passed from Canajoharie to the head of

Otsego Lake. This was a laborious enterprise as, for a portion of the

distance, roads had to be cut through an unbroken forest and there was

not a good road any part of the distance. More than two hundred heavy

batteaux had to be drawn across from Canajoharie, a distance of twenty

miles, by oxen.

Otsego Lake, the source of the Susquehanna, is about twelve hundred feet

above tide water, nine miles long with an average width of a mile. The

outlet is narrow with high banks. Here Clinton built a dam and raised

the water of the lake several feet, sufficient to furnish water to float

his boats when the time came for a forward movement.

On the 9th of August Clinton's forces embarked and the dam was cut. The

opening of the dam made very high water, flooding the flats down the

river and frightening the Indians, who thought the Great Spirit was

angry with them to cause the river to be flooded in August without a

rain.

During his passage down the Susquehanna, Clinton destroyed Albout, a

Scotch Tory settlement on the east side of the Susquehanna, about five

miles above the present village of Unadilla; Conihunto, an Indian town

about fourteen miles below Unadilla, on the west side of the river;

Unadilla, at the junction of the Unadilla with the Susquehanna;

Onoquaga, an Indian town situated on both sides of the river about

twenty miles below Unadilla; Shawhiangto, a Tuscarora village near the

present village of Windsor, in Broome county; Ingaren, a Tuscarora

hamlet where is now the village of Great Bend; Otsiningo, sometimes

called Zeringe, near the site of the present village of Chenango, on the

Chenango river, four miles north of Binghamton; Choconut, on the south

side of the Susquehanna at the site of the present village of Vestal, in

the town of Vestal, Broome County; Owegy or Owagea, on the Owego Creek

about a mile above its mouth; and Mauckatawaugum, near Barton.

On the 28th of August Clinton met a force sent out by Sullivan at a

place that has since been called Union because of this meeting. It is

about ten miles from Binghamton.

The two forces having joined, all was in readiness for a forward

movement. The expedition which at this time had its real beginning, all

the previous movements having been in the nature of organization and

preparation, was a remarkable one in that it was to pass over hundreds

of miles of territory of which no reliable map had ever been made,

through forests where no roads had ever been cut, across swamps that

were almost impassable to a single individual, with no opportunity to

communicate with the rest of the world from the time they set out on

their forward movement till their return, no chance to secure additional

supplies, no hope of reinforcements in case of disaster, no suitable

provision for the care of the sick and wounded, no chance of great

glory in case of success, no hope of being excused in case of failure.

It was a brave, daring, almost reckless movement. It was successful

beyond all expectation, yet its story is almost unknown.

* * * * *

_Note._--The New Hampshire troops marched from Soldier's Fortune, six

miles above Peekskill, to Fishkill, crossed the Hudson to Newburgh, then

across Orange County, N. Y., and northern New Jersey, to Easton on the

Delaware. Some New York troops who wintered at Warwarsing in Ulster

County, N. Y., passed to Easton also, going through Chester, in Orange

County, and down the Delaware River The New Jersey troops who had

wintered at Elizabethtown, marched to Easton from this point the united

forces marched to Wyoming, on the Susquehanna River. Here they were

joined by some of the Pennsylvania troops and the whole force passed up

the river to Tioga Point, where they awaited the arrival of Clinton, who

had gone up the Mohawk and after destroying some of the Onondaga towns

crossed from Canajoharie to the head of Otsego Lake and down the

Susquehanna to join Sullivan. The united forces then marched into the

Indian country, going to the foot of Seneca Lake, down its east shore,

thence to the foot of Canandaigua Lake, then to the foot of Honeoye Lake

and across the country to head of Conesus Lake, and from there to Little

Beard's Town on the Genesee. From this point the army retraced its

steps. From the foot of Seneca Lake a detachment was sent up the west

shore a few miles to the Indian town of Kershong. Another detachment

under Colonel Dearborn went up the west side of Cayuga Lake and joined

the main body at Catherine's Town, at the head of Seneca Lake. A third

detachment under Colonel William Butler went up the east side of Cayuga

Lake and joined the main army at Kanawaholla, not far from the present

city of Corning. All these movements are indicated on the accompanying

map.

[Illustration: ROUTE OF SULLIVAN'S FORCES.]

A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SULLIVAN'S

INDIAN EXPEDITION.

* * * * *

By Grenville M. Ingalsbe, A. M., LL. B.

* * * * *

_Introductory Note_: It is with many misgivings that this paper is

submitted to the Association. When its preparation was assigned, I

assumed that previous compilations had been made, and that my labors

would be confined simply to their continuation. Upon investigation,

however, I found that while Justin Winsor in his Hand Book of the

Revolution, and in his invaluable Narrative and Critical History, and

others in various works, had enumerated many titles which, though

largely incomplete, would aid in the work, no definitive Bibliography

of Sullivan's Expedition had ever been published.

Unfortunately, when these pages shall have been printed, this condition

will still exist. I have not been able to command from the duties of

an exacting profession, the time required for the preparation of a

Bibliography at all satisfactory, even to myself. Moreover, the

attention I have been able to bestow upon it has been that of an

amateur, which in these days of highly developed scholastic

specialization, is very inadequate in results. It is presented, however,

with some confidence that it contains material which will aid some

historical specialist of the future in the preparation of a complete

Bibliography of Sullivan's Expedition.

I have made no attempt to include manuscripts, leaving that for a

supplementary monograph, or to some more competent student. The

location, however, of all known manuscripts relating to the Expedition

is given in the various volumes to which reference is made. Neither

have I included references to the general or school histories of the

United States. Sullivan's Expedition is mentioned in them as an incident

of more or less significance in the struggle for independence. In none

of them is it given the attention to which its importance entitles it.

Indeed, it is a neglected chapter of our revolutionary history. The

Public Library of Boston possesses only fourteen titles referring

directly to this great march into the Indian country, and that is a

larger number than is reported either in the New York Public Library

or in the State Library at Albany.

I desire to tender my thanks to Horace G. Wadlin, Librarian of the

Boston Library, to Victor H. Paltsits, Assistant Librarian of the New

York Public Library, and to Mary Childs Nerney and others of the History

Division of the State Library, for many courtesies which they have

extended to me.

Adams, Warren D.:

Sullivan's Expedition and the Cayugas.

Cayuga County Historical Society Collections. No. 7. 23 pp.

8 vo. Auburn. 1889.

Adler, Simon L.:

Sullivan's Campaign in Western New York, 1779.

Read before the Rochester Historical Society, January 14th,

1898. 8 pp. 8 vo. New York. 1898.

Allen, Paul:

A History of the American Revolution.

2 vols. Vol. 2. pp. 276 et seq. 8 vo. Baltimore, 1822.

Amory, Thomas Coffin:

Life of James Sullivan with selections from his writings.

2 vols. pp. 426 and 419. Portrait. Phillips, Sampson & Co.,

Boston. 1859.

The Military Services and Public Life of Major General John

Sullivan of the American Revolutionary Army. 324 pp. Portr.

8 vo. Wiggin & Lunt, Boston. J. Munsell, Albany, 1868.

The Military Services of John Sullivan in the American

Revolution, vindicated from recent historical criticism.

Read at a meeting of the Massachusetts Historical Society,

December, 1866. With additions and documents. 64 pp. 8 vo.

John Wilson & Son, Cambridge. 1868.

Centennial Memoir of Major General John Sullivan,

1740-1795.

Presented at Independence Hall, Philadelphia, July 2d, 1876.

17 pp. 8 vo. Philadelphia. 1879.

Same:

The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography.

Vol. 2. pp. 196-210.

General John Sullivan. A vindication of his Character as a

Soldier and a Patriot. 56 pp. 8 vo. Morrisania, N. Y. 1867.

Memory of General John Sullivan vindicated.

Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society. Series I. Vol. 9.

pp. 379-436.

Sullivan's Expedition against the Six Nations, 1779.

Magazine American History. Vol. 4. pp. 420-427.

A Vindication of the Character of General Sullivan as a

Soldier and a Patriot.

Historical Magazine. Vol. 10. Supplement VI. pp. 161.

Same:

Morrisania, N. Y. 1866.

General Sullivan's Expedition in 1779.

Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society. Vol. 20.

pp. 88-94.

Anonymous:

An Historical Journal of the American War.

Collections, Massachusetts Historical Society.

First Series. Vol. 2, pp. 175-178.

Master Sullivan of Berwick, his Ancestors and Descendants.

New England Historical and Genealogical Register. Vol. 19.

pp. 289-306.

The Old Sullivan Road.

Pennsylvania Magazine. Vol. 11. p. 123.

The Old Caneadea Council House and its Last Council Fire.

Publications, Buffalo Historical Society. Vol. 6. pp. 97-123.

8 vo. Buffalo, New York.

Extracts from letters to a gentleman in Boston, dated at

General Sullivan's Headquarters.

The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events for

the year 1780. Vol. 9. pp. 23-24. J. Almon, London. 1780.

The Story of Fantine Kill.

Olde Ulster, vol. 2. pp. 106-107.

Baker, William S.:

Itinery of General Washington, with notes.

Pennsylvania Magazine. Vol. 15. pp. 49-50.

Bard, Thomas R.:

Note to Lieutenant Parker's Journal.

Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. Vol. 27. p. 404.

Barton, William (Lieutenant in General Maxwell's New Jersey Brigade):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 3-14.

Same:

New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings. Vol. 2. pp. 22-43.

Beatty, Erkuries (Lieutenant Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment):

Journal of an Expedition to the Indian Towns, June 11, 1779.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 18-37.

Same:

Cayuga County Historical Society Collections. No. 1. p. 61-68.

Same:

Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. 15. Portr. pp. 219-253.

Blake, Thomas (Lieutenant First New Hampshire Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 38-41.

Same:

History of the First New Hampshire Regiment in the War of

the Revolution by Frederick Kidder.

Joel Munsell. Albany, 1868.

Bleeker, Captain Leonard:

The Order Book of Captain Leonard Bleeker in the Early Part

of the Expedition against the Indian Settlements of Western

New York in the Campaign of 1779. p. 138. 4 to.

Joseph Sabin. New York. 1865.

Board of War:

Letter to President Reed.

September 9th. (Report as to progress.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 709.

Brodhead, Daniel (Colonel Commanding Western Expedition):

Letter to Major General Sullivan, August 6th, 1779.

New York Centennial Volume, p. 307.

Report of the Expedition.

Pennsylvania Packet or the General Advertiser. Philadelphia,

October 19, 1779.

Same:

Magazine of American History, Vol. 3. pp. 671-673.

Same:

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 307-309.

Brooks, Erastus:

Address.

American History and American Indian Wars.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 410-423.

Bruce, Dwight H.:

Onondaga Centennial. 2 Vols. Vol. I. p. 142. 4 to. Boston, 1896.

Bryant, William Clement:

Captain Brant and the Old King. The Tragedy of Wyoming.

Publications, Buffalo Historical Society. Vol. 4. pp. 15-34.

8 vo. Buffalo, New York.

Burrowes, John (Major Fifth New Jersey Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 43-51.

Campbell, Douglass:

Address.

The Iroquois or Six Nations and New York's Indian Policy.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 457-470.

Campbell, William W.:

Annals of Tryon County or the Border Warfare of New York during

the Revolution. pp. 269. p. 121 et seq. 12 mo. J. & J. Harper,

New York. 1831.

The Border Warfare of New York during the Revolution, or The

Annals of Tryon County.

Republication of above, pp. 396. p. 149 et seq. Baker & Scribner,

New York. 1849.

Lecture on the Life and Military Services of General James

Clinton.

Read before the New York Historical Society, February, 1839.

Campfield, Jabez (Surgeon Fifth New Jersey Regiment):

Diary of Dr. Jabez Campfield, Surgeon in Spencer's Regiment

while attached to Sullivan's Expedition against the Indians.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 52-61.

Same:

New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings. Second Series.

Vol. III. pp. 115-136,

Same:

Wyoming County (Penn.) Democrat, December 31st, 1873 to January

28th, 1874. (Five issues.)

Chapman, Isaac A.:

Wyoming Valley. A Sketch of its Early Annals.

Pittston Gazette Centennial Handbook. 1878. p. 25.

Chase, Franklin H.:

Onondaga's Soldiers of the Revolution. 8 vo. p. 48. Syracuse.

1895.

Childs, A. L.:

Poem, John Sullivan's March.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 549-552.

Clark, John S.:

Sketch of Lieutenant Colonel Henry Dearborn, Commanding Third

New Hampshire Regiment, and Notes upon his Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 62-78.

Notes and Maps accompanying the Journal of Lieutenant

John L. Hardenburgh.

New York Centennial Volume. pp. 116-136.

Notes upon the Journal of Thomas Grant.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 142-144.

Same:

Publications, Cayuga County Historical Society. No. 1. Auburn,

1879. pp. 71-72,

Note upon the Journal of Lieutenant Charles Nukerck.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 213-214.

Notes upon the Journal of Sergeant Major George Grant.

New York Centennial Volume, p. 113.

Clinton, George:

Papers. Sparks. MSS. No. XII. Harvard College Collections.

Congress, Journals of American, from 1774-1788.

4 vols. 8 vo. Vol. III. pp. 212, 241, 242, 346, 347, 351,

375, 389, 390, 406.

Washington, Way & Gideon. 1823.

Cook, Frederick (Secretary of State):

New York Centennial Volume.

Conover, George S. (Compiler):

Journals of the Military Expedition of Major General John

Sullivan against the Six Nations of Indians in 1779, with

records of Centennial Celebrations, prepared pursuant to

Chapter 361, Laws of the State of New York, 1885. pp. 581.

8 vo. Maps. Portraits. Auburn, New York. 1887.

(Herein designated as New York Centennial Volume.)

Early History of Geneva, 60 pp. p. 17 et seq. 12 mo. Geneva,

New York. 1879.

Craft, David:

List of Journals, Narratives, &c., of the Western Expedition,

1779.

Magazine of American History. Vol. II. pp. 673-675.

Sullivan's Centennial Historical Addresses at Elmira,

Waterloo and Geneseo.

Centennial Proceedings, Waterloo Library and Historical

Society, Waterloo, 1879.

Journals of the Sullivan Expedition, 1779.

Pennsylvania Magazine, p. 348.

Biographical Sketch of Major General John Sullivan.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 333-334.

Address.

A full and complete History of the Expedition against the

Iroquois or Six Nations of New York in 1779, commanded by

Major General John Sullivan, with Appendix, giving Loss of

Men, Towns Destroyed, Washington's Instructions, and

Biographical Sketches.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 336-386.

Same:

The Sullivan Campaign of 1779.

Seneca County Sullivan's Centennial, p. 90.

Biographical Sketch, Major Nicholas Fish.

New York Centennial Volume, p, 383.

Biographical Sketch, Colonel Lewis Dubois.

New York Centennial Volume, p. 384.

Biographical Sketch, Lieutenant Colonel Frederick Weissenfels.

New York Centennial Volume, p. 384.

Biographical Sketch, Rev. Samuel Kirkland.

New York Centennial Volume, p. 385.

Biographical Sketch, Rev. John Gano.

New York Centennial Volume, p. 385.

Biographical Sketch, Colonel John Harper.

New York Centennial Volume, p. 386.

Biographical Sketch, Brigadier General James Clinton.

New York Centennial Volume, p. 387.

Biographical Sketch, Colonel Peter Gansevoort.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 479-480.

Biographical Sketch, Colonel Philip Van Cortlandt.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 537-538.

Craig, Neville B.:

The Olden Time.

Vol. 2. pp. 308-317. Pittsburgh. 1848.

Same:

Vol. 1. p. 308 et seq. 8 vo. Robert Clark & Co., Cincinnati.

1876.

Dana, E. L.:

Address.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 445-449.

Davis, Andrew McFarland:

Sullivan's Expedition against the Indians of New York, 1779.

A letter to Justin Winsor. With the Journal of William

McKendry.

45 pp. 8 vo. John Wilson & Son, Cambridge, 1886.

Same:

Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society.

Second Series. Vol. 2. pp. 436-478. Boston. 1886.

List of Diaries relating to General Sullivan's Campaign.

Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society. Second Series.

Vol. 2. p. 436-438.

Davis, Nathan (Private First New Hampshire Regiment):

History of the Expedition against the Five Nations commanded

by General Sullivan in 1779.

Historical Magazine. Second Series. Vol. 3. pp. 198-205.

Dawson, Henry B.:

Battles of the United States.

2 Vols, Vol. I. p. 533. 4 to. New York. 1858.

Dearborn, Henry (Lieutenant Colonel Commanding Third New Hampshire

Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 63-79.

Same:

Cayuga County Historical Collections. No. I. 1879.

Same:

Publications, Buffalo Historical Society. Vol. 7. p. 96. 8 vo.

Buffalo, New York.

Depeyster, J. Watts:

Sullivan Centennial.

New York Mail, August 26th, 1879.

Celebrating the Anniversary of the Battle of Newtown.

New York Mail, August 29th, 1879.

The Sullivan Campaign.

New York Mail, September 15th, 1879.

Doty, Lockwood L.:

History of Livingston County.

Illustrated, p. 685. pp. 113 and 151 et seq. Edward E. Doty,

Geneseo.

Dwight, Timothy, S. T. D., LL. D.:

Travels in New England and New York. 4 vols. Vol. 4. p. 211.

New Haven. 1822.

Edson, Obed:

Brodhead's Expedition against the Indians of the Upper

Allegheny. (Contains reference to Sullivan's Expedition.)

Magazine American History. Vol. III. pp. 647-670.

Elmer, Dr. Ebenezer (Surgeon Second New Jersey Regiment):

Memoirs of an Expedition undertaken against the Savages to

the westward commenced by the Hon. Major General John

Sullivan, began at Easton on the Delaware (by Lieutenant

Ebenezer Elmer).

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 80-85.

Same:

New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings. Vol. 2. pp. 43-50.

Elwood, Mary Cheney:

An Episode of the Sullivan Campaign and its Sequel.

(The Post-Express Printing Co.) 39 pp. 8 vo. Plates. Maps.

Rochester, New York. 1904.

Farmer & Moore's Collections, Historical and Miscellaneous and Monthly

Literary Journal. Vol. 2. p. 308.

Fellows, Moses (Orderly Sergeant Captain Gray's Company Third New

Hampshire Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 86-91.

Fogg, Jeremiah (Paymaster and Captain (on roster) Second New Hampshire

Regiment):

Journal of Major Jeremiah Fogg of Col. Poor's Regiment,

New Hampshire, during the Expedition of General Sullivan

in 1779 against the Western Indians.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 92-101.

Same:

News Letter Press, 1879. p. 26. Exeter, New Hampshire.

Gano, John (Brigade Chaplain General Clinton's Brigade):

A Chaplain of the Revolution.

Historical Magazine. First Series. Vol. 5. pp. 330-335

Gansevoort, Peter (Colonel Third New York Regiment):

Letter to General Sullivan.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 372-373.

Gookin, Daniel (Ensign Second New Hampshire Regiment):

Journal of March from North Hampton, N. Hampshire, in the

year 1779.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 102-106.

Same:

New England Historical and Genealogical Register. Vol. XVI.

pp. 27-34.

Gould, Jay:

Delaware County and the Border Wars of New York. pp. 426. p. 90

et seq. 12 mo. Roxbury. 1856.

Gordon, William, D. D.:

The History of the Rise, Progress and Establishment of the

Independence of the United States.

4 Vols. Vol. 3. pp. 307-313. 8 vo. London, 1788.

Goodwin, H. C.:

Pioneer History of Cortland County. p. 456. p. 56 et seq. 12 mo.

A. B. Burdick, New York. 1859.

Grant, George (Sergeant Major Third New Jersey Regiment):

A journey of the Marches, &c., completed by the Third Jersey

Regiment and the rest of the Troops under the command of Major

Sullivan in the Western Expedition.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 107-114.

Same:

Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania. Vol. 14. pp. 72-76.

Same:

Cayuga County Historical Collections. No. 1. 1879.

Same:

Wyoming Republican. July 16, 1834. Wilkes-Barre. 1868.

Giant, Thomas (Surveyor):

Journal.

General Sullivan's Expedition to the Genesee Country--A Journal

of General Sullivan's Army after they left Wyoming.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 137-144.

Same:

Historical Magazine. First Series. Vol 6. pp. 233-273.

Same:

Cayuga County Historical Collections. No. 1. Auburn. 1879.

Statement of Distances.

Historical Magazine. Vol. 6. pp. 233-273.

Gray, Captain William:

Letter of Captain William Gray of the Fourth Pennsylvania

Regiment, with a map of the Sullivan Expedition (against The

Six Nations).

Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. 15. pp. 286-290.

Greene, General Nathaniel:

Letter to Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth.

Pennsylvania Magazine. Vol. 22. p. 211.

Greenough, Charles P.:

Roster of Officers in Sullivan's Expedition, 1779.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 315-329.

Gridley, A. D.:

History of the Town of Kirkland, New York.

New York. 1874.

Griffis, William Elliot, L. H. D.:

Address.

The History and Mythology of Sullivan's Expedition.

Proceedings Wyoming Commemorative Association, pp. 9-38.

Wilkes-Barre. 1903.

New Hampshire's Part in Sullivan's Expedition of 1779.

New England Magazine, Vol. 23. pp. 355-373.

The Pathfinders of the Revolution. A Story of the Great March

into the Wilderness and Lake Region of New York in 1779.

Illustrated, pp. 316. 12 mo. W. A. Wilde Co., Boston.

Sullivan's Great March into the Indian Country.

The Magazine of History. Vol. II. pp. 295-311, 365-378.

Vol. III. pp. 1-10.

Griffith, J. H.:

William Maxwell of New Jersey, Brigadier General in

the Revolution.

New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings. Vol. 23. pp. 111-126.

Halsey, Francis W.:

Pennsylvania and New York in the Border Wars of the Revolution.

Proceedings, Wyoming Commemorative Association for the year 1898.

Wilkes-Barre. 1898.

The Old New York Frontier.

Illustrated, pp. 432, p. 220 et seq. 8 vo. Chas.

Scribner's Sons, New York, 1901.

Hamilton, John C.:

History of the Republic of the United States of America.

2 Vols. Vol. I. pp. 543-544. 8 vo. D. Appleton & Co.,

New York, 1857.

Hammond, Isaac W.:

Rolls of the Soldiers of the Revolutionary War from New Hampshire.

New Hampshire State Papers. Vol. 15. (War Rolls, Vol. 2.)

Concord, N. H., 1886.

Hand, General Edward:

Letter to Reed. September 25th, 1779.

(Reports return of Sullivan's command.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 715.

Hardenburgh, John L. (Lieutenant Second New York Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 116-136.

Same, with introductory notes and maps by John S. Clark and

Biographical Sketch by Charles Hawley.

Cayuga County Historical Society Collections. No. 1. 8 vo.

Auburn, New York, 1879.

Harding, Garrick M.:

The Sullivan Road.

Historical Record. Vol. 9. p. 101.

Hawley, Charles:

Address, Sullivan's Campaign.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 571-578.

Biographical Sketch of Lieutenant John L. Hardenburgh.

Cayuga County Historical Society Collections. No. 1. 8 vo.

Auburn, New York, 1879.

Hazard, Eben:

Letter to Jeremy Belknap.

Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society. Fifth Series.

Vol. 2. pp. 23-36.

Holmes, Abiel D. D.:

Annals of America.

2 Vols, Vol. 2, p. 301 et seq. Cambridge, Mass. 1829.

Hoops, Adam (Major. Third Aide-de-Camp to General Sullivan):

Letter to John Greig.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 310-311.

Hubbard, John N.:

Sketches of Border Adventures in the Life and Times of Major

Moses Van Campen.

Bath, New York, 1842.

Hubley, Colonel Adam (Lieutenant Colonel commanding Eleventh

Pennsylvania Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 145-167.

Same:

Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. XL (Vol. 2 of

the Revolution.) pp. 11-44.

Same:

Miner's History of Wyoming. Appendix, pp. 82-104.

Philadelphia, 1845.

Letter to President Reed.

Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. VII. p. 553.

Same:

Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. 3. p. 319.

Same:

Miner's History of Wyoming. Appendix, p. 97.

Same:

Wyoming, July 14th, 1779.

As to Expedition.

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 553.

Same:

October 1st, 1779.

(Report of Expedition for August 30th.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 721.

Same:

Easton, October 18th, 1779.

(Announcing arrival and complaining as to want of teams.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 755.

Hubley, John:

Letter to Reed. August 24th, 1779.

(Report as to Expedition.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 667.

Hunter, Colonel Samuel:

Letter to Reed. August 4th, 1779.

(Reports Sullivan started for Wyoming.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 620.

Hurd, D. Hamilton:

History of Tioga, Chemung, Tompkins and Schuyler Counties.

pp. 687. p. 13 et seq. 4 to. Philadelphia. 1879.

Jenkins, John (Lieutenant. Guide):

Journal of Lieutenant John Jenkins connected with the Campaign

of General Sullivan against the Six Nations, 1779.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 169-177.

Jenkins, Steuben:

Address.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 451-457.

Jones, Thomas:

History of New York during the Revolutionary War. 2 Vols.

Vol. 2. pp. 332 and 613. 8 vo. New York. 1879.

Johnson, Crisfield:

Centennial History of Erie County, New York.

pp. 512. p. 62 et seq. 8 vo. Buffalo, 1876.

Keiffer, Rev. Henry M.:

The Old Sullivan Road.

Proceedings, Wyoming Commemorative Association for the year

1897. Wilkes-Barre. 1898.

Kidder, Frederick:

History of the First New Hampshire Regiment in the War of

the Revolution.

Joel Munsell, Albany. 1868.

Kirkland, Rev. Samuel (Chaplain Sullivan's Expedition):

Life of Rev. Samuel Kirkland, by S. K. Lothrop.

Sparks Library of American Biography. Vol. XV. p. 246 et seq.

Livermore, Daniel (Captain Third New Hampshire Regiment):

A Journal of the March of General Poor's Brigade from

Soldier's Fortune on the Western Expedition, May 17th, 1779.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 178-191.

Same:

Collections, New Hampshire Historical Society. Vol. 6.

pp. 308-335.

Lossing, B. J.:

Field Book of the American Revolution.

Vol. I. p. 271. 8 vo. Harper & Bros., New York.

Lothrop, S. K.:

Life of Rev. Samuel Kirkland.

Sparks Library of American Biography. Vol. 15. p. 246 et seq.

Mackin, Thomas (Captain Second Regiment New York Artillery):

Journal of March from Fort Schuyler--Expedition against

the Onondagas, 1779.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 192-194.

Distance of places from Eastown to Chenesee Castle, taken

in 1779.

New York Centennial Volume, p. 194.

Maclay, William:

Letter to Reed. July 26th, 1779.

(Prospects of Northern Expedition.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 586.

Letter to Council. July 30th, 1779.

(As to fall of Ft. Freeland.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 597.

Marshall, John:

Life of Washington.

Vol. 4. p. 105 et seq. 8 vo. Philadelphia. 1805.

Marshall, Orasamus H.:

The Niagara Frontier.

Publications, Buffalo Historical Society.

Vol. 2. pp. 395-425. 8 vo. Buffalo, New York.

Historical Writings relating to the Early History of the West.

500 p. pp. 455-457. 8 vo. Joel Munsell's Sons, Albany, 1887.

Maxwell, Thompson:

The Narrative of Major Thompson Maxwell.

Historical Collections of Essex Institute. Vol. 7. No. 3.

Miner, Charles:

History of Wyoming.

Illustrated, pp. 450. Appendix p. 104. Appendix p. 82 et seq.

p. 97 et seq. J. Crissy, Philadelphia.

Moore, Frank:

Correspondence of Henry Laurens. 2 Vols.

4 to. Vol. 1. pp. 132-141. Vol. 2. p. 216. New York. 1861.

Diary of the American Revolution. 2 Vols.

8 vo. Vol. 2. p. 216 et seq. Charles Scribners, New York. 1860.

Moore, Jacob B.:

A List of Manuscript Surveys by Robert Erskine, Geographer

to the American Army, and Simeon DeWitt, in the Library of

the New York Historical Society.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 291-292.

Morgan, Lewis H.:

League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee or Iroquois.

8 vo. Rochester. 1851.

McIntosh, W. H.:

History of Ontario County.

276 pp. p. 9 et seq. Folio. Philadelphia.

McKendry, William (Lieutenant and Quartermaster Sixth Massachusetts

Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 198-212.

Same:

Edited by Andrew McFarland Davis. 45 pp. 8 vo.

J. Wilson & Son, Cambridge. 1886.

Same:

Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society.

Series 2. Vol. 2. pp. 442-478. Boston. 1886.

Same:

Historical Record. Vol. 1. pp. 37-56.

McMaster, Guy H.:

Poem. The Commanders: Sullivan Thay-en-da-ne-gea.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 402-409.

McNeill, Samuel:

Journal of Samuel McNeill, B. Q. M. "His Orderly Book," 1779.

Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. 15. pp. 753-759.

Harrisburg. 1893.

Nead, Benjamin M.:

A Sketch of General Thomas Proctor.

Pennsylvania Magazine. Vol. 4. p. 454.

Nesmith, George W.:

Services of General Sullivan.

Granite Monthly. Vol. 1. pp. 325-330.

New Hampshire, State of:

Rolls of the Soldiers of the Revolutionary War from New Hampshire.

Compiled by Isaac W. Hammond.

New Hampshire State Papers. Vol. 15. (War Rolls Vol. 2.) Concord,

N. H. 1886.

New Jersey, State of:

Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in

the Revolutionary War. pp. 49-57. 8 vo. Trenton. 1872.

New York, State of:

New York Centennial Volume.

New York in the Revolution as Colony and State. Records

discovered, arranged and classified in 1895, 1896, 1897

and 1898, by James A. Roberts, Comptroller, Second Edition.

4 to. pp. 534. pp. 29-59. pp. 63-65. Portraits, Albany. 1898.

Norris, James (Captain Third New Hampshire Regiment):

A Journal of the West Expedition commanded by the Hon'ble

Major General Sullivan, begun at Easton, June 18, 1879.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 223-239.

Same:

Publications, Buffalo Historical Society. Vol. 1. pp. 217-252.

8 vo. Buffalo, New York. 1879.

Same:

Jones' History of New York. Vol. 2. p. 613.

Same:

Hill's New Hampshire Patriot. September 16th, 1843.

Portsmouth, New Hampshire.

Norton, A. Tiffany:

History of Sullivan's Campaign against the Iroquois, Being

a full account of that epoch of the Revolution.

200 pp. Portraits. Map, 8 vo. A. T. Norton. Lima,

New York. 1879.

Nourse, Joseph:

Letter to General Lee.

Collections, New York Historical Society, Vol, 6, pp. 383-385.

Nukerck, Charles (Captain Second New York Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 214-222.

O'Reilly, Henry:

Notices of Sullivan's Campaign, or the Revolutionary Warfare

in Western New York; embodied in the Addresses and Documents

connected with the funeral honors rendered to those who fell

with the gallant Boyd in the Genesee Valley, including the

remarks of Gov. Seward at Mt. Hope. Rochester. 1842.

Sullivan's Expedition against the Six Nations as far as

the Genesee in 1779.

Sketches of Rochester. p. 393 et seq, 8 vo, Rochester, New York.

Parker, General Ely S. (Do-ne-ho-geh-weh):

Autobiography.

Publications, Buffalo Historical Society, Vol, 8. p, 527.

8 vo. Buffalo, New York.

Parker, Jennie Marsh:

A Story Historical.

pp. 412. p. 20, p. 235, 8 vo. Rochester, 1884.

Parker, Robert (Lieutenant):

Journal.

Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. Vol. 27.

pp. 404-420. Vol. 28. pp. 12-25.

Peabody, Oliver W. B.:

John Sullivan.

Sparks Library of American Biography. Series 2. Vol. 3.

Peck, George, LL. D.:

Wyoming, its History, Stirring Incidents and Romantic Adventures.

Illustrated, p. 432. 12 mo. Harper Brothers, New York. 1858.

Peck, William F.:

Semi-Centennial History of the City of Rochester.

pp. 736. p. 70 et seq. and p. 134. 4 to. Syracuse. 1884.

Landmarks of Monroe County.

pp. 339. p. 29 et seq. 4 to. Boston, Mass. 1895.

Pettitt, Charles Q. M. G.:

Letter to Reed. May 21st, 1779.

(As to impressing, &c.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol, 7. p. 433.

Pickering, Timothy (for Board of War):

Letter to Joseph Reed. May 19th, 1779.

(As to stores.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p, 418.

Porter, William A.:

A Sketch of the Life of General Andrew Porter.

Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. 4. p. 264.

Reed, Joseph (President State of Pennsylvania):

Letter to Sullivan. May 21st, 1779.

(Ans. Sullivan of 11th.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series, Vol. 7. pp. 427-430.

Same:

June 3d, 1779.

(As to Pennsylvania Troops guarding stores to Wyoming.

Ans. May 26th and 31st, 1779.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7, pp. 457-8.

Letter to Colonel Sam. Hunter.

(As to guarding stores by Ranging Cos.)

Pennsylvania Archives, First Series. Vol. 7. p. 455.

Letter to Board of War. May 20th, 1779.

(As to Sullivan's misapprehension as to what Pennsylvania

would do.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 424.

Same:

August 12th, 1779.

(Progress of Expedition.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7, p. 640.

Letter to Washington. July 11th, 1779.

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 555.

Same:

September 7th, 1779.

(As to furnishing Sullivan with supplies.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 684.

Letter to Council. November 13th, 1779.

Pennsylvania Archives. Fourth Series. Vol. 3. pp. 739-740.

Rider, Sidney S.:

Notes to the Journal of Rev. William Rogers, D. D.

Rhode Island Tracts. No. 7.

Same:

Manufacturers and Farmers Journal of Providence, R. I. 1823.

Same:

American Universal Magazine. Vol. 1. pp. 390-399.

Vol. 2. pp. 86-91.

Roberts, Ellis H.:

Address. Sullivan's Expedition and its Fruits.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 425-438.

Roberts, James A. (Comptroller State of New York):

New York in the Revolution as Colony and State. Records

discovered, arranged and classified in 1895, 1896, 1897

and 1898.

Second Edition. 4 to. p. 534. pp. 29-59. pp. 63-65.

Portraits. Albany. 1898.

Roberts, Thomas (Sergeant Capt. John Burrowes' Company Fifth

New Jersey Regiment:)

A Journal of the March from Eleazabeth Town to the Back Woods.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 240-245.

Rochester:

A Story Historical, Jennie Marsh Parker.

pp. 412. p. 20. p. 235. 8 vo. Rochester. 1884.

Rogers, Rev. William, D. D. (Brigade Chaplain Pennsylvania Line):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 246-265.

Same:

Rhode Island Tracts. No. 7. With an introduction and Notes

by Sidney S. Rider.

Same:

Manufacturers and Farmers Journal of Providence, 1823.

Same:

American Universal Magazine. Vol. 1. pp. 390-399.

Vol. 2. pp. 86-91, 200-206.

Same:

Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. 15. Portr.

pp. 255-288. Harrisburg. 1893.

Rogers, William (Sergeant Second New York Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, p. 266.

Ryerson, Egerton, D. D., LL. D.:

Loyalists of America.

2 Vols. Vol, 2. p. 108. 8 vo. Toronto and Montreal. 1880.

Salmon, John:

Journal.

A Narrative of the Life of Mary Jemison, otherwise called

the White Woman, by James E. Seaver.

Third Edition. Batavia, New York. 1844.

Sanborn, Frank B.:

General John Sullivan and the Rebellion in New Hampshire.

New England Magazine, Vol. 23, p. 323. (Contains an

interesting study of General Sullivan's Character.)

Schreve, John (Lieutenant Second New Jersey Regiment):

Journal.

Magazine of American History. Vol. 3. pp. 571-572.

Seaver, James E.:

Deh-he-wa-mis or A Narrative of the Life of Mary Jemison,

otherwise called the White Woman. Third Edition.

16 mo. Batavia, New York, 1844.

Journal of John Salmon, In above.

General Sullivan's Expedition to Western New York. In above.

Appendix p. 182 et seq.

Removal of the remains of Boyd. In above. Appendix p. 192 et seq.

Sherman, William T.:

Addresses.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 439-442.

Shute, Samuel M. (Lieutenant Second New Jersey Regiment):

Journal and Notes made contemporaneously.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 267-274.

Simms, Jeptha R.:

History of Schoharie County and Border Wars of New York.

pp. 672. 8 vo. Illustrated, p. 291 et seq. Munsell & Tanner,

Albany. 1845.

Frontiersmen of New York (Revision of the History of Schoharie

County and Border Wars of New York).

2 Vols. Vol. 2. pp. 239-276. 8 vo. Albany. 1882.

Stone, William L.:

Life of Joseph Brant (Tha-gen-dan-e-gea), including the Border

Wars of the American Revolution.

Illustrated. 2 Vols. 8 vo. Albany. 1838. 1864. (Different

editions.)

The Poetry and History of Wyoming.

Illustrated, pp. 324. 8 vo. Wiley & Putnam.

New York and London. 1841.

Same:

pp. 406. p. 277 et seq. 12 mo. J. Munsell, Albany, 1864.

Border Wars of the American Revolution.

2 Vols. Vol. 1. p. 1 et seq. 16 mo. Harper Brothers,

New York. 1846.

Stryker, William S.:

Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in

the Revolutionary War.

8 vo. pp. 49-57. Trenton. 1872.

Sullivan, John (Major General):

Report of the Battle of Newtown.

The Military Services and Public Life of Major General

John Sullivan, by Thomas C. Amory. p. 121.

Same:

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 473-476.

The Chronicle of his Expedition against the Iroquois in

1779--The devastation of the Genesee Country.

Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, October 19th, 1779.

Baltimore, Maryland.

Same:

The Military Services and Public Life of Major General

John Sullivan, by Thomas C. Amory. p. 130.

Same:

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 296-305.

Same:

The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events

for the year 1780. Vol. 9. p. 158.

Letter to John Langdon and some comments by George W. Nesmith.

Granite Monthly. Vol. 3. pp. 153-161.

Letter to Reed. Easton, May 11th, 1779.

(Requesting order empowering Quartermasters to Impress

Waggons, Horses, &c.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 388.

Same:

Easton, Pa., May 26th, 1779.

(Ans. rec'd of 21st inst.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 439.

Same:

Easton, Pa., May 31st, 1779.

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 450.

Same:

Easton, June 7th, 1779.

(Lamenting obstructions in Quartermaster's Department.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7., p. 473.

Same:

Wyoming, July 21st, 1779.

(Complaining that Pennsylvania Rangers and Riflemen

had not joined.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 568.

Letter to Colonel John Cook.

Headquarters, July 30th, 1779.

(Answering requisition.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 593.

Letter to Colonel Sam. Hunter.

Wyoming, July 30th, 1779.

(Acknowledging news of loss of Ft. Freeland.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 594.

Letter to Reed.

Easton, October 18th, 1779.

(Requisition for 100 Waggons.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 756.

Same:

Easton, October 23d, 1779.

(Acknowledging action of Executive Council and declining

as too late.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 768.

Letter to the Warriors of the Oneida Nation, &c.

The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public

Events for the year 1780. Vol. 9. pp. 25-28.

J. Almon. London. 1780.

Address to Troops.

Same. pp. 24-25.

Letter to the Congress containing his acct. of his Expedition

against the Indians.

Same. pp. 158-166.

Address to the Inhabitants of Northhampton County.

Same. p. 166.

Address to the Officers of the Artillery.

Same, pp. 166-167.

Address to the Corps of Light Infantry.

Same. p. 167.

Thacher, Dr.:

Military Journal. Biographical Sketch of Major General Sullivan.

Farmer and Moore's Collection Historical and Miscellaneous

and Monthly Literary Journal. Vol. 2. p. 201.

Treat, Samuel:

Oration at interment of Lieutenant Boyd of General Sullivan's

Army.

History of Buffalo and the Senecas, by Ketcham. Vol. 2.

pp. 318-340.

Trist, Elizabeth:

Letters to General Lee.

Collections, New York Historical Society. Vol. 6. pp. 381-382.

Turner, O.:

Pioneer History of the Holland Purchase of Western New York.

pp. 666. p. 277 et seq. 8 vo. Jewett, Thomas & Co.

Buffalo. 1849.

History of the Pioneer Settlement of Phelps and Gorhams

Purchase and Morris Reserve. pp. 588. p. 80 et seq. William

Ailing, Rochester. 1852.

Van Campen, Moses:

Memorial to Congress.

Pritt's Mirror of Olden Time Border Life. pp. 697. pp. 481-491.

Abington, Va.

Narrative.

Same.

Van Cortlandt, Philip (Colonel commanding Second New York Regiment):

Autobiography, with Notes by Pierre C. Van Wyck.

Magazine of American History. Vol. 2. p. 278 et seq.

Same:

Elmira Daily Advertiser, February 17th, 1879.

Van Hovenburgh, Rudolphus (Lieutenant Fourth New York Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume. pp. 275-284.

Table of Distances.

New York Centennial Volume. p. 284.

Van Wyck, Pierre C.:

Notes to Autobiography, Philip Van Cortlandt.

Magazine of American History, Vol. 2. p. 278.

Washington, General George:

Instructions to General Sullivan.

Historical Magazine. Second Series. Vol. 2. pp. 139-141.

Letter to John Jay, President of Congress.

Magazine of American History. Vol. 3. p. 142.

Letter to War Council. July 5th, 1779.

(As to Sullivan's disappointment as to Pennsylvania's

assistance.)

Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 535.

Webb, Nathaniel (Sergeant Major Second New York Regiment):

Journal.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 285-287.

Same:

Elmira Republican, September 11th and 12th, 1855. Elmira,

New York.

Welles, S. R. (M. D.):

Paper read before the Waterloo Library and Historical

Society, November 27th, 1877.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 527-535.

White, Pliny T.:

Note to History of the Expedition against the Five Nations

commanded by General Sullivan in 1779.

Historical Magazine. Second Series. Vol. 3. p. 198.

Wilkinson, J. B.:

Annals of Binghamton and of the Country connected with it

from the early settlement.

p. 256. 12 mo. Binghamton, New York. 1840.

Willers, Diedrich, Jr.:

The Centennial Celebration of General Sullivan's Campaign

against the Iroquois in 1779. Held at Waterloo, September 3d,

1879.

pp. 356. 8 vo. Plates. Portraits. Waterloo, New York, 1880.

Willett, William M.:

A Narrative of the Military Actions of Colonel Marinus Willett.

8 vo. New York. 1831.

Williams, Rev. Dwight:

Poem, Sullivan's Centennial.

New York Centennial Volume, pp. 506-510.

Winsor, Justin:

Narrative and Critical History of America.

8 Vols. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. 1889. Vol. VI.

pp. 637, 642, 653, 667, 669, 671 and 681. Vol. VIII. pp. 439.

Handbook of the American Revolution. pp. 206-208. 12 mo. Boston.

1880.

AN INDIAN CIVILIZATION AND ITS

DESTRUCTION.

* * * * *

By Colonel S. P. Moulthrop.

* * * * *

No nearer approach to what may be called civilization, if the term may

be applied to a people who left no record, other than the legendary lore

transmitted from father to son, may be found than the Iroquoian

Confederacy, whose form of government was maintained for a greater

length of time than that of any republic which had previously or has

since existed.

Their location, according to their claim, was upon the highest part of

the Continent, from whence flowed the Mohawk, Hudson, Genesee, Delaware,

Susquehanna, Ohio and the St. Lawrence rivers, going in all directions

to the sea. The intersection of lakes and streams, separated only by

short portages, the continuous valleys being divided by no mountain

barriers, offered unequaled facilities for intercommunication.

Their custom of settling on both sides of a river or encircling a lake

made the tribal boundaries well defined.

One of the most interesting features of aboriginal geography was the

location of their principal trails. If we travel either of the great

railways extending through our State, we are upon one of the leading

trails that Lewis H. Morgan stated were used in 1732. They followed the

lines of the least resistance.

The central trail, extending from east to west, intersected by cross

trails which passed along the shores of lakes or banks of the rivers,

commenced at the point where Albany now is, touched the Mohawk at

Schenectady, following the river to the carrying place at Rome, from

thence west, crossing the Onondaga Valley, along the foot of Cayuga

and Seneca Lakes, terminating at Buffalo Creek, the present site of the

city of Buffalo.

This trail was later the route taken by early settlers, because it

connected the principal villages and established a line of travel into

Canada on the west and over the Hudson on the east.

Upon the banks of the Susquehanna and its tributaries, which have their

source near the Mohawk, and the banks of the Chemung, which has its

source near the Genesee river, were other trails, all of which converged

at the junction of these two rivers, forming the southern route, into

Pennsylvania and Virginia. On these footpaths the Iroquois conducted

war parties and became well versed in the topography of the country.

Lakes, hills and streams had significant names, many of which the

Anglicized orthography and pronunciation have robbed of their euphony

and force of accent.

Mary Jemison says that "No people can live more happily than the Indians

in times of peace." Their life was one round of simple sport and

pleasure, in keeping with their free life; their simple wants were

supplied with but little exertion. Following the chase gave them

amusement and served to keep them in good physical condition, as well

as to retain their skill with weapons that were their dependence in

time of war.

The growing youth were taught Indian warfare, becoming experts with the

tomahawk and scalping knife. At such times the squaws were employed

with their simple domestic duties, or industriously tilling the soil.

Apple and peach trees were planted and cultivated about the villages.

To the Jesuit Fathers they were indebted for instruction in the art of

cultivating fruit trees, as well as many of the vegetables which they

raised in abundance; also producing a fine quality of tobacco whence

their original name, IREOKWA.

The reports of Sullivan's officers speak of cornfields exceeding in

quality and quantity anything they had been accustomed to in their

eastern homes. They wrote of ears of corn measuring twenty-two inches

in length, and grass as high as the backs of the horses on which they

rode.

Not only in war and diplomacy did the Iroquois show superiority, but

in their cultivation of crops and housebuilding some were so good as

to be called by General Sullivan elegant Indian homes. The weight of

evidence goes to show that many of them were framed, and of such a

creditable order of architecture as to surprise those who accompanied

Sullivan's expedition. Some of the officers writing home said that the

houses were large and beautifully painted. Many of those who have

considered the Indian as a forest roamer will be incredulous of the

above statement, and yet there is no people who in their primitive state

more religiously respected, or distinctly defined the family ties and

relationship. There is a bright and pleasing side to Indian character.

The ordinary picture of the Indian represents him with war club and

tomahawk. They do not deserve the appellation of savages any more than

kindred terms might be applied to their white successors.

"Bury me with my fathers" was the last plea of the red man. Not until

they had listened to the teaching of the whites did they view death with

terror, or life as anything but a blessing.

In ancient times they had a beautiful custom of freeing a captured bird

over the grave on the evening of burial, to bear away the spirit to the

happy home beyond the setting sun.

The following motto shows that hospitality was the prevailing

characteristic:

"If a stranger wanders about your abode, welcome him to your home, be

hospitable toward him, speak to him with kind words, and forget not

to always mention the Great Spirit."

From a speculative point of view the institutions of the Iroquois assume

an interesting aspect. Would they naturally have emancipated the people

from their strange infatuation for a hunter life? It can not be denied

that there are some grounds for belief that their institutions would

have eventually improved into an advanced form of civilization. The

Iroquois manifested sufficient intelligence to promise a high degree

of improvement had it been directed into right pursuits, although

centuries of time might have been required to effect the change.

But these institutions have a present value irrespective of what they

might have become. Let us render tardy justice by preserving, as far

as possible, their names, deeds and customs, and their institutions.

We should not tread ignorantly upon those extinguished council fires,

whose light in the days of original occupation was visible over half

this Continent. They had planned a mighty nation and without doubt had

the coming of the Europeans been delayed but a century, the League would

have included all the tribes between the Great Lakes and the Gulf of

Mexico.

The first stage in the development of this confederacy was the union of

several tribes into one nation. They mingled by intermarriage. The Chief

ceased to be alone in his power and the government became a Pure

Democracy. Several nations, thus being formed into a confederacy or

league, more perfect, systematic and liberal than those of antiquity,

there was in it more of fixedness, more of dependence upon the people,

and more of vigor and strength.

Their original congress was composed of fifty sachems and it generally

met at the Onondaga Council House. The business of the congress was

conducted in a grave and dignified manner, the reason and judgment of

the Chiefs being appealed to, rather than their passions. It was

considered a breach of decorum for a sachem to reply to a speech on the

day of its delivery, and no question could be decided without unanimous

concurrence. The sachems served without badge of office, their sole

reward being the veneration of their people in whose interest they were

meeting.

Public opinion exercised a powerful influence among the Iroquois, the

ablest among them having a dread of an adverse criticism from the common

people.

Subordinate to the Congress of Sachems were the noted chiefs, such as

Red Jacket, Big Kettle, Corn Planter and others who influenced the

councils with their oratory.

Women were recognized by them as having rights in the government of the

nation, being represented in council by chiefs, known as their

champions. Thus they became factors in war or peace, and were granted

special rights in the concurrence or interference in the sale of lands,

claiming that the land belonged equally to the tillers of the soil, and

its defenders. The equality of rights granted women was one of the

principal factors of strength in their confederacy, or union.

Their orators studied euphony in the arrangement of their words. Their

graceful attitudes and gestures made their discourse deeply impressive.

A straight, commanding figure, with blanket thrown over the shoulder,

the naked arm raised in gesture, would, to use the words of an early

historian, "give no faint picture of Rome in her early days."

A difference existed between the Iroquois and other tribes with respect

to oratory. No others have left records of models of eloquence except

in single instances on rare occasions.

Red Jacket, Logan and Corn Planter were orators, who have by their

eloquence perpetuated their names on the pages of history.

In the happy constitution of the ruling body and the effective security

of the people from misgovernment, the confederacy stands unrivaled. The

prevailing spirit was freedom.

They were secured all the liberty necessary for the united state and

fully appreciated its value.

The red man was always free from political bondage. He was convinced

that man was born free; that no person had any right to deprive him of

that liberty. Undoubtedly the reason for this was the absence from the

Indian mind of a desire for gain--that great passion of the white

man--"His blessing and his curse in its use and abuse."

The hunter wants of the Indian, absence of property in a comparative

sense, and the infrequency of crime, dispensed with a vast amount of

legislation and machinery incident to the protection of civilized

society.

The system upon which the League was founded, as before stated, was a

singularly well chosen one, and is highly illustrative of the

intellectual character of this people. "It was wisely conceived by the

untaught statesman of the forest, who had no precedents to consult, no

written lore of ages to refer to, no failures or triumphs of systems of

human governments to use as models or comparisons, nothing to prompt

them but necessity and emergency."

President Dwight said, "Had they enjoyed the advantages possessed by

the Greeks and Romans, there is no reason to believe they would have

been at all inferior to these celebrated nations." Their minds appear

to have been equal to any effort within the reach of man. Their

conquests, if we consider their numbers and circumstances, were little

inferior to Rome itself. In their harmony, the unity of their

operations, the energy of their character, the vastness, vigor and

success of their enterprises, and the strength and sublimity of their

eloquence, they may be fairly compared to the Greeks.

Both the Greeks and Romans, before they began to rise into distinction,

had already reached the state of society in which they were able to

improve. The Iroquois had not. The Greeks and Romans had ample means

for improvement. The Iroquois had none.

The destruction of the confederacy was necessary to the well being of

the colonists. During the Revolutionary war, harassed as they were by

roving bands instigated by the tribes to massacre and burn, the Colonial

government authorized the Commander-in-Chief to administer punishment

for the horrible atrocities committed at Wyoming and Cherry Valley. To

obtain a complete, detailed account of the manner in which it was done,

one has but to read the record of Sullivan's Expedition in 1779,

compiled by the Hon. George S. Conover for the Secretary of State, 1886.

This remarkable undertaking by General Sullivan has been aptly compared

to some of the most famous expeditions in the world's history. The

boldness of its conception, the bravery of the officers and men, were

equaled on but few occasions during the great Revolutionary struggle.

The writings and researches of historians of the present day attach

greater importance to this expedition than formerly. The collection of

materials during the last centennial celebrations has resulted in

shedding much light upon the pages of Our Country's history, that was

formerly but little known.

In this respect General John S. Clark, Rev. David Craft, Lockwood L.

Doty, Hon. George S. Conover and others have performed a great service

that should receive recognition.

The colonists were particularly concerned regarding the attitude of the

Iroquois, who were considered more dangerous than three times the number

of civilized foes. The strong influence exerted by the Johnsons with

their allies, the Mohawks, was dreaded. Subsequently these fears were

proved well grounded.

When the General Council was held by the Iroquois to consider the

question of joining the British in the war against the colonies, a

division occurred--the Oneidas opposing the alliance, while the Mohawks

were anxious for an alliance with the British.

As unanimity could not be secured, each tribe was by law of the League

free to engage in the war or remain at peace with the Americans. The

sequel shows that the British agents, with presents of gunpowder and

lead, also promises of a bounty to be paid for scalps taken from the

colonists, were successful with all but the Oneidas, who remained true

to their first declaration.

To friendship alone could the colonists appeal. They were not able to

assure the Indians that the rum of the Americans was as plenty as the

water of the lake, as the British had done.

The majority of the Indians concluded that the colonists were too poor

or too mean to make them any gifts. Had the influences been less

powerful the Indians might still have remained the friend of the

settlers as he had been during long years of peace.

The indignation of Pitt in denunciation of the wrong done by the

employment of Indians has made his name immortal. How different the

policy of the American! The offers of the Oneidas were courteously yet

firmly refused. They only shared in the struggle as guides or scouts.

Wyoming in July--Cherry Valley in November, were only on a larger scale

the repetition of recurring events along the entire frontier. The

blood-curdling yell, accompanied by the tomahawk and scalping knife,

were a constant menace to the settler. The demand for decided measures

was imperative. The Wyoming massacre sent a thrill of horror through

the country, and renewed the demand for retaliatory measures.

General Washington was directed to take such measures as he deemed

advisable, for the protection of the frontiers. Realizing the country's

condition and the great need of economy in public expenditures,

Washington's policy for 1779 was to remain on the defensive, except as

might be found necessary to hold the Indians in check.

England's affairs in Europe at this time were such that she would not

be apt to push her operations in America. Washington himself was an

experienced Indian fighter--knew how they could be punished--early

favored an expedition into the heart of the Indian country--having but

little faith in the plan of establishing forts. He wished to carry the

war to their own homes, destroy villages and crops and compel them to

accept peace or depend on the British for sustenance.

The country to be traversed on such an expedition was but little known,

so Washington during the winter and spring devoted a great deal of time

to obtaining information needed and planning for the campaign, which was

subsequently shown to be the most important event of that year, and

furnished a lasting lesson to the hostile tribes of the North.

After the declination of the command by General Gates, Washington

tendered the command, which was promptly accepted by General Sullivan,

whose patriotism and bravery were well known.

Preparations were immediately commenced for the great undertaking.

Hamilton under Washington's direction, drew up a letter of instructions,

which was signed by Washington. The first paragraph is interesting:

"May 31, 1779. Sir:--The expedition you are appointed to command is to

be directed against the hostile tribes of the Six Nations of Indians

with their associates and adherents. The immediate object is their

total destruction and devastation and the capture of as many persons

of every age and sex as possible. It will be essential to ruin their

crops, now on the ground, and prevent their planting more."

Then followed instructions more in detail, showing that Washington had

acquired an almost accurate knowledge of the country not only, but the

people as well. His instructions were carried out almost to the letter

as far as the army proceeded.

Sullivan concluded when he had driven them from the valley of the

Genesee that his mission was fulfilled.

Sensitiveness that is unreasoning may have been shocked at Washington's

policy, carried out by Sullivan. The destruction of forty villages, some

of them extensive, as reported by Sullivan, sixty thousand bushels of

corn, three thousand bushels of beans--in one orchard fifteen hundred

peach trees--seemed harsh treatment, but when we consider that a major

portion of this would have furnished the Tories with sustenance, another

view must be taken.

Humanity, however, dictated the firing of cannon every morning, giving

the Indians an opportunity to retreat, which was in strong contrast with

the savage, cruel manner of Brant and Butler in their attacks upon

peaceful settlers.

When the Senecas returned after peace was declared, their respect for

Ha-na-de-ga-na-ars (destroyer of villages), as Washington was called by

them, was greatly strengthened.

When Horatio Jones, Major Van Campen and others moved into their

territory, they were kindly treated, and gave kind treatment in return.

The record of the Iroquois has been one of unbroken peace and friendship

since then, for their last treaty made with General Washington has been

kept inviolate.

SULLIVAN'S CAMPAIGN.

* * * * *

By William Wait.

* * * * *

In the campaign of 1779 it was evident that the British intended to

confine their operations to pillaging expeditions on the frontiers in

the north, and an effort to cripple the Union in the south.

In July of the previous year, Butler and Brant with a force of 1600

Indians and Tories had entered the Wyoming Valley and spread death and

destruction in their path, and in November raided the inhabitants of

Cherry Valley.

Two years before, St. Leger had made his unsuccessful attempt on Fort

Stanwix and the Mohawk Valley, while Burgoyne was attempting to force

his way through our northern frontier.

Nor were these raids upon the valleys of the Mohawk and the Wyoming, and

the inhabitants of Cherry Valley, the only calamities visited upon the

frontiers. By reason of the location and small size of the border

settlements and the great distance between detached dwellings, the

inhabitants, from the very beginning of the Revolutionary struggle, were

subject to constant attack by small bands of Indians, and Tories

disguised as such, who murdered those who fell into their hands and

burned and pillaged their dwellings until none but the most intrepid

dared remain in their homes. The supplicating tears of women and

children, and the wail of helpless babes, were unheeded. The tomahawk

and war-club fell without pity upon the defenceless heads of all alike,

and the scalps of women and children and the silvered locks of the aged

mingled with those of manhood to adorn the belt of the savage, and be

bartered for British gold. Here and there a heap of ashes and a few

putrefying bodies remained to show the location of some unfortunate

settler's cabin or frontier hamlet. Desolation was spread from one end

of the border to the other, and the wail of despair was not to be

resisted by the Congress. That body had received a constant stream of

appeals for aid from the sufferers at the front since the very beginning

of the war. A large part of the documentary remains of that period

consist of such letters to Washington, Governor Clinton, and others in

authority.

On the first of April, 1779, Congress, in response to a letter of March

13th, from the Legislature of New York, passed a resolution authorizing

an expedition against these marauders. The campaign was planned by the

Commander-in-chief. Its execution was first offered to General Gates

because of his seniority, but the offer was made in such a way that it

could not be accepted, and Gates was obliged to decline in favor of

Major-General John Sullivan, whom Washington intended from the first

should be its commander.

General Washington's orders to Sullivan for the conduct of the campaign

were very explicit, and were in part as follows:

"The immediate objects are the total destruction and devastation of

their settlements, and the capture of as many prisoners of every age

and sex as possible. It will be essential to ruin their crops now in

the ground and prevent their planting more . . . parties should be

detached to lay waste all the settlements around, with instructions to

do it in the most effectual manner, that the country may not be merely

overrun, but destroyed. Make rather than receive attacks, attend with

as much impetuosity, shouting, and noise, as possible; and make the

troops act in as loose and dispersed a way as is consistent with a

proper degree of government, concert, and mutual support. It should be

previously impressed upon the minds of the men, whenever they have an

opportunity, to rush on with the war-whoop and fixed bayonet. Nothing

will disconcert and terrify the Indians more than this."

The forces were gathered in three divisions; the principal and central

one, rendezvousing at Wyoming, was composed of the three brigades of

Maxwell, Poor, and Hand, and proceeded up the valley of the Susquehanna

to Tioga, where it was joined by the right division under Gen. James

Clinton, whose force, consisting of 1,600 men, was gathered at

Canajoharie, and proceeded down the headwaters of the Susquehanna. The

left division, consisting of 600 men, under Col. Daniel Brodhead,

marched up the Allegheny from Pittsburgh, leaving that place the 11th of

August, burned 11 towns, containing about 165 houses, which were for the

most part constructed of logs and framed timber; destroyed more than 500

acres of cultivated land then in full crop, and took loot estimated as

worth $30,000. This division returned to Pittsburgh the 14th of

September, having been too late to join the main body, and never having

come under the direct command of Gen. Sullivan.

The main division began to assemble at Wyoming early in April, but it

was not until the last day of July, in the afternoon, that they finally

began their advance. The artillery, ammunition and provisions were

loaded on 214 boats (this is the number stated by Col. Proctor, who was

in charge of the fleet; most accounts say 120), while 1,200 pack horses

carried the baggage and camp utensils, and 700 beef cattle were driven

along for food. Gordon, and some other British writers, have claimed

that Sullivan demanded much more than he should in the way of supplies.

Some of Sullivan's enemies at home made the same charge; but it is a

notorious fact that the commander had great difficulty in procuring the

amount that he had and that it fell far short of what prudence required.

As it was, some of the pork was packed in barrels made of green staves,

and spoiled. Much of the time the army subsisted on short rations, eked

out by green corn and other supplies taken from the fields of the

Indians which they were destroying.

Tioga was the Iroquois name for the point of land lying between the

Chemung River and the north branch of the Susquehanna. Every name that

an Indian gave to a place or a person was descriptive, and had a

meaning. Most of these as we find them written are corruptions of the

names as they sounded when spoken by an Indian, and therefore we find

the same word in different documents spelled in as many ways as it could

be spelled by illiterate English, Dutch and French settlers, with a few

extra letters thrown in. Tioga is said to mean anything between any

other two things, a gate, the forks of a river, etc. (from Teyaogen, or

Teiohogen). Van Curler in his Journal of 1634 speaks of the Mohawk's

name of their great river as Vyoge. Father Jogues gave Oiogue as the

Mohawk name for the Hudson, in 1646. Ohio is another corrupted form of

the same word, and all seem to be corrupted from the same Iroquois word,

meaning a large stream. Many other Indian place-names occur in the

various journals of the officers engaged in this expedition, and it

would be interesting to take them up and consider their meaning if it

were possible. But in the above case it seems fair to suppose that

Indians coming down the trail from the Chemung Valley should speak of

this spot as Vyoge, or Oiogue, the great or principal river, as

distinguished from the smaller branch above.

However that may be, the time between the 31st of July and the 11th of

August was consumed by the main body of the army in reaching this spot,

selected as the meeting place of the divisions.

On their march for this place after leaving Wyoming, the first night

they encamped at a place called by the Delaware Indians,

_Lechau-Hanneck,_ or Lackawanna, also said to mean the forks of a

stream, and by the Iroquois called Hazirok, with something of the same

meaning. The following night they encamped at a place the Indians called

Quailutimack, meaning, "We came upon them unawares." On the 4th, it is

related, they crossed a small creek, called where it joins the

Susquehanna, _Massasppi_ (missisipu), great river, this being a Delaware

word meaning about the same as the Iroquois Oiogue.

On the 5th the detachment lost three of its men, one soldier dying of

the so called "falling sickness," one of Proctor's artillerymen being

drowned, and Sergt. Martin Johnson dying from heat. Dr. Elmer informs

us in his journal that Johnson was a hard drinker and "his vitals were

decayed by spirituous liquors." On the 8th, Col. Proctor destroyed the

first of the Indian settlements, a place called Newtychanning,

consisting of about twenty houses.

The army arrived at Tioga on the 13th. Here they remained until the

25th, awaiting the arrival of General Clinton's detachment. In the

meantime Fort Sullivan was erected, and a detachment sent up the Chemung

River to destroy an Indian town of the same name, consisting of about

fifty houses, with more than 100 acres of cultivated fields of grain and

other Indian produce. Some of the troops under General Hand, as they

pursued the Indians who were fleeing from the village, fell into an

ambush, whereby six were killed and nine wounded, with slight loss to

the enemy. While destroying the crops, one other man was killed and

three more wounded by some of the enemy who were concealed across the

river. The houses here destroyed were built of split and hewed timber,

covered with bark, and in the center of the town were two large

buildings, presumably council houses. None of the buildings had chimneys

or floors. While herding the stock in the camp at Tioga, the Indians

succeeded in killing and scalping several of the pack-horse men and

wounding some others.

Meantime a detachment under Generals Hand and Poor were sent up the

Susquehanna to meet General Clinton.

Gen. Sullivan had written Clinton from Wyoming on July 30th, "I wish you

to set out on the 9th of next month (marching moderately), as some

allowance is to be made for bad weather, which will probably detain us

some time. On my arrival at Tioga, I will immediately detach a

considerable body of light troops to favor and secure your march."

Previous to this date Clinton had gathered his forces at Canajoharie and

transported them to the shore of Otsego Lake, the level of which he had

raised about two feet by erecting a dam, for the purpose of causing a

flood which would float his expedition in boats over the shallows of the

Susquehanna head-waters.

Breaking the dam, he left Otsego Lake, according to Sullivan's

instructions, on the 9th of August, and proceeding down the river with

little difficulty, destroyed such Indian dwellings and crops as came in

his path.

Lieut.-Colonel Pawling, with a detachment, was marching from Kingston

_via_ Shandakin, under orders to join Clinton on August 16th. at

Annaquaga, which, before it was destroyed by Col. William Butler, in

the fall of 1778, was quite a large Indian settlement, occupying an

island and both sides of the river, where the little village of Onaquaga

now stands. Clinton arrived at this place on the 15th, and remained

there until the 17th, awaiting the arrival of Pawling. In the center of

the island he found the cellars and wells of about sixty houses, also

fine orchards. Most of these buildings had been log houses, with stone

chimneys and glass windows.

Pawling did not arrive, but returned to Kingston on September 1st and

reported his inability to join Clinton, owing to the swollen streams

and bad roads. Proceeding on their way, the Right Division passed

several Tuscarora villages, which they destroyed, with the crops.

Arriving at the mouth of the Chenango Creek, a small detachment was sent

four miles up that stream to destroy the village of Chenango, consisting

of about twenty houses.

On the 19th they joined the detachment of General Poor, burning the

villages of Chukkanut and Owagea, and three days later arrived at the

encampment of the main division at Tioga. On the 23d of August, by the

accidental discharge of a musket, Captain Kimball was killed and a

Lieutenant wounded.

Leaving a garrison to defend Fort Sullivan, at Tioga, the whole army

proceeded, on the 26th, taking the route up the Tioga branch of the

Susquehanna. About sixteen miles up this stream was a village called

Newtown, which they reached on the 29th. Here the light troops, which

were marching ahead, discovered a breastworks, artfully masked by green

bushes, extending for about half a mile, in an advantageous place,

protected by a high mountain on one side, the river on the other, and a

large creek in front, behind which the enemy were entrenched. Here

occurred the most important fight of the campaign. The design of the

enemy appears to have been primarily, an ambuscade. His force of British

regulars, consisting of two battalions of Royal Greens and Tories, was

led by Col. John Butler, with Captains Walter Butler and Macdonald as

subordinates. The Indian forces were commanded by the great Mohawk

chief, Joseph Brant. All the cunning of the Indians, combined with the

trained tactics of the British regulars, were here exerted to check the

advance of Sullivan's invading army. Had the Americans not discovered

the trap in time to avoid it, the story of this campaign would have

ended here in a tale of butchery hardly equaled in the annals of war.

But three companies of Morgan's riflemen, the pride of Washington, were

in advance; veterans of a hundred battles, and in no way inferior to the

enemy in Indian craft; and the ingenious device for drawing our forces

into an ambush was thwarted. For hours the battle waged fiercely. By

skillfully maneuvering his troops Sullivan had nearly succeeded in

surrounding the enemy, when, admirably commanded, and wisely discreet,

the signal for retreat was sounded just in time to escape. The entire

loss to the Americans was three killed and thirty-nine wounded. Twelve

Indians were found dead on the field, but the number of their wounded

is unknown.

The events of the succeeding days during which the expedition was

prosecuting its errand of destruction, were a constant repetition of

each other. The army was almost constantly on the move, searching out

and destroying such settlements as could be found. The Indians skulked

away like a pack of wolves at the approach of the hunter, turning now

and then to snap at their pursuers, and then vanishing. Where once had

stood their pleasant villages surrounded by fruitful fields, was only

left heaps of smouldering ashes and masses of trampled grain and

prostrate fruit trees. They needed no spies to keep them informed of the

progress of the invaders. A trail of smoke by day and a ruddy glow on

the sky at night told it too plainly. The scourge had fallen. Not only

were the frontiers cleared but the doom of the Iroquoian Confederacy was

sealed, and its dominion over the vast territory which it had so long

ruled was destroyed forever. From the mountains of northern

Pennsylvania, through the beautiful valley of the Susquehanna and the

lake region of central New York to the fruitful valley of the Genesee,

no Indian settlement of importance was left. Said Sullivan in his

official report: "The number of towns destroyed by this army amounted

to 40, beside scattering houses. The quantity of corn destroyed, at a

moderate computation, must amount to 160,000 bushels, with a vast

quantity of vegetables of every kind. Every creek and river has been

traced, and the whole country explored in search of Indian settlements,

and I am well persuaded that, except one town situated near the

Allegheny, about 50 miles from Genesee, there is not a single town left

in the country of the Five Nations.

"It is with pleasure I inform Congress that this army has not suffered

the loss of forty men, in action or otherwise, since my taking the

command, though perhaps few troops have experienced a more fatiguing

campaign. I flatter myself that the orders with which I was entrusted

are fully executed, as we have not left a single settlement or field

of corn in the country of the Five Nations, nor is there even the

appearance of an Indian on this side of Niagara."

CONTINUATION OF NATHANIEL WEBB'S JOURNAL

* * * * *

As Published in the Elmira Republican

of Sept. 11th and 12th, 1855.

* * * * *

Note--In the volume containing the "Journals of the Military

Expedition of Major General John Sullivan against the Six Nations of

Indians in 1779," prepared by Frederick Cook, Secretary of State, and

published by the State in 1887, on page 285 et seq, is published part

of the Journal of Nathaniel Webb, and a note says that a portion of the

Journal cannot be found.

In a scrap-book originally kept by Thos. Maxwell, Esq., which was

recently bought in an old book shop in New York, I find the missing

Journal, and give herewith the portion supposed to be lost.

WILLIAM WAIT.

_Note_--In Col. Gansevoort's Journal of the same expedition, the entry

is as follows:

"31st.--Decamped at 8 o'clock,--marched over mountainous ground until

we arrived at the forks of Newtown--there entered on a low bottom,

(Tuttle's flats), crossed the Kayuga branch, (Newtown creek), and

encamped on a pine plain. Much good land about Newtown. Here we left

the Tioga branch to our left."

September 1.--The army moved at 8 A. M. Several defiles and a large

swamp occasioned our Brigade to encamp about three miles in the rear of

the army. The army encamped that night at Catharine's town. The enemy

had all fled from this town the night before and left an old squaw.

2.--Our brigade joined the army at Catharine's town. Lay the remaining

part of the day for refreshment, &c.

3.--We destroyed some five fields of corn and decamped at 8 A. M.

Marched this day about 11 miles. Encamped that night near the banks of

the Seneca Lake. Marched this day through a remarkable country for

timber.

4.--Decamped at 9 A. M. Burnt a small town on this day's march. Encamped

at 7 P. M. The country still remains well timbered.

5.--Decamped at 10 A. M. Marched this day about six miles. Encamped that

night at Conoyah, a beautiful town situated between the Seneca and

Kengah lakes--distance between those lakes 8 miles. (Gansevoort writes

it Kandaiah.)

6.--Lay in encampment. This town is beautifully situated in several

respects--a fine level country--some fine fields of corn, a fine apple

orchard, about twenty houses--situated about twenty miles from Seneca

lake. One white man deserted from the enemy that had been taken prisoner

last summer from Wyoming. Several horses were captured at this town.

Decamped at 4 P. M., moved about 4 miles. Encamped in a beautiful piece

of woods near the Lake. Col. Gansevoort, of our Brigade, was sent to

destroy Kengah town joining Kengah lake, where they burnt several

houses, got about twenty horses, &c.

7.--Decamped. Marched to Kanadesago, a town situated about three miles

from the west end of the lake, the capital of the Senecas. (This was

what is called the old Castle near Geneva.) Crossing the Seneca creek

(or outlet) and several large defiles occasioned our not arriving in

town till some time in the evening. This town consists of about 60

houses. Several large fields of corn. We found a white male child the

enemy had left behind.

8.--The army was employed in destroying corn, beans, fruit trees, &c.

A detachment sent to destroy a town about 12 miles from this town.

(This was Cashong, Kashonguash, on the west side of the Seneca.)

9.--All the sick and lame sent to Tioga. At 11 A. M. we marched,

following the road that leads to Niagara. Marched about 13 miles.

Encamped near a brook that night.

10.--Decamped at 6 A. M. Marched this day about 13 miles--part of the

day through a swampy country, abounding chiefly in beech and maple, some

remarkably large white ash trees--latter part of the day through a

grassy country. Passed the end of Connandockque lake. Encamped near

some fine fields of corn. This town contains about 20 houses.

11.--Decamped at 4 A. M., after destroying the town and vegetables, &c.

Marched this day to Hannayouya (Honeoye). This town is situated at the

end of a small Lake of the same name--contains about 15 houses--a large

flat of excellent land.

12.--The provisions and superfluous baggage of the army were left at

this town, with a guard of about 200 men and two field pieces. The army

decamped at 11 A. M. and marched towards the Genesee flats. Marched

about 10 miles and encamped in the woods--passed this day a small lake

called Konyoughojoh.

13.--Decamped at 6 A. M. Marched about two miles and halted at Adjustah.

This town contains about 26 houses. While we halted at this town,

Lieut. Boyd, with 20 men of the Rifle Corps, was sent to the next town

to reconnoiter the enemy. On his return about 700 of the enemy ambushed

him, killed and took 18 of the party. After the corn, &c., was destroyed

and the town set in flames, we moved off to the next town. Our brigade

marched some miles around to gain the rear of the enemy, but as usual

they had fled before us. This town contains about 18 houses, situated

at the southern end of the Genesee flats, on the banks of a small river

that leads into the Genesee river.

14.--9 A. M. the army decamped, passed the river, entered the Genesee

flats. This flat is judged to contain near 6,000 acres. We passed the

Genesee river. This river runs with a strong current out of a hilly

country. Three miles below where we forded, is navigable to lake

Ontario. We burnt a small town on the bank of the river and marched

that night to Genesee castle. There the body of Lieut. Boyd and one man

was found murdered in a barbarous manner, too horrid to mention. This

town is the metropolis of that nation; contains about 140 houses. Some

fine buildings in it; situated about 40 miles from Niagara, on the

south side of the Genesee river. The soil is exceedingly rich for 10

or 12 miles along the river. In and about this town, it was judged

there were 800 acres of corn, beans, and vegetables of every kind.

15.--The whole army was employed in destroying the corn, &c. Now the

general having completed and fulfilled his orders, after destroying the

corn and setting the town in flames, the army passed the river and

encamped upon the flats. One woman and one child made their escape from

the savages and came to us that evening.

16.--Lay by to destroy corn along the flats. Decamped at 10 A. M.

Encamped at Aojuhtah.

17.--Decamped at gun firing. Encamped at Honeoye.

18.-Decamped at 10 A. M. that day to Canandaigua. Encamped on the east

side of the Lake.

19.--Marched to Connadasago.

20.--A party of 900 men was detached under command of Col. Butler, to

destroy the Kengah tribe, and a party of 100 men under command of Col.

Gansevoort to destroy part of the Mohawk tribe. Decamped at 3 P. M.

and encamped on the east side of Seneca Lake.

21.--A party of 100 men was detached under Col. Dearborn to destroy the

towns on the west side of Kenkah lake. Decamped at 8 A. M., passed

Candiah about three miles and encamped at 4 P. M.

22.--Decamped at 7 A. M. Encamped that night within seven miles of

Catharine town.

24.--(23d.?) Decamped at 7 A. M., passed Catharine town and encamped

near the Big Swamp that night.

24.--Decamped at 5 A. M., passed the swamp and halted some time for

refreshment. Encamped that night at Fort Reed, where we met provisions

and stores for the reception of the Army. Upon our arrival at this

place, (now Elmira), 13 cannon were discharged from the fort and was

returned from one of our pieces 15 times. The latter was discharged in

the space of one minute and a half. Dried provisions, &c.

(Colonel Gansevoort's Journal notes the proceedings of this day as

follows: "Passed the swamp so much dreaded from its badness, without

any difficulty and arrived at the forks of Newtown, where Capt. Reed

with a detachment of 200 men had thrown up a breastwork to guard some

stores and cattle brought forward from Tioga for the army in case of

necessity. Saluted by 13 rounds of cannon from the breast-work, which

number we returned from our artillery.")

Fort Reed was on the west side of the Newtown creek and on the north

bank of the Tioga, where the creek falls into the river. It was a

breast-work and was surrounded by palisades including some three or

four acres. The western line of palisades can be traced on the west side

of the junction canal and on the east side of Water st., a little south

of the Fair grounds. The Journal continues.

25.--All the loaded muskets in the army were discharged at 5 A. M. The

army was drawn up in one line and fired three rounds per man. After the

discharge of 13 cannon, for our new ally the King of Spain, several

oxen were killed for the officers and men.

(Col. Gansevoort's Journal thus describes this affair: "25.--This

morning the small arms of the whole army were discharged at 5 o'clock.

The whole were drawn up in one line, with a field piece on the right

of each brigade, to fire a _feu de joie_--1st. thirteen rounds of

cannon; 2d. a running fire of musketry, from right to left--repeated

twice. Fifty oxen were killed on this joyous occasion, one delivered

to each Brigade and one to the Artillery and staff. This was done in

consequence of Spain having declared war against Britain.")

26.--At 12 A. M., the party under command of Col. Dearborn came in

after destroying a fine country on the west side of the Kengah Lake.

They brought in two squaws with them.

27.--400 men under the command of Col. Courtland, was employed in

destroying corn up the river. 30 boats arrived from Tioga.

28.--All the sick were sent to Tioga. The party under the command of

Col. Butler, returned from destroying the Kengah tribe. They found a

most beautiful country abounding in vast quantities of corn and

vegetables of all kinds; the same party under command of Col. Courtland,

was employed up the river; also, 500 men were employed down the river,

towards Tioga, destroying corn and vegetables on the flats.

29.--Decamped 6 A. M. Encamped that night 3 miles below Chemung and

within 3 miles of Tioga.

30.--Decamped at 6 A. M., arrived at Fort Sullivan at 1 P. M. Upon our

arrival the garrison discharged 13 cannon and we returned the same.

Pitched tents on the ground we occupied before.

October 3.--A party of 500 men turned out to load the boats and demolish

Fort Sullivan. The army drew 6 days' flour to carry them to Wyoming.

4.--Decamped at 6 A. M. Passed the river and encamped that night within

5 miles of Standing Stone, near the river.

5.--All the cattle, stores and horses were sent down to Wyoming. The

whole went on board the boats. The fleet got under way at 6 A. M.

6.--The fleet got under way at 9 A. M. Arrived at evening at Shawney

Flats.

7.--The whole fleet got under way at 9 A. M., and arrived at Wyoming at

2 P. M. When it hove in sight 13 cannon were fired by the garrison and

returned by the fleet. The army encamped near the garrison.

8.--Two hundred men were detached to repair the road from this post to

Easton and to remain there until the army arrives.

10.--Gen. Sullivan set out for Easton, leaving the command to Gen.

Clinton. Decamped at 11 A. M. Encamped that night at Bullock's tavern.

11.--The rear of the army came up to camp at 9 A. M. Marched this day

and encamped between the Shades of Death and the Big Swamp.

12.--Decamped at 7 A. M. Encamped that night at the White Oak Run.

13.--Decamped at 8 o'clock in the morning. The army moved that day to

Brink's Mills.

14.--Decamped at 10 A. M. Passed the Wind Gap and encamped that night

within 12 miles of Easton.

15.--Decamped at 6 o'clock in the morning and arrived at Easton at

2 P. M. Encamped in the Forks of the Delaware on the bank of the Lehigh.

17.--Our Brigade mustered. The Rev. Parson Evans delivered a discourse

to the army in the German church.

In the same volume is given a table of distances as traveled by the

army from Easton to Genesee Castle, as surveyed by Mr. Lodge, Surveyor

to the Western army:

From Easton to Wyoming 65 miles

" Lackawanna 75 "

" Quelutinack 82 "

" Tunkhannock Creek 93 "

" Mesupin 102 "

" Vanderlip's Farm 107 "

" Wyalusing 115 "

" Wysaching Creek 129-1/2 "

" Tioga 145 "

" Chemung 157 "

" Forks at Newtown 165 "

" French Catharines, or Evoquagah 183-1/2 "

" Condiah, or Appleton 211 "

" Outlet of Seneca Lake 222-1/2 "

" Canadesaco, or Seneca Lake 226 "

" Canandaigua 241-1/2 "

" Honeoye 255 "

" Adjustah 267-1/2 "

" Gasagularah 274-1/2 "

" Genesee Castle 280 "

CONCERNING THE MOHAWKS.

* * * * *

By W. Max Reid.

* * * * *

I am somewhat at a loss to select a name for the subject of this paper.

I dare not dignify it by the title of a history of the Mohawks, because

a true history of that notable people never has been or never can be

written. It is true that "Colden's Five Nations," "Morgan's League of

the Iroquois," and Schoolcraft's notes are looked upon as authority on

this subject, but Morgan's work is in a great measure legendary and

altogether unsatisfying, and the same may be said of Colden and

Schoolcraft, although the little that Colden has to say about the

Mohawks is accepted as authority as far as it goes.

As to the origin of the Mohawks, it will always remain a mystery.

Conjecture may or may not approach the truth, but from the fact that

they had no written language, no records on stone or parchment from

which we can obtain knowledge of their origin or early history, it is

evident that our only sources of information are the vague traditions

that have been transmitted orally from parent to child or from Sachem

to Sachem.

How unreliable and unsatisfactory these oral traditions are, may be

noted in what is called the "Iroquoian Cosmology," or the "Creation,"

as translated by J. N. B. Hewitt, of the Bureau of Ethnology. Mr. Hewitt

gives three versions of the "Creation," the Onondaga, Mohawk and the

Seneca. They are practically alike, differing only in minor statements.

The Onondaga is the longest and the Seneca the shortest version. I will

give you, however, a condensed rendering of the Mohawk tradition. It

says:

"In the sky above were man-beings, both male and female, who dwelt in

villages, and in one of the lodges was a man and woman, who were

down-fended, that is, they were secluded, and their lodge was

surrounded by the down of the cat-tail, which was a sign that no one

should approach them, nor were they allowed to leave this precinct.

The man became ill and stated that he would not get well until a

dogwood tree standing in his dooryard had been uprooted. So when his

people had uprooted the tree he said to his wife, 'Do thou spread for

me something there beside the place where stood the tree.' Thereupon

she spread something for him there and he then lay down on what she

had spread for him, and he said to his wife: 'Here sit thou, beside my

body.' Now at that time she did sit beside him as he lay there. Then

he said to her: 'Do thou hang thy legs down into the abyss.' For where

they had uprooted the tree there came to be a deep hole, which went

through the sky, and the earth was upturned about it.

"And while he lay there he recovered from his illness and turning on

his side he looked into the hole. After a while he said to his wife:

'Do thou look thither into the hole to see what things are occurring

there in yonder place.' And as she bent her body to look into the hole

he took her by the nape of the neck and pushed her and she fell into

the hole and kept falling into the darkness thereof. After a while she

passed through and as she looked about her, as she slowly fell, she

saw that all about her was blue in color and soon discovered that what

she observed was a vast expanse of water, on which floated all kinds

of water fowls in great numbers.

"Thereupon. Loon, looking into the water and seeing her reflection,

shouted, 'A man-being, a female is coming up from the depths of the

waters.' The Bittern, answering, said, 'She is not indeed coming up

out of the depths of the water, she is falling from above.' Thereupon

they held a council to decide what they should do to provide for her

welfare.

"They finally invited Great Turtle to come. Loon, thereupon, said to

him, 'Thou should float thy body above the place where thou art in the

depths of the water.' And then as Great Turtle arose to the surface,

a large body of ducks of various kinds arose from the face of the

water, elevated themselves in a very compact body, and went up to meet

her. And on their backs did she alight, and they slowly descended,

bearing her body on their backs, and on the back of Great Turtle they

placed her.

"Then Loon said, 'Come, you deep divers, dive and bring up earth.'

Many dived into the water, and Beaver was a long time gone. When his

back appeared he was dead, and when they examined his paws, they found

no earth. Then Otter said, 'It is my turn.' Whereupon he dived, and

after a longer time he also came up dead. Neither did he bring up any

earth. It was then that Muskrat said, 'I also will make the desperate

attempt.' It was a still longer time that he was under water, but

after a while he also floated to the surface, dead. In his paws was

mud and his mouth was full of mud. And they took this mud and coated

the edge of Great Turtle's shell all around, and other muskrats dived

and floated dead, but brought up mud, which was placed on Great

Turtle's back. And the female man-being sat on the back of Great

Turtle and slept. And when she awoke the earth had increased in size,

and she slept again, and when she awoke, willows were growing along

the edge of the water. And then, also, when she again awoke, the

carcass of a deer recently killed, lay there, and a fire was burning,

and a sharp stone. And she dressed, cooked, and ate her fill. And

after a while a rivulet appeared and rapidly the earth increased to

great size, and grass and herbs sprung from the earth and grew to

maturity.

"And after a while the female man-being gave birth to a girl child,

who grew rapidly to maturity, and not long after gave birth to two

male man-beings, but the daughter died in giving birth to the twins.

And the grandmother cut off the head of her dead daughter and hung her

body in a high place and it became the sun, and the head she placed in

another place and it became the moon.

"And when she examined one of the infants she found his flesh was

nothing but flint and there was a sharp comb of flint over the top of

his head, but the flesh of the other was in every respect like a

man-being.

"It seems that these two were antagonistic from their birth, the

grandmother clinging to the flint child and driving the other into the

wilderness; and in his wanderings he came to the shore of a lake and

saw a lodge standing there. Looking in the doorway he saw a man

sitting there, who said to him, 'Enter thou here. This man was Great

Turtle, who gave him a bow and arrow, and also gave him two ears of

corn, one in the milky state, which he told him to roast and eat as

food, and the other, which was mature, he should use for seed corn.

"He also endowed him with preternatural powers. And when he was about

to depart, he said to the young man, 'I am Great Turtle, I am thy

parent.'

"Sapling, which was the name of the young man-being, created animals

out of earth, and birds by casting handfuls of earth into the air. He

also formed the body of a man and the body of a woman, and gave them

life and placed them together. Returning shortly after he found them

sleeping. Again and again he returned and still they slept. 'Thereupon

he took a rib from each and substituted the one for the other and

replaced each one in the other's body. It was not long before the

woman awoke and sat up. At once she touched the breast of the man

lying at her side, just where Sapling had placed her rib, and, of

course, that tickled him. Thereupon he awoke. Awoke to life and

understanding.'"

As in the Biblical story of Cain and Abel, the two brothers fought and

in the end one was slain. But is was the unrighteous one, the one with

the flint body, who lost his life.

Nearly three hundred years ago, the Jesuits recorded traditions of the

Algonquins and Huron-Iroquois of Canada, which were practically the same

in their main features as the above. (See Jesuit Rel. vol. 10, pages

127-129.)

The Montagnais and Adirondacks of Canada, and in fact all the Algonquin

nations, seem to have some tradition of the deluge, which in some way

is mixed with the Huron-Iroquois tradition of the creation. In fact,

it deals with a re-creation of the earth.

They say that one Messou restored the world when it was lost in the

waters. Their story of the deluge is practically as follows:

This Messou went a hunting with lynxes, instead of dogs, and was

warned that it would be dangerous for his lynxes in a certain lake

near the place where he was. One day as he was hunting an elk his

lynxes gave it chase even into the lake; and when they reached the

middle of it, they were submerged in an instant. When Messou arrived

there and sought his lynxes, who were indeed his brothers, a bird told

him that it had seen them in the bottom of the lake, and that certain

animals or monsters held them there. He at once leaped into the water

to rescue them, but immediately the lake overflowed, and increased so

prodigiously that it inundated and drowned the whole earth. Astonished,

he gave up all thought of his lynxes and turned his attention to

creating the world anew. First he sent a raven to find a small piece

of earth with which to build a new world. The raven returned

unsuccessful. He made an Otter dive down, but he could not reach the

bottom. At last a muskrat descended and brought back some earth. With

this bit of earth Messou restored every thing to its former condition.

But it is among the Iroquois that Great Turtle plays the principal part

in the creation. In fact it is said that he upholds the earth to this

day. In one of the cases of the "Richmond collection" in the museum of

the Montgomery County Historical Society, is an old rattle which can be

traced back more than a hundred years. We have looked upon it as an

interesting relic of the Senecas, a rude musical instrument. It is made

from a turtle shell and skin, and in the enclosed space has been placed

pebbles for rattles.

But this instrument is interesting beyond all that. Father LeJune, in

his Relation of 1639, makes the following statement in describing a

dance at a feast given for a sick woman: "At the head of the procession

marched two masters of ceremonies, singing and holding the tortoise, on

which they did not cease to play. This tortoise is not a real tortoise,

but only the shell and skin, so arranged as to make a sort of drum or

rattle. Having thrown certain pebbles into it they make from it an

instrument like that the children in France used to play with. There

is a mysterious something, I know not what, in this semblance of a

tortoise, to Which these people attribute their origin. We shall know

in time what there is to it."

It is said that in no Amerind (the word Amerind is a new word coined

by the Bureau of Ethnology to take the place of the three words "North

American Indian." You will notice that it is composed or formed from

the first four letters of American and the first three letters of

Indian) language, could the Jesuit Priests find a word to express the

idea of God or His attributes. Although the most charitable of people

and showing the utmost affection for their children, the Jesuits were

unable, in the Amerind language, to impress upon them or to communicate

to them, the idea of an all-loving and charitable Supreme Being. They

had their Manitou, but they feared them and gave them the character of

the devil, one who should be propitiated by presents, by penances, or

by scourges and feasts.

In the Amerind's mind, each animal had a king, as the Great Turtle, the

Great Bear, etc. The fathers said to them if the animals have each a

Supreme Being, why should not man have a great chief of men, who lives

in the sky; a Great Spirit. This idea they accepted, and although they

did not or could not give him the attributes of the Christian's God,

the Great Spirit became "a distinct existence, a pervading power in the

universe, and a dispenser of justice."

This idea the Jesuits had to accept, although in exceptional cases, they

seemed to impress their idea of God upon some of their converts while

they had them at the missions, but they were sure to become apostates

when they returned to their people in the wilderness. So you will see

that "The Great Spirit" of the Indians is a modern idea received from

the whites and not, as some think, a Supreme Being evolved ages ago

from the Amerind mind.

Parkman says: "The primitive Indian believed in the immortality of the

soul, and that skillful hunters, brave warriors, and men of influence

went, after death, to the happy hunting-grounds, while the slothful,

the cowardly, the weak were doomed to eat serpents and ashes in dreary

and misty regions, but there was no belief that the good were to be

rewarded for moral good, or the evil punished for a moral evil."

So you will see that the writing of a history of the Mohawks would be

an arduous task, a history filled with mystery and superstition

together with kindly deeds and warlike acts, a history of a people

endowed with minds that were able to conceive a union of tribes, states

or nations, call them what you may, and to perpetuate that union for

centuries, the success of which suggested to our forefathers the union

of states, the government under which we now live.

L. Of C.

"HOLLANDER."

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON,

The Author of the Louisiana Purchase.

* * * * *

Hon. D. S. Alexander.

* * * * *

After signing the treaty ceding Louisiana to the United States, Robert

R. Livingston declared it the noblest work of his life. If one may not

assent to this enthusiastic statement of the speaker, who had been a

member of the committee to draft the immortal Declaration of

Independence, it is easy to admit that his work stands next in

historical importance to the treaty of 1783, which recognized American

independence. It added half an empire to our domain, and, a century

later, gave Edward Everett Hale opportunity to speak of Livingston as

"the wisest American of his time," since "Franklin had died in 1780."

When Livingston signed the Louisiana treaty he was fifty-six years of

age, tall and handsome, with an abundance of hair already turning gray,

which fell in ringlets over a square, high forehead, lending a certain

dignity that made him appear as great off the bench as he did when

gowned and throned as Chancellor. In the estimation of his contemporaries

he was one of the most gifted men of his time, and the judgment of a

later age has not reversed their decision. He added learning to great

natural ability, and brilliancy to profound thought, and although so

deaf as to make communication with him difficult, he came very near

concealing the defect by his remarkable eloquence and conversational

gifts. Benjamin Franklin called him "the Cicero of America." His love

for the beautiful attracted Edmund Burke. It is doubtful if he had a

superior in the State in the knowledge of history and the classics, and

in the study of science Samuel L. Mitchell alone stood above him. He

lacked the creative genius of Hamilton, the prescient gifts of Jay,

and the skill of Aaron Burr to marshal men for selfish purposes; but he

was at home in debate with the ablest men of his time, a master of

sarcasm, of trenchant wit, and of felicitous rhetoric. It is likely

that he lacked Kent's application. But of ninety-three bills passed by

the legislature from 1778 to 1801, a period that spans his life as

Chancellor, and which were afterward vetoed by the Council of Revision,

Livingston wrote opinions in twenty-three, several of them elaborate,

and all revealing capacity for legislation. In these vetoes he stood

with Hamilton in resisting forfeitures and confiscations; he held with

Richard Morris that loyal citizens could not be deprived of lands,

though bought of an alien enemy; he agreed with Jay in upholding common

law rights and limiting the death penalty; and he had the support of

George Clinton and John Sloss Hobart in disapproving a measure for the

gradual abolition of slavery, because the legislature thought it

politically expedient to deprive colored men of the right to vote who

had before enjoyed such a privilege.

In the field of politics, Livingston's search for office did not result

in a happy career. So long as he stood for a broader and stronger

national life his intellectual rays flashed far beyond the horizon of

most of his contemporaries, but the joy of public life was clouded when

he entered the domain of partisan politics. His mortification that

someone other than himself was appointed Chief Justice of the United

States Supreme Court, made Hamilton's funding system, especially the

proposed assumption of State debts, sufficient excuse for becoming an

anti-federalist, and had he possessed those qualities of leadership

that bind party and friends by ties of unflinching service, he might

have reaped the reward that his ambition so ardently craved; but his

peculiar temper unfitted him for such a career. Jealous, fretful,

sensitive, and suspicious, he was as restless as his eloquence was

dazzling, and when, at last, he became the anti-federalist candidate

for governor in 1798, in opposition to John Jay, the campaign ended in

deep humiliation. His candidacy was clearly a dash for the Presidency.

He reasoned, as every ambitious New York statesman has reasoned from

that day to this, that if he could carry the State in an off year, he

would be needed, as the candidate of his whole party, in a Presidential

year. This reasoning reduces the governorship to a sort of springboard

from which to vault into the White House, and although only one man in

a century has performed the feat, it has always figured as a popular

and potent factor in the settlement of political nominations. George

Clinton thought the Presidency would come to him, and Hamilton inspired

Jay with a similar notion; but Livingston, sanguine of better treatment,

was willing, for the sake of undertaking it, voluntarily to withdraw

from the professional path along which he had moved to great distinction.

The personal qualities which seemed to unfit Livingston for political

leadership in New York did not strengthen his usefulness in France. It

was the breadth of view which distinguished him in the formation of the

Union that brought him success as a diplomat. With the map of America

spread out before him he handled the Louisiana problem as patriotically

as he had argued for a stronger national life, and when, at last, he

signed the treaty, he had forever enlarged the geography of his country.

As the American minister to the court of Napoleon, Livingston reached

France in November, 1801. President Jefferson had already heard a rumor

of the retrocession of Louisiana by Spain to France, and had given it

little heed. He had cheerfully acquiesced in Spain's occupation of New

Orleans, and after its retrocession to France he talked pleasantly of

securing West Florida through French influence. "Such proof on the part

of France of good will toward the United States," he wrote Livingston,

in September, 1801, "would contribute to reconcile the latter to

France's possession of New Orleans." But when, a year later, a French

army, commanded by Leclerc, Napoleon's brother-in-law, had devastated

St. Domingo and aroused the hostility of American merchants and

ship-masters by his arbitrary treatment, Jefferson sensed the danger of

having Napoleon for a next-door neighbor on the Mississippi. In a moment

his tone changed from one of peace to a threat of war. "The cession of

Louisianan to France," he declared, in a letter to Livingston, April 16,

1802, "works most sorely on the United States. There is on the globe

one single spot, the possessor of which is our natural and habitual

enemy. It is New Orleans. France, placing herself in that door, assumes

to us the attitude of defiance. The day that France takes possession of

New Orleans fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever within

her low-water mark. It seals the union of two nations, who in

conjunction can maintain exclusive possession of the ocean. From that

moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation."

In his anxiety the President also instructed Madison, his Secretary of

State, to write Pinckney, the American minister at Madrid, to guarantee

to Spain, if it had not already parted with its title, peaceable

possession of Louisiana beyond the Mississippi, on condition of its

ceding to the United States the territory, including New Orleans, on

the east side. As the year wore on, however, and Leclerc's death

followed his report of his losses, Jefferson became much easier,

advising Livingston that French possession of Louisiana would not be

"important enough to risk a breach of the peace." But before the ink

had time to dry, almost simultaneously with the death of Leclerc, came

the news, through Governor Claiborne of the Territory of Mississippi,

that the Spanish Intendent had forbidden Americans the right to deposit

their merchandise at New Orleans. This was a stunning blow to the

President. The treaty of 1795 stipulated that the King of Spain would

"permit the citizens of the United States, for the space of three years

from this time, to deposit their merchandise and effects in the Port of

New Orleans, and to export them from thence, without paying any other

duty than a fair price for the hire of the stores, and his majesty

promises either to continue this permission if he find during that time

it is not prejudicial to the interests of Spain, or, if he should not

agree to continue it thus, he will assign to them on another part of the

banks of the Mississippi an equivalent establishment." That the three

years' limitation had expired during President Adams' administration

without the right being extended or its equivalent established, did not

help Jefferson out of his difficulty, since the Kentucky and Tennessee

settlers were already cleaning their flintlocks on the theory that it

was easier to drive out a few Spaniards than to dislodge a French army

after it had fortified. This was good reasoning if Louisiana was to be

taken by force. But Jefferson, even when writing threatening letters,

had no thought of war. "Peace is our passion," he wrote Sir John

Sinclair, and in the presence of threatening hostilities he did nothing

to prepare for war. His message to Congress, which opened a few days

after the reception of Claiborne's dispatch, made no mention of the

New Orleans trouble. He talked about everything else, but of what

everybody else was talking about the President said nothing. The

western settlers, vitally interested in a depot of deposit at New

Orleans, resented such apparent apathy, and by resolutions and

legislative action encouraged the federalists to talk so loudly for

war that the President, alarmed at the condition of the public mind,

sent James Monroe's name to the Senate as minister extraordinary to

France and Spain. On January 13, 1803, the day of Monroe's confirmation,

Jefferson hastened to write him, explaining what he had done and why

he had acted. "The agitation of the public mind on occasion of the late

suspension of our right of deposit at New Orleans," said he, "is

extreme. In the western country it is natural and grounded on honest

motives; in the seaports it proceeds from a desire for war, which

increases the mercantile lottery; among federalists generally, and

especially those of Congress, the object is to force us into war if

possible, in order to derange our finances; or, if this cannot be done,

to attach the western country to them as to their best friends, and thus

get again into power. Remonstrances, memorials, etc., are now

circulating through the whole of the western country, and signed by the

body of the people. The measures we have been pursuing, being invisible,

do not satisfy their minds. Something sensible, therefore, is necessary."

This "sensible something" was Monroe's appointment, which "has already

silenced the federalists," continued the President. "Congress will no

longer be agitated by them; and the country will become calm as fast

as the information extends over it."

The better to support Monroe, Madison explained to Pichon, the French

minister in Washington, the necessity for the undivided possession of

New Orleans, claiming that it had no sort of interest for France, while

the United States had no interest in extending its population to the

right bank, since such emigration would tend to weaken the state and to

slacken the concentration of its forces. "In spite of affinities in

manners and languages," said the Secretary of State, "no colony beyond

the river could exist under the same government, but would infallibly

give birth to a separate state, having in its bosom germs of collision

with the east, the easier to develop in proportion to the very

affinities between the two empires."

This explained the true attitude of Jefferson and Madison. They did not

seek territory west of the Mississippi. Their thought centered in the

purchase of New Orleans; it was the "one spot on the globe, the

possessor of which is our natural and habitual enemy;" France's

possession of it "must marry us to the British fleet and nation;" upon

it "every eye in the United States is now fixed;" to gain it Pinckney

was charged "to guarantee to Spain the peaceable possession of the

territory beyond the Mississippi;" in Madison's opinion "the boundary

line between the United States and Louisiana should be the Mississippi;"

according to his theory "no colony beyond the Mississippi could exist

under the same government with that on the east side;" nor did the

United States have any interest in building up a colony beyond the

Mississippi. In other words, Jefferson saw only New Orleans; he wanted

only New Orleans and peace; and to get the one and keep the other,

Monroe was sent to Paris to secure "our rights and interests in the

river Mississippi and in the territories eastward thereof."

In the meantime Livingston had taken a different view. It is not clear

that he appreciated the future value of the great northwest more than

did Jefferson or Madison, but in his argument for the purchase of New

Orleans he had included in his request nine-tenths of the territory now

known as the Louisiana Purchase. Singularly enough Livingston's letter

happened to be addressed to Talleyrand, Napoleon's Minister of Foreign

Affairs, on the very day Monroe's name went to the United States Senate

for confirmation, and although the latter's instructions limited

negotiations to the east bank of the Mississippi, Livingston's argument

included the west bank. "Presuming," he writes Talleyrand, "that the

Floridas are in the hands of France, I shall predicate what I have to

offer upon that presumption. France can have but three objects in the

possession of Louisiana and Florida: The first is the command of the

Gulf; second, the supply of her islands; third, an outlet for the

people, if her European population should be too great for her

territory."

"Having treated this subject more at large in a paper which you have

had the goodness to read," Livingston continued, "I will not dwell upon

it here; but propose what it appears to be the true, policy of France

to adopt, as affecting all her objects, and at the same time

conciliating the affections of the United States, giving a permanency

to her establishments, which she can in no other way hope for. First,

let France cede to the United States so much of Louisiana as lays above

the mouth of the river Arkansas. By this a barrier will be placed

between the colony of France and Canada, from which she may, otherwise,

be attacked with the greatest facility, and driven out before she can

derive any aid from Europe. Let her possess Florida as far as the river

Perdito, with all the ports on the gulf, and cede West Florida, New

Orleans, and the territory on the west bank of the Mississippi to the

United States. This cession will only be valuable to the latter from

its giving them the mouths of the river Mobile and other small rivers

which penetrate their territory, and in calming their apprehensions

relative to the Mississippi. It may be supposed that New Orleans is a

place of some moment; it will be so to the United States, but not to

France. The right of depot which the United States claims and will

never relinquish, must be the source of continued disputes and

animosities between the two nations, and ultimately lead the United

States to aid any foreign power in the expulsion of France from that

colony. Independent of this, as the present commercial capital of New

Orleans is mostly American, it will be instantly removed to Natchez,

to which the United States can give such advantages as to render New

Orleans of little importance. Upon any other plan. Sir, it needs but

little foresight to predict that the whole of this establishment must

pass into the hands of Great Britain, which has, at the same time, the

command of the sea, and a martial colony containing every means of

attack. While the fleets block up the seaports, she can, without the

smallest difficulty, attack New Orleans from Canada with 15,000 or

20,000 men and a host of savages. France, by grasping at a desert and

an insignificant town, and thereby throwing the weight of the United

States into the scale of Britain, will render her mistress of the new

world. By the possession of Louisiana and Trinidad the colonies of

Spain will lie at her mercy. By expelling France from Florida and

possessing the ports on the Gulf, she will command the Islands. The

East and West Indies will pour their commodities into her ports; and

the precious metals of Mexico, combined with the treasures of Hindostan,

enable her to purchase nations whose aid she may require in confirming

her power. Though it would comport with the true policy and magnanimity

of France gratuitously to offer these terms to the United States, yet

they are not unwilling to purchase them at a price suited to their value

and to their own circumstances, in the hope that France will at the same

time satisfy their distressed citizens the debts which they have a right

by so many titles to demand."

These arguments do not read like the letters of Jefferson or the

instructions of Madison. There is no suggestion that the United States

is without interest in the right bank of the Mississippi for fear of a

divided government, or because germs of collision will develop in spite

of affinities in manners and language. New Orleans is minimized, the

great west is magnified. A glance at the map shows that he offered to

purchase half an empire, leaving to France only a small corner in the

southwest bordering on Texas. His argument fixed its limitation. "First,

let France cede to the United States so much of Louisiana as lay above

the mouth of the river Arkansas, West Florida, New Orleans, and the

territory on the west bank of the Mississippi." Talleyrand thought the

rest would be of little value. "I will give you a certificate," he said,

in the course of the discussion, "that you are the most importunate

negotiator I have yet met with." For this and his aid to Robert Fulton,

Edward Everett Hale called Livingston "the wisest American of his time."

Napoleon received Livingston's argument three days after he heard of

Leclerc's death. To a soldier who had entered Italy over the Alps, the

suggestion of an attack from Canada would strongly appeal; with Nelson

on the ocean, he could understand the helplessness of a French army in

New Orleans; and after the failure of Leclerc in St. Domingo, the

presence of yellow fever and other obstacles to success in Louisiana

would not seem improbable. Such a discussion at such a time, therefore,

was certain to have the most profound influence, and from January 10 to

April 10, 1803, Livingston kept his reasons constantly before the First

Consul and his ministers as the only policy to conserve the true

interest of France, to impair the strength of England, and to win the

affection of the United States.

"I have never yet had any specific instructions from you how to act or

what to offer," he wrote Madison on February 18, 1803, eighteen days

before Monroe left the United States; "but I have put into Napoleon's

hands some notes containing plain truths mixed with that species of

personal attention which I know to be most pleasing. The only basis

on which I think it possible to do anything here is to connect our

claims with offers to purchase the Floridas. Upon this subject my notes

turn. I have first endeavored to show how little advantage France is

likely to make from these colonies; the temptation they offer to

Britain to attack them by sea and from Canada; the effect a conquest

of them by Britain would have on the islands; and the monopoly which

that conquest would give to a rival power to the trade of the West as

well as of the East Indies. I have dwelt upon the importance of a

friendly intercourse between them and us, both as it respects their

commerce and the security of their islands; and I have proposed to them

the relinquishment of New Orleans and West Florida as far as the River

Perdito, together with all the territory lying to the north of the

Arkansas, under an idea that it was necessary to interpose us between

them and Canada, as the only means of preventing an attack from that

quarter. For this I proposed an indefinite sum, not wishing to mention

any till I should receive your instructions. These propositions with

certain accompaniments were well received, and were some days under the

First Consul's consideration. I am now lying on my oars in hopes of

something explicit from you. I consider the object of immense importance;

and this perhaps the favorable moment to press it."

While Livingston's letter was being read in Washington, conveying to

Jefferson the first suggestion of a purchase other than that of New

Orleans, the First Consul was making up his mind to accede to

Livingston's request. When the decision did come, it came with

Napoleonic suddenness. For three months he had considered it; but not

until Sunday, April 10, did he make known his intention; then, in a

moment, without warning, he let his desire be known to Talleyrand and

Marbois. "I can scarcely say that I cede it," said Napoleon, "for it is

not yet in our possession. If, however, I leave the least time to our

enemies, I shall only transmit an empty title." Marbois agreed,

Talleyrand dissented, and the trio parted; but at daybreak, on Monday,

Napoleon sent for Marbois, declaring that "irresolution and deliberation

are no longer in season; I renounce Louisiana. It is not only New

Orleans that I cede; it is the whole colony, without reserve. I know the

price of what I abandon. I renounce it with the greatest regret; to

attempt obstinately to retain it would be folly. I direct you to

regulate the affairs. Have an interview this very day with Mr.

Livingston."

Whatever occurred after this belongs simply to the making of a bargain.

The mind of Napoleon had acted. It is not easy, perhaps, to differentiate

the influences that led to such action, but it is not difficult to

measure them. In writing the Minister of Marine, Talleyrand explained

that "the empire of circumstances, foresight of the future, and the

intention to compensate by an advantageous arrangement for the

inevitable loss of a country which was going to be put at the mercy of

another nation--all these motives have determined the Government to

pass to the United States the right it had acquired from Spain over the

sovereignty and property of Louisiana." In brief, Napoleon's sale of

Louisiana, as explained by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, disposed of

a country which he would inevitably lose whenever war occurred with

England. This was the argument Livingston had been urging for three

months, with evident effect. Had he been less earnest or dramatic,

Napoleon's purpose might not then have exploded into an order to sell.

The American Minister knew he was dealing with a man guided by such an

implacable hatred of England, that when he was not fighting her openly,

he was plotting against her secretly; that his one purpose, his one

hope, his great ambition, was her conquest. In his argument, therefore,

Livingston dangled before him a picture to feed his hatred--a picture

of Trinidad and Louisiana forming a base from which England might drive

Spain from Florida, command the islands of the Gulf, and receive into

its ports the riches of the West Indies and the treasures of Mexico.

Thus, Livingston's presence becomes a great factor in the sale. It took

six months to communicate with the United States, but only six days to

do business with the man who was pressing the sale upon him. If more

time had elapsed, the sudden decision might have been changed with equal

suddenness, for Napoleon, aside from his inconstancy, had cause to

shrink from his intended action. It meant the violation of a sacred

pledge to Spain, the death of Talleyrand's pet colonial policy, the

certain disgust, sooner or later, of the French people, and a hot

quarrel with Lucien and Joseph Bonaparte, his brothers.

In the negotiations that followed Livingston ventured to offer twenty

million francs, and Marbois finally suggested sixty millions, with

payment of the American claim to the amount of twenty millions more.

Thus ended the historic midnight conference during which the bargain was

practically made. "It is so very important," wrote Livingston, "that

you should be apprised that a negotiation is actually opened, even

before Mr. Monroe is presented, in order to calm the tumult which the

news of war will renew, that I have lost no time in communicating it.

We shall do all we can to cheapen the purchase, but my present sentiment

is that we shall buy."

Considering the extent of the purchase and the danger of delay,

Livingston would have been justified in closing the bargain then and

there. Had he known the action of Lucien Bonaparte, who had secured the

cession from Spain, and of Joseph's insincerity, upon whom he even

depended to help along the negotiation, he might well have taken counsel

of his fears; but the great real estate dealer enjoyed driving a good

bargain, and so he argued and held aloof, professing that the United

States "had no disposition to extend across the river;" that they "would

be perfectly satisfied with New Orleans and the Floridas;" that they

"could not give any great sum for the purchase;" that "it was vain to

ask anything so greatly beyond our means;" that "true policy would

dictate to the First Consul not to press such a demand," since "he must

know the payment of such a sum would render the present government

unpopular." He minimized the importance of the deal, describing West

Florida as "barren sands and sunken marshes," and New Orleans as "a

small town built of wood, of about seven thousand souls," a territory

"only valuable to the United States because it contained the mouths of

some of their rivers," going so far as to venture a prophecy that "an

emigrant would not cross the Mississippi in a hundred years;" yet,

throughout weeks of dickering, he never surrendered his purpose to buy

whether the price be cheapened or not.

His anxiety was greatly increased by the disclosure of Monroe's

commission, since it contained power only to treat for lands on the

east side of the Mississippi. "It may, if things should take a turn

favorable to France," he wrote Madison, April 17, "defeat all we may do,

even at the moment of signing. . . . You will recollect that I have been

long preparing this government to yield us the country above the

Arkansas, . . . and I am therefore surprised that our commission should

have entirely lost sight of the object."

Livingston's fears proved groundless, and the dickering went on until

April 29, when Marbois' original figures were accepted sixty million

francs to France, and twenty million francs to American claimants; in

all, fifteen million dollars. Three days later, on May 2, 1803, the

treaty was signed.

It is not surprising that Livingston felt proud and happy. Other

treaties of consequence had been negotiated by Americans--the treaty of

alliance with France, the treaty of peace with England, and Jay's treaty

of 1795; but none was more important than Livingston's. Besides, it was

unparalleled in the field of diplomacy, since Louisiana cost,

comparatively, almost nothing.

Perhaps Livingston's pride was only equaled by Jefferson's surprise. A

mother is usually prepared for the coming of the baby that is to enlarge

and illuminate her home. Its clothes are ready, the nursery is

furnished, and everything is waiting its advent; but President Jefferson

was unprepared for the Louisiana Purchase. It was so entirely unsought

on his part that he had given the subject no consideration until half

an empire came tumbling upon him like a great meteor out of the midnight

sky. At first, he thought he would cede a part of it to the Indians in

exchange for their holdings on the east side of the Mississippi, and

"shut up all the rest from settlement for a long time to come." "I have

indulged myself in these details," he writes James Dickinson, August 9,

1803, "because the subject being new it is advantageous to interchange

ideas on it and to get our notions all corrected before we are obliged

to act upon them." Then he raised the question of a constitutional

amendment. "I suppose Congress must appeal to the nation for an

additional article to the constitution approving and confirming an act

which the nation had not previously authorized," he wrote Senator

Breckenridge of Kentucky. "The constitution has made no provision for

our holding foreign territory, still less for incorporating foreign

nations into our Union. The Executive in seizing the fugitive occurrence

which so much advances the good of their country have done an act beyond

the constitution."

When such views reached France, Livingston hurried off several letters

to Jefferson, assuring him "that were the business to do over again it

would never be done. They think we have obtained an immense advantage

over them. Though the appearance of war had some influence, it had much

less than is ascribed to it. I know from a faithful source that the

Spanish government has made the most serious remonstrances against the

cession of Louisiana, and that it is now well understood that, if any

additional clause of ratification should be introduced by the United

States, this government would profit of the circumstance to annul the

whole work."

Jefferson did not need a further hint. "I wrote you on the 12th inst.

on the subject of Louisiana and the constitutional provision which might

be necessary for it," he says to Senator Breckenridge. "A letter just

received yesterday shows that nothing must be said on that subject which

may give a pretext for retreating, but that we should do _sub silentio_

what shall be found necessary. Be so good, therefore, as to consider

that part of my letter confidential. It strengthens the reason for

desiring the presence of every friend of the treaty on the first day of

the session. Perhaps you can impress this necessity on the Senators from

the western States by private letter."

President Jefferson was a strict constructionist. He did not believe the

constitution gave Congress power to acquire additional territory; he

dreaded the concentration of power in the executive, and perhaps his

teachings did more than all other men to inspire the popular mind with

that dread; but when he discovered that the time required to secure a

constitutional amendment, exciting, as it would, a long debate in

Congress, might defeat the Louisiana Purchase by arousing French feeling

against its sale, he did not hesitate to bury his constitutional

convictions, and to force through Congress the necessary ratification.

Nor did he ever attempt any defense of his inconsistency save that the

welfare of the nation demanded such action. Thomas Jefferson was not

afraid of being inconsistent. To a great soul this is not weakness.

There are ages that are creative. At such times two classes of men are

prominent and needed--one shackled to traditions, the other guided by

visions. Thomas Jefferson belonged to the latter. In 1776 the American

people not only broke the bonds binding them to old England, but forged

other bonds which would bind them to a new political, social and

industrial order, and of those who hammered these new ties into harmony

with the longing and aspirations of men, Thomas Jefferson stands among

the foremost Fathers. He got his light from within. He believed in the

people, in the government which they had accepted, and with Gladstonian

enthusiasm he sought to lead the one and mould the other along lines of

stability; but when theory and idealism ran counter to practice and

experience, he did not hesitate to adopt the practical and let theory

wait. This is the secret of his action in 1803. To cling to an abstract

principle would lose an appreciable blessing to his country, and so he

let go the abstract principle. This is the inconsistency of a great

statesman, the contradictoriness of genius.

But commendable as was the part of Thomas Jefferson in that great

transaction, it must not conceal the truth of history. He was not even

the promoter, much less the author of the Purchase. His mind was intent

upon a present need, a single spot, instant relief, made necessary by

the fierce demand of a frontier people claiming a depot of deposit. It

was Robert R. Livingston who had the vision.

The distinguished Chancellor, however, did not prove as careful and

painstaking a lawyer as he was bold and successful as a diplomatist, for

in drawing the claims convention, he neglected to include all claims,

estimated their total much too low, omitted a rule of apportionment,

and, most grievous of all, left the final decision as to what claims

should be selected for payment to the French government. This was the

rock that wrecked him. The legitimate claims of American citizens

amounted to many millions, but Livingston fixed the limit at three and

three-quarters millions, and compelled claimants to secure settlement

through the corrupt Talleyrand and his rascally agents, who took

one-half for their services. Livingston thought he had drafted the

convention "with particular attention," and Monroe, who thought

differently, tried his hand with no better success; then Marbois turned

it to the advantage of the Frenchmen. The Americans needed a careful

lawyer.

The scandal growing out of this convention deepened and cankered until

Livingston quarreled with the American Claims Commissioners, excited

remonstrances from the British government, and nagged the United States

consul at Paris into charging him not only with blind and insatiable

vanity, with hints of corrupt and criminal motives, but with "imbecility

of mind."

"I considered the claims convention as a trifle compared with the other

great object," he explained to Madison, "and as it had already delayed

us many days, I was ready to take it under any form." He was clearly

right in the comparative importance of the treaty and the convention,

but after Marbois had reserved to the French government the right of

final decision in each case, Livingston was inexcusable in omitting a

rule of apportionment, since it excluded all claimants except the

favored few whom the corrupt Frenchman selected because of their

willingness to divide.

But the poisoned arrow that entered deepest into Livingston's soul was

the robbery of his laurels. His successful negotiation of the treaty,

putting him into the class from which Presidents were then drawn, won

him the dislike of Jefferson, the distrust of Madison, and the jealousy

of Monroe, who, considering him a rival, carefully concealed whatever

would reflect credit upon him. His dispatches to Madison became a sealed

book in the Department of State; his letters to Jefferson were not

suffered to shadow the President's halo; his work, practically completed

before Monroe's arrival in Paris, did not reach the eye or the ear of

the American people. The great achievement filled the air, rejoicing the

country as no other event since the treaty of peace with England, but

little praise came to Livingston. The public gave Monroe credit for the

treaty, and Livingston discredit for the claims convention. When,

finally, Monroe admitted that his part in the negotiation amounted to

nothing, he also encouraged the belief that Livingston did as little.

It is impossible to say, of course, just what influenced Napoleon to

give Marbois the order of April 11. It was not war, for war did not come

until a year later; it was not money, for the Prince of Peace would have

given more; it was not anger at Spain, for no real cause then existed;

it was not fear of England, for Bonaparte did not fear an enemy he

expected to crush; it was not St. Domingo, for Leclerc's failure already

belonged to the past, with Corsica and Egypt. Perhaps Napoleon himself

could not have given the real reason. But, however this may be, the fact

is deeply embedded in history that Livingston was the first American to

suggest the acquisition of that then vast and dimly outlined country

which has been known for over a hundred years as the Louisiana

Purchase--stretching west and northwest of the Mississippi, above the

winding Arkansas, beyond the waters of the Missouri, across plains and

flower-covered prairies to the far-away Rockies, where the Yellowstone

leaps from its hiding, and snow-clad summits pierce a summer's sky.

[Illustration: THE FOUNDERS OF TEMPERANCE. (From an Old Print.)]

THE BIRTH AT MOREAU OF THE

TEMPERANCE REFORMATION.

* * * * *

By Dr. Charles A. Ingraham.

* * * * *

History concerns itself chiefly with the fiats of kings, the councils

of cabinets, the enactments of legislatures, the processes and results

of diplomacy and the issues of war. Upon the pages of the world's annals

appears the magnificent pageantry of the past, as with silken banners

and silver trumpets dominion proudly passes in perpetual review. Thus,

as the historian animates his chapters with those dramatic, intellectual

and heroic elements which abound in the court, the statehouse and upon

the field of battle, the high spirit of chivalry is encouraged and an

intelligent patriotism is promoted. But how fares it with that company

of men and women who, frequently in obscure places and by unpretentious

methods, have in the realms of discovery, invention and ethics, also

advanced the prosperity and happiness of society? It must be admitted

that they are too often neglected and that the fruitful lessons which

their lives have to communicate remain too generally unappropriated.

This paper, diverging somewhat from the beaten highway of history, has

for its purpose, to rescue from threatened oblivion the memory of a

noble man and the record of his monumental work.

A few months since, while attending a convention held in one of the

churches of Easton, the discussion having turned to the subject of

temperance, I remarked that it might be proper to state that we were

congregated not far from the place where the world's first temperance

society had its birth. I was afterward surprised and gratified to learn

that in that very neighborhood Dr. Clark, its founder, had dwelt when

a young man engaged in the study of medicine. Not being of a

superstitious turn, I have dismissed from my mind the notion that his

shade was at my elbow prompting me to introduce him to the audience. My

interest having been revived, I consulted the leading reference books

with the result of discovering that, while they all were in substantial

agreement as to Dr. Clark having established the initial temperance

association at Moreau in 1808, there were no biographical accounts of

him, nor details concerning the history of the organization. This, for

so great an event and institution, struck me as being a very remarkable

omission. My curiosity to learn more was now stronger than ever, and the

centennial anniversary of the formation of the association being near,

I resolved to unearth, if possible, the full history of the society and

the life of its founder. Being utterly in the dark as to any authority

upon the subject, I made known my desire for information through the

medium of newspapers circulating in the historic townships, and with

gratifying results.

My principal materials have been these: "The History of the Temperance

Reformation," 1853, by Rev. Lebbeus Armstrong, a member of the society

and intimately associated with Dr. Clark in the establishment of the

same; "A History of Temperance in Saratoga County," 1855, by Judge

William Hay; and an obituary by the late Dr. A. W. Holden, of Glens

Falls, which appeared in the Messenger of that place in 1866. The last

is an admirable elucidation of the life and character, to the closing

day, of the great champion of temperance. The two physicians had been

fellow townsmen, and evidently friends, if we may judge by the

sympathetically appreciative manner with which Dr. Holden writes. Of the

408 pages of Armstrong's and of the 153 pages of Hay's book, but

comparatively few are devoted to Dr. Clark and his work. The authors

boast of him and his achievement, but, living yet in the dim light of

his day, they were evidently unable to perceive fully the grandeur of

the moral movement which he had inaugurated. Hence, their works are

taken up mainly with discussions of the Maine liquor law, which then

agitated much of the country. Armstrong's and Hay's books have become

very rare, but copies of both may be found in the New York State library.

Among every people, in every age, intemperance has been recognized as

an evil, and from ancient times a variety of means have been adopted to

prevent or diminish its desolating influences. Royal decrees have gone

forth commanding the rooting up of vineyards, and parliaments have

legislated against it. The code of Draco even went so far as to visit

the penalty of death upon the drunkard. The milder methods of moral

suasion have, since the earliest recorded days, been with loving

constancy declaimed in the ears of the people, but so imperative is the

demand for strong drink that the cup continues in spite of all

hindrances to hold dominion over multitudes of men.

But beyond all other peoples of the world in love of intoxicating

beverages stand the Teutonic races, among whom it is said distilled

liquors were first substituted for fermented drinks. The classic pages

of Tacitus tell us of the unbridled license which the northern tribes

of Europe gave to their appetites and of the scenes of drunken riot

which characterized their social events. The chase, the battle and the

feast were their delights, and when done with life, their ambition was

to reside in the immortal hall of Valhalla. There, each day having

fought before the palace, and with every trace of their wounds duly

obliterated, they hoped to sit down daily to regale themselves with mead

and meat. The convivial propensities of the Teuton have been inherited

by the Anglo-Saxon race, and it cannot be denied that the English

speaking people are among the heaviest drinking populations of the

earth. Yet, the Germanic family of nations has done more for the

advancement of civilization than perhaps any other race in history. It

has emancipated and exalted woman, and hallowed the home, and fostered

patriotism and religion. It has produced the greatest scholars, the most

brilliant scientists and the profoundest philosophers. But among nations

as among individuals, it is against the intellectually highly organized

that the genius of alcohol particularly directs its malevolent arts.

The latter half of the 18th century saw England almost overwhelmed with

drunkenness and its associated vices. In a sermon entitled, "On

Dissipation," by John Wesley, published in 1788, he opens his discourse

with this statement:

"Almost in every part of our nation, more especially in the large and

populous towns, we hear a general complaint among sensible persons of

the still increasing dissipation. It is observed to diffuse itself more

and more in the court, the city and the country."

During the close of the same period this country was given over body and

soul to the alluring power of inebriation. Intemperance was the rule

rather than the exception, as it has become in our day. Occasions of

birth, marriage and death were alike considered appropriate to the free

indulgence in liquor, and all classes participated in the drinking, even

clergymen joining in the convivialities with little or no forfeiture of

dignity.

Social distempers, like those of the body, are accompanied by the agency

of restoration. The sick man, debilitated and suffering from the

violence of his symptoms, seeks his bed and calls his physician, thus

placing himself in the most favorable attitude for recovery. Were it not

for the realization of his distress, he might, in default of rest and

medicine, hurry himself into the grave. So, within some of the more

morally sensitive souls of the country, commenced to be experienced an

unhappy sense of our degradation and depth of misery. Cries of warning

and expostulation began to be heard in the land. One of these rose

higher than the others, even echoing down through the years to our own

time. It was that of Dr. Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia. Standing in

relation to Dr. Clark as of a voice crying in the wilderness, his work

in the field of temperance merits more than a casual remark. It consists

of but a small, thirty-two page pamphlet, but condensed in its limited

proportions is a world of moral dynamite.

It bears the title: "An Inquiry Into the Effects of Ardent Spirits Upon

the Human Body and Mind, With an Account of the Means of Preventing and

of the Remedies for Curing Them," and was published in 1785. So great

had been the salutary influence of this little treatise, that the

centennial anniversary of its issue was duly celebrated at Philadelphia.

It is not a profound essay; indeed, the wayfaring man, though a fool,

may easily grasp its lucid ideas. Neither is it calculated to be very

offensive to any class of readers, for it takes issue only with

distilled liquors, recommending fermented beverages as substitutes.

Moreover, the confirmed toper can read the pamphlet, not only without

umbrage, but with interest; for there is an intensity, a directness of

statement in its style which hold the reader, even to this day, with

the simple art of its literary merit. Besides, there appears running

through its pages a quaint humor, which no doubt had much to do with

gaining its popularity throughout the length and breadth of the land.

[Illustration: From Your Father, B. J. Clark.]

A unique and ingenious feature of the essay is the author's "Moral and

Physical Thermometer," which forms its frontispiece. On the ascending

scale, "Strong Beer" is placed in the lowest and "Water" at the highest

degree, with remarks indicating improving mental and physical conditions

in the rising course. On the descending scale, "Punch" occupies the

highest while "Rum day and night" is found at the lowest place,

accompanied between points by a fearfully intensifying array of vices,

diseases and penalties.

In this connection might be quoted the author's interpretation of a

familiar myth:

"The fable of Prometheus, on whose liver a vulture was said to prey

constantly, as a punishment for his stealing fire from heaven, was

intended to illustrate the painful effects of ardent spirits upon that

organ of the body."

Here is a curious anticipation of the modern gold cure, as it took form

in the fertile intellect of Dr. Rush:

"The association of the idea of ardent spirits, with a painful or

disagreeable impression upon some part of the body, has sometimes cured

the love of strong drink. . . . This appeal to that operation of the

human mind, which obliges it to associate ideas, accidentally or

otherwise combined, for the cure of vice, is very ancient. It was

resorted to by Moses when he compelled the Children of Israel to drink

the solution of the golden calf (which they had idolized) in water.

This solution if made, as it most probably was, by means of what is

called hepar sulphuris, was extremely bitter, and nauseous, and could

never be recollected afterwards, without bringing into equal

detestation, the sin which subjected them to the necessity of drinking

it."

In this pamphlet was sounded the first effective call for a combined

movement against the evil of intemperance--a trumpet call which

reverberated in the soul of Dr. Clark until, nobly responding, he stood

forth alone before the world, having inscribed upon his banner the word,

Organization. For Dr. Rush had said:

"Let good men of every class unite and besiege the general and state

governments, with petitions to limit the number of taverns, to impose

heavy duties upon ardent spirits, to inflict a mark of disgrace, or a

temporary abridgment of some civil right upon every man convicted of

drunkenness. . . . To aid the operation of these laws, would it not be

extremely useful for the rulers of the different denominations of

Christian churches to unite and render the sale and consumption of

ardent spirits a subject of ecclesiastical jurisdiction?"

Such are a few of the characteristic portions of Dr. Rush's famous

essay, a work which revived, not only the moral sense of this country,

but also of England, where it was republished in the following year. But

the giant of intemperance exhibited no signs of weakness, though he had

been undoubtedly pierced in a vital part. The weapon of Dr. Rush had

been slim, but keen--a highly tempered rapier, more effective than in

after years was the broad sword of Lyman Beecher's "Sermons on

Temperance." With an amiable exterior, the skillful reforming fencer had

managed to keep his antagonist off his guard while he transfixed and

permanently crippled him. But another mode of attack was necessary in

order to bring him under control. To indulge yet further in figurative

speech: Dr. Rush had manufactured the ammunition but who was to fire

the gun?

It is always a pleasure to visit the homes of eminent persons who long

since have died. To look upon the scenes that they once beheld; to walk

in the paths that they once trod, is like coming into familiar

intercourse with the intimate friend of the honored dead, and we go

from the places hallowed by such associations with a sense of having

gained almost a personal acquaintance with the great who there have had

a habitation. The native town of Dr. Billy James Clark was beautiful

old Northampton, in Massachusetts. Primitively Nonotuck of the Indians,

it was venerable even on his birthday, January 4, 1778, and then, as

now, it was foremost in culture and intelligence. Here, Jonathan Edwards

had lived and labored, leaving upon the town an ineradicable impress of

his saintly character and heavenly doctrines. Here, David Brainerd the

zealous missionary to the Indians, broken in health, had died under the

roof of Edwards, who had extended to him the loving hand of hospitality.

It was eminently fitting that a life destined to exercise so profoundly

beneficial an influence in promoting the higher estate of the race

should have its beginning in a town so distinguished for its

enlightenment and piety.

Ithamar Clark, when his little son Billy was about six years old, left

Northampton and took up his residence in Williamstown, Massachusetts,

where also was the home of Mrs. Clark's father. For a period of four

years the boy attended the school which afterwards developed into

Williams College, at the end of which time the family changed its home

to Pownal, Vermont. Of the details of the domestic life of the Clarks,

we have no record. Nothing is known of the wife of Ithamar Clark, except

that her maiden name was Sarah Simonds, and that she was a daughter of

Benjamin Simonds, who had been a colonel in the Continental army,

serving in the campaign against Burgoyne. It is probable that the moral

and religious leanings of Dr. Clark were inherited from or instilled by

his mother. His father seems not to have been much interested in the

ideas that his son did so much to advance. Previous to his settling at

Pownal, he had followed agriculture and shoe-making, but now, in the

capacity of tavern-keeper, he began selling liquor.

In Dr. Holden's article it is stated that the tavern was located upon a

farm that Mr. Clark had purchased, one and a half miles from Pownal on

the Bennington road.

Young Billy Clark, standing behind his father's bar and dealing out

intoxicating drinks, was in a position to observe thoroughly the

pernicious effects of dallying with alcohol. His daily occupation was

an open book, as thrilling as lurid chapters of fiction, and the letters

of it remained upon his soul in characters of unquenchable fire. Abraham

Lincoln, when a young man, having gone down the Mississippi as a

flat-boatman, visited the slave market of New Orleans. He was deeply

affected by the harrowing scenes he there beheld, and he registered a

vow that should ever the opportunity present itself, he would strike

with all his power the institution that encouraged such iniquities. Thus

was planted the germ that budded, blossomed and bore fruit in the

Proclamation of Emancipation. No doubt it was the memory of his father's

bar-room, with the evils radiating from it, that urged forward Dr. Clark

to the culmination of his great destiny.

Some writers give the name of Dr. Clark as William J. or W. J. Clark,

but he himself signed it, B. J. Clark, while the best authorities refer

to him as Dr. Billy J. Clark. It is probable that Dr. Clark, becoming

widely known by the more familiar title, found it convenient to

substitute the same for William.

When about fifteen years of age, his father having died, young Clark

returned to Northampton to attend school there for a term of one year.

This experience was probably of great benefit to the youth, not only in

improving his education, but by introducing him to one of the most

refined and intelligent communities in New England. The inspiration of

the life of Edwards was dominant in the society of the old town, and his

books were still treasured and read. It is interesting to reflect that

the living spirit of the great divine may have been a quickening

influence in the heart of this thoughtful youth; that the story of the

heroic life of Brainerd may have appealed to his religious and

enterprising nature; that the memory of one or both of these devoted men

may have contributed to the molding of his mind into the worthy fashion

in which it subsequently displayed itself to the world. Be this as it

may, not long after his return to the farm, he abandoned the bar and

began the study of medicine under Dr. Caleb Gibbs, of Pownal. Still

making his home at the farm, he pursued his studies for the space of two

years, remunerating his preceptor by assuming the care of his horses.

We find him at the end of that period, in 1797, entering as a student

the office of Dr. Lemuel Wicker, of Easton, Washington County, N. Y.,

with whom he remained until March 21, 1799, when he began the practice

of medicine in the town of Moreau. He opened his office not far from

what afterwards became known as Clark's Corners. This historic

neighborhood is situated about three miles in a westerly direction from

Fort Edward, and five miles south of Glens Falls. Here, having married

Joanna Payn, of Fort Miller, and purchased a farm, he made his permanent

residence. The rise of Dr. Clark had been phenomenal; from a bartender

to the dignity of a profession, and all in the space of four or five

years! Dr. Clark was but twenty-one when he came to Moreau. Having

previously satisfied the preliminary requirements, he was advanced to

the full privileges of a physician in a license granted by the judge of

the court of common pleas for Washington County, in the month of June

following his settlement in Saratoga County.

From his home in Moreau, Dr. Clark for thirty-four years went up and

down the long stretches of his rides, ministering faithfully to the

sick. The region was in a primitive condition, with poor roads, and was

but thinly inhabited. Exhausting to body and mind, as must necessarily

have been his labors, he yet had a disposition to employ himself in the

sphere of agriculture and to inform himself upon the political issues

of the day. In 1820 he represented his county as Member of Assembly.

Through his daily visits to the sick, Dr. Clark was afforded exceptional

advantages for observing and studying the effects upon the people of the

prevailing intemperance, which had taken a particularly strong grasp

upon the population among which he had come to dwell.

Armstrong seems to attribute the heavy drinking in Moreau to the leading

industry, stating that "all the towns and counties in the vicinity of

the ever-rolling Hudson were teeming with lumber."

Whatever may have been the predisposing cause of the general and

excessive use of intoxicants in England, it is not difficult to point

out the conditions which contributed to the growth of the same practice

in this country. The lives of the people were laborious, monotonous, and

unmitigated by those social relaxations which in modern times so greatly

lighten the burdens and alleviate the sorrows of life. Books and

periodicals were not plentiful, and the character of the prevailing

literature was not such as to invite the attention of the average

reader. Transportation being by horsepower along the country roads,

public houses, each with its bar, were encountered at every turn, while

the little stores to be found at the cross-roads, also dispensed liquor

to all comers. Add to this the fact that the materials from which

intoxicating beverages are manufactured were abundantly grown within our

borders, and near to our shores, and it will be appreciated how

naturally the people fell into intemperate habits.

For a period of nine years, while Dr. Clark, in all extremities of

weather, rode on horseback to the bedsides of his widely separated

patients, the burden of the drink-evil weighed heavily upon his mind.

He was a man of energy; one who was not easily thwarted in the carrying

out of his plans. But here was a task that seemed too hard for him. What

could one man accomplish in the presence of such indifference and

overwhelming opposition?

The mode of action that Dr. Clark finally adopted was that of

organization--a working together of the friends of temperance for a

common purpose. This now seems like a very natural solution of the

problem of finding his best means of procedure; but Dr. Clark was the

first man to announce and to give the idea practical demonstration,

though it is not probable that he possessed any clearly defined

conception of the lines along which it was to operate, nor of the vast

proportions which the movement was destined to attain. Like a prophet

under the guiding influence of inspiration, scarcely knowing what he

did, he was yet availing himself of a fundamental principle of all

nature. For, investigate wherever one may, from the vilest atom of earth

to the court of high heaven, organization is the law of every upward

step. The ancients, dimly apprehending this sublime truth, conceived of

the universe as a gigantic animal, a cosmic leviathan, whole, complete

and harmonious in all its parts, while philosophy has ever striven,

though in vain, to demonstrate by processes of reason what the higher

authority of intuition has proclaimed in all generations.

Dr. Rush, by reason of a liberal education, supplemented by medical

study in the capitals of Europe, and on account of his high social,

professional and literary standing, greatly outshone his coworker, the

struggling country doctor on the frontier of Northern New York. But

these two greatest factors in the advent of the temperance reformation,

and who, it should be said, were acquaintances through the medium of

correspondence, each performed his peculiar part, and who can determine

which is entitled to the greater honor. Dr. Rush manufactured the

ammunition, but Dr. Clark fired the gun, his match being organization.

The idea of forming a temperance society had perhaps been suggested to

Dr. Clark by his connection with the Saratoga County Medical Society,

the first institution of its kind in this state, and of which he was the

founder. He had attempted early in April, 1808, to interest prominent

men, whom he had met at Ballston Springs at a session of court, in his

projected temperance enterprise. His plan may have been to establish a

central society at the county seat and to encourage the organization of

branches in the surrounding towns; but, to use Dr. Clark's own words,

"they with one accord began to make excuses and brand our scheme as

Utopian and visionary." Previous to this, however, he had taken the

initiative in the work among his neighbors, for he says: "I returned to

Moreau like a bow well bent that had not lost its elasticity, and

resumed the labor there." The determination he exhibited was remarkable,

and one cannot dwell upon the difficulties with which he contended and

meditate upon the unselfish, devoted and humanitarian spirit by which he

was actuated without expressing admiration.

The first successful step in the sublime drama of the temperance

reformation took place in the same month of April, referred to a moment

ago, when Dr. Clark made his memorable visit to his minister. I quote

from Armstrong:

"After having projected a plan of a temperance organization, the doctor

determined on a visit to his minister, the author of these memoirs, who

was then the pastor of the flourishing Congregational church in the

town of Moreau. The visit was made on a dark evening, no moon and

cloudy. After riding on horseback about three miles, through deep mud

of clay road, in the breaking-up of winter, the doctor knocked at his

minister's door, and on entrance, before taking seat in the house, he

earnestly uttered the following words: 'Mr. Armstrong, I have come to

see you on important business.' Then, lifting up both hands, he

continued: 'We shall all become a community of drunkards in this town

unless something is done to arrest the progress of intemperance.'"

The poet has sung in soul-stirring numbers of the midnight ride of Paul

Revere. There are, indeed, certain resemblances between it and Dr.

Clark's historic adventure. It was night; there was national peril;

heroes were in the saddle, and the voices of their fervent appeals were

destined to reverberate down the aisles of time--"words that shall echo

forevermore."

Due notice having been given to the people of the towns of Moreau and

Northumberland, a meeting for the purpose of forming a temperance

society was held at the public house of Captain Peter L. Mawney, at

Clark's Corners, on April 13, 1808. Resolutions were adopted, the chief

of which was that "in the opinion of this meeting it is proper,

practicable and necessary to form a temperance society in this place;

and that the great and leading object of this society is wholly to

abstain from ardent spirits." A committee, of which Dr. Clark was

chairman, was appointed to prepare the Bylaws for the organization, and

twenty-three persons enrolled themselves as members.

The following is the list of the signers: Isaac B. Payn, Ichabod Hawley,

David Parsons, James Mott, Alvaro Hawley, Thomas Cotton, David

Tillotson, Billy J. Clark, Charles Kellogg, Jr., Elnathan Spencer,

Asaph Putnam, Hawley St. John, Nicholas W. Angle, Dan Kellogg, Ephraim

Ross, John M. Berry, John T. Sealy, Cyrus Wood, James Rogers, Henry

Martin, Sidney Berry, Joseph Sill, Solomon St. John.

The meeting having adjourned one week, to April 20, at the Mawney house,

a long and comprehensive system of By-laws was then adopted. Article I

stated that "This society shall be known by the appellation of Union

Temperance Society of Moreau and Northumberland." Like Dr. Rush's essay,

the Constitution of the society took grounds only against spirituous

liquors, making exceptions regarding the use of them in circumstances

of religious ordinances, sickness and public dinners.

It was not until 1843 that the society "after a long season of

declension," on a motion put by Dr. Clark, adopted a resolution of total

abstinence.

Col. Sidney Berry, ex-judge of Saratoga county, was chosen president and

Dr. Clark secretary of the new society. As there exists an apparent

contradiction as to the particular roof under which this historic

meeting was held, one account stating that it occurred at the Mawney

house and another at the neighboring school house, it is proper to say

here that this discrepancy is removed by the statement made in Judge

Hay's book, page 22, that the session opened in the Mawney house, but

that "the society completed its organization" in the school house. In

the association, as a coherent institution, coming into existence within

the walls of such a building, may be found a prophecy of what the

temperance movement in the future was to lay particular stress upon--that

is, upon temperance teaching in the public schools. Indeed, it should be

said that the Moreau society itself was an educative organization as

well as a moral one, having a circulating library and maintaining a

lyceum.

But, although it had at its head intelligent, high-minded and

enterprising men, its career was hard and discouraging to its members.

"That little, feeble band of temperance brethren," says Armstrong,

"holding their quarterly and annual meetings in a country district

school house from April, 1808, onward for several years, without the

presence of a single female at their temperance meetings; who were made

the song of the drunkard; who were ridiculed by the scoffs of the

intemperate world; undisciplined in arms of even moral suasive tactics

for warfare, and unable of themselves to encounter the Prince of Hell,

with his legions of instrumentalities . . . were, nevertheless, the seed

of the great temperance reformation."

That Armstrong deplored the narrow ideas which prevailed to the

discouraging of women from fraternizing with the society, is more

explicitly shown in the words which express his gratification in the

great numbers of women who, by their presence and cooperation,

subsequently aided so much in the promotion of the work. Dr. Clark also

protested against the exclusion of women from membership in the

temperance societies. These statements are introduced that it may be

known that the two leading men in the Moreau society would have hailed

with delight the advent of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. That

great institution, not reckoning many others devoted to the same cause,

is of itself alone a glorious monument to the pioneers of Moreau who,

in a tempest of scorn and ridicule, laid its foundations. Wisely the

Woman's Christian Temperance Union, as the name implies, built up its

sublime edifice of the same material--the granite of organization. From

towns, through counties, states, nations and the civilized world, it

carries on systematically its vast and beneficent enterprises. Words

cannot express, nor the mind conceive, the power of the prodigious

engine which, distributed in a diversity of directions, is being exerted

daily, hourly and momentarily by this great association of consecrated

women. And here let me say that not only did the temperance reformation

come into existence within the borders of our commonwealth, but that the

late Frances Elizabeth Willard, the great light in the organization of

which I have been speaking, was a daughter of the state of New York.

Dr. Clark continued in the practice of medicine for a quarter of a

century after the formation of the Moreau temperance society, making his

residence on the farm of his original purchase. Of this long period of

professional labor there remains no memorial, though in common with the

routine duties of medical men, it undoubtedly abounded in elements

which, interesting of themselves, would be all the more so as belonging

to the life of one so distinguished in the annals of reform. Beginning

to experience the physical effects of his protracted devotion to his

profession, and having accumulated considerable property, Dr. Clark in

1833 purchased real estate in Glens Falls and embarked there in the

retail drug business. This successful enterprise engaged his attention

until 1849, when he retired from trade. Two years later, longing for the

quiet life on the farm, he returned to reside at the old home at Clark's

Corners. He was now at the age of seventy-three, but enjoyed, with the

exception of a gradual failing of the sense of sight, an almost

unimpaired mental and physical vitality. But the gloom before his eyes

grew remorselessly thicker and thicker until every familiar scene and

the faces of family and friends faded from his view. In the custody of

this great affliction, the spirit of Dr. dark was not crushed, but

rather purified and exalted, so that he who in earlier years had been

conspicuous as the heroic leader, was now none the less remarkable for

his Christian humility, hope and love. A few years longer he tarried

upon the earth, in order that there might be registered upon the hearts

of men the beauty and nobility of the character that was his. And then,

at Glens Falls, in the home of his son, James C. Clark, the spirit of

the great reformer went to its long home. His death occurred on

Wednesday morning, September 20, 1866. Dr. Holden says: "The

intelligence of his departure was swiftly borne through the place; his

name was on every lip as all, with hushed reverence, bore testimony to

his virtues, and to the usefulness of a life luminous with the light of

a Christ-born principle."

Notwithstanding his portrait, in its severe lines, gives evidence of his

decisive mind and undeviating purpose, he yet possessed elements of

character that endeared him to all. While in terms of affectionate

banter, alluding to his spirit of determination and his practice of

proposing to formulate the mind of public meetings in resolutions, he

was sometimes spoken of as "Resolution Billy," the people knew that

beneath the crust of self-reliant earnestness dwelt the loving

humanitarian and the undying fires of a moral volcano.

Unlike the experience of the most of those who entertain pronounced

ideas and proclaim them in the face of established custom. Dr. Clark

seems to have retained his popularity. Evidently he was a very tactful

man. In 1809, the year following the formation of the temperance

society, he was made supervisor of the town of Moreau, and although his

activity, constant, wide and diversified, was being powerfully directed

against the intemperate habits of the people, he seems to have

maintained their confidence and friendship. He was again chosen

supervisor in 1821. We may derive a hint of his high standing in the

public estimation from the fact that he was chosen in 1848 for the New

York Electoral college, whose choice was Taylor and Filmore.

The funeral address of Rev. A. J. Fennel, of the Glens Falls

Presbyterian Church, has been preserved and appears as a supplement to

Dr. Holden's obituary article. Rev. Mr. Fennel having been Dr. Clark's

pastor, his discourse is of great biographical value. His opening

remarks were particularly well chosen and impressive. He said:

"I feel, my friends, that Providence calls us to perform no mean office

to-day. We are to convey to their final resting place the mortal

remains of one who has been a power in the world for great good to the

children of men--whose name will enter into history as that of a

benefactor of the community; and whose influence, as an element in the

temperance reformation, will run on into future generations. It cannot

do us any hurt, it ought to do us good, to pause a few moments in this

habitation now made sacred as the spot whence the earnest spirit of so

devoted and useful a man took its departure to the heavenly rest, and

reflect on his life of activity and toil, and observe how Providence

used him for our good and the good of our children."

With appropriate public demonstrations, the remains of Dr. Clark were

borne to the burying ground of the Union Meeting House, in Moreau, and

placed to rest beside the grave of his wife. There, two miles from the

historic spot where he unfurled the banner of a world-wide moral

movement, his ashes mingled with the soil that his devotion has made of

honorable distinction.

Thus, have I attempted to disentangle, gather up and lead in continuous

discourse the scattered threads which I have found in my study of this

neglected subject. If I have rendered more coherent and tangible the

life and achievement of a universally influential philanthropist, I

shall be pleased; but I hope, besides that good result, the

consideration of the memoirs of a man who had a great mission in the

world and who ably and conscientiously discharged it, will serve to

impress upon us a sense of the power of elevated ideas when duly

championed by even one consecrated soul.

_Acknowledgement._

In expressing my appreciation of the assistance which has been rendered

me in the collection of materials for the preparation of this paper, I

would particularly mention Mr. James A. Holden, of Glens Falls, who has

furnished me, from the library of his father, the late Dr. A. W. Holden,

with most valuable matter, some of which could have been obtained from

no other source. I also duly acknowledge my indebtedness to Hon.

Grenville M. Ingalsbe, of Sandy Hill, who interested himself in my

search for data, and feel myself under obligations to the _Schuylerville

Standard_ and to the _Glen Falls Times_ for gratuitously publishing my

request for information.

_Communications._

From the letters relating to the subject in hand which I have received,

I glean the following. I might say that the discrepancy which appears

in the descriptions of Dr. Clark's person may be accounted for by the

different ages and conditions of health in which he is best remembered

by the several Observers:

From Dr. Albert Mott, Cohoes: "The location of the Union Meeting House

was at Reynold's Corners, about four or five hundred feet from the

corner, directly east. The burying ground was north and across the road

from the meeting house."

From Rev. Dr. Jos. E. King, Fort Edward: "In 1858 the old church (Union

Meeting House) was filled, to enjoy the commemorative exercises of the

50th year since the origin of the temperance cause, and I heard Hon.

Judge McKean, of Saratoga, address the congregation. There was singing,

prayer, a poem by Lura Boies, &c."

Statement of Judge Lyman H. Northrup, of Sandy Hill, w<ho remembers Dr.

Clark: "He always carried upon his countenance a mild, genial, pleasant

expression; dressed with neatness, and appeared to be a good sort of

a fellow, and exhibited not at all that asperity which we associate in

our minds with the active reformer."

From William Gary, of Gansevoort, who was intimate with Dr. Clark: "He

had rather small, black eyes, which would be generally considered rather

piercing. His hair was black and very profuse; eye-brows very shaggy.

His height I should put at 5 ft. 10 in., and weight about 170 lbs."

From B. F. Lapham, of Glens Falls: "I was well acquainted with Dr.

B. J. Clark. He lived on the same street we did for many years, and

when he died I helped prepare his body for burial. He was rather

eccentric in many things and very resolute. There never was a meeting

held but he would suggest some resolution, so they nicknamed him

'Resolution Billy.' Dr. Clark's name will be famous through all time as

the originator of the first temperance organization that ever existed.

He was an ardent and efficient laborer all his life."

From Miss Anna Mott, of Glens Falls. Miss Mott is a daughter of James

Mott, who was a co-laborer in the temperance cause with Dr. Clark, and

his neighbor at Clark's Corners: "As I remember Dr. B. J. Clark, he was

a cultured, refined man, with fine sensibility. He had a kind word and

look for every one that was worthy of it. He was of medium height and

size. His hair and eyes were black; his forehead high and broad. His

mouth and chin bespoke firmness. His complexion 'was dark. As I saw Dr.

Clark, he was a very kind, gentlemanly old man, and appreciated every

kindness he received."

From Austin L. Reynolds, of South Glens Falls. Mr. Reynolds knew Dr.

Clark for many years, and assisted him in the temperance work: "Dr.

Clark's name was Billy, instead of William. He was stocky in form, and

weighed about 175 lbs. His height was about 5 ft. 6 in.; complexion

fair; dark hair and eyes, and very heavy eyebrows. He was peculiarly

successful as a physician and as a business man. Was the owner of

several farms and was interested in a paper mill, situated on what is

known as Snoot Kill Creek. Later, he moved to Glens Falls and was

proprietor of a drug store for a number of years in that village. Then

he returned to Clark's Corners with his daughter, Mrs. Alfred C. Farlin

(widow), as housekeeper, and remained at his homestead for several

years. He lost his eyesight and was entirely blind. Then he returned to

Glens Falls, and died in 1866. He left one son and three daughters, all

of whom are now dead."

_A Visit to Clark's Corners._

In order that I might obtain a better understanding of the topography

of the neighborhood, I visited Clark's Corners on a day in August, 1905.

Driving west from Fort Edward, at a distance of three miles I came to

Reynolds' (four) Corners. I was very courteously received by Mr. Austin

L. Reynolds, who gave me full information as to all the historic spots

connected with the Moreau society. Mr. Reynolds is at an advanced age,

more than eighty, but he promptly and clearly communicated to me the

facts herewith set forth.

The roads at Reynolds' Corners run toward the cardinal points, and the

burying ground of the Union Meeting House is at a short distance east

of the corners, as already has been stated by Dr. Mott. The remains of

Dr. Clark were removed from this, the place of their first burial, and

were re-interred at Glens Falls. The site of the Union Meeting House is

unoccupied, the present chapel standing on other ground, some distance

to the west. The Union Meeting House was Dr. Clark's place of worship,

and his pastor, Rev. Lebbeus Armstrong, resided at the parsonage,

one-half mile south of the church and on the west side of the highway.

The cottage which stands on the site of Armstrong's home is now the

residence of Mr. Halsey Chambers. It was here that Dr. Clark came in

the night upon his historic errand.

Clark's (four) Corners are directly south of Reynolds' Corners and two

miles distant. The north and south road is crossed at right angles by

the other. Both of these localities are open country, that of Clark's

Corners having the appearance of fertility and thrift; pleasant homes

and commodious buildings being numerous. Clark's Corners may be

conveniently reached from the village of Gansevoort, on the Delaware

and Hudson Railroad, two miles south.

The site of the Mawney house is at Clark's Corners. It stood on the

northwest corner. Another building has since been erected upon this

ground. Dr. Clark's home stood across the road, on the southwest corner.

The house has disappeared, but the cellar walls stand almost intact.

About forty rods south of the corners and on the east side of the road

is the site of the school-house in which the Moreau society held its

meetings. A dwelling house, the home of Mr. George Haviland, now

occupies that plot of ground.

The sites of the Union Meeting House, parsonage, Mawney house, Dr.

Clark's house, and the school house, should be appropriately marked.

THE DEMOCRATIC IDEAL.

* * * * *

By Hon. Milton Reed.

* * * * *

The shrewd saying of the Swedish Chancellor Oxenstiern, _"An nescis, mi

fili, quantilla prudentia regitur orbis?"_--"Dost thou not know, my son,

with how little wisdom the world is governed?" has been substantially

true in every epoch in the world's history. Everything human must needs

be imperfect, and in nothing is imperfection more plainly exhibited

than in the successive schemes of government which men have attempted.

Some have been broad-based and have lasted for what we, in our ordinary

reckoning, call a long period of time. But most of them have been built

on the sand; a few storms, shocks, convulsions, and they have fallen.

Men have generally made but sorry work in trying to govern each other.

The individual may govern himself after a fashion; but to govern wisely

another man, or, still harder, great masses of men, even where there

has been community of public interests, of language, religion and

custom--aye, there has been the rub! Human history has often been called

a great tragedy; but no tragic element is more ghastly or more

overwhelming than the catastrophes in which most governments have

collapsed. Ambitious attempts at world-power, the most splendid

combinations to group nations into a civic unity, have tottered to their

fall, as surely as the little systems which have had their day and

ceased to be,--shifting, fleeting, impotent.

It is not difficult to see why this has been so. Social life is only

one phase of the great organic life of the species; one scene of the

human drama of which the earth has been "the wide and universal

theatre." Change, transition, development, birth, growth, death, are

universal elements in the cosmic order. Of the slow but inevitable

changes in the physical history of the earth, Tennyson says:

"There rolls the deep, where stood the tree;

O earth, what changes hast thou seen;

There where the long street roars, has been

The stillness of the central sea.

The hills are shadows, and they flow

From form to form; and nothing stands;

They melt like mists, the solid lands;

Like clouds they shape themselves and go."

If this mutation be true of organic changes in the physical earth,

working through immeasurable æons, it is even as dramatically true of

organized social life.

We are learning to take a new view of history. It is no longer regarded

as a collection of isolated facts. Veracious history is a record of the

orderly progression of events, developed by evolutionary processes.

There is in it no break, no hiatus, excepting such temporary interruptions

as come from what Emerson calls "the famous might that lurks in reaction

recoil." Thus we learn the _rationale_ of the events transcribed to the

historical page. Until science lifted the curtain on "the eternal

landscape of the past," man knew little of himself or of his kind. It

is only with the enlarged vision that has come to us from the researches

of the ethnologist, biologist, anthropologist, sociologist, that we have

begun to learn what a creature man really is; to study his inner nature;

to get at the deeper meanings of the history of the race.

Once the study of history was thought to be hardly more than learning

a catalogue of royal dynasties; the names of famous generals and

statesmen; of battles lost and won; of court intrigues; of the

vicissitudes of kingdoms; of the prowess of pioneers and adventurers;

of "hair-breadth 'scapes i' the imminent deadly breach;" of the pride,

pomp and circumstance of glorious war! Such incidents have not lost,

and never can lose, their interest. They are an integral part of the

human document and must always be studied. When draped with myth and

legend they minister to "the vision and faculty divine" of the poet;

they visualize the possibilities of human courage; stimulate the

affections; answer to the eternal cravings of the imagination. But they

are only the phenomena of the real history of the race. Life is broader,

larger, deeper, richer, fuller, than a mere transcript of

happenings--externals, results--important as they are. We must get at

the causes, motives, inter-relations, the hidden causes from which

events flow, before we can unravel the web in which they are woven, and

thus interpret them.

The core of history is the element which the Greeks called

_toanthropeion;_ called by a modern poet "the bases of life;" called

by us average folk, Human Nature. It is as constant a quality as

anything can be in our moving life. We may not be able to agree with

Middleton, who says in his life of Cicero, "Human nature has ever been

the same in all ages and nations;" but it is probably true that nothing

has changed less in primal qualities than the bases of life. Empires

have perished, civilizations vanished, governments have rotted,

languages, territorial lines, seeming sit-fast institutions, have passed

into nothingness; but the human element has stood the shock of ages.

"The one remains; the many change and pass," said Shelley. Man-character,

man-life, is the one element, the colors of which seem fast. It is,

like all other things, subject to evolutionary changes; it may be

differentiated into a thousand forms; but the bases of life have never

shifted.

Human history is a great tragedy indeed. But, like all tragedies, it

has its spiritualizing, sanctifying, ennobling side. When the drama of

the ages is unrolled we see much to make us weep; but we also see

immeasurably more to make us glory that we are a part of the race. While

its history reeks with blood, carnage, oppression, injustice, cruelty,

in which sad facts the pessimist hears "the eternal note of sadness,"

and unwisely rushes into a denial of the moral order--it has its

sun-bright triumphs of rectitude, and the illuminating picture of the

steady and glorious advance of mankind from brutishness into an orderly,

moralized life.

Readers of Matthew Arnold--an author whose intellectual vision was

great, and whose style is one of the literary ornaments of the last

century--will recall how he was taken with what he called "Mr. Darwin's

famous proposition" that "our ancestor was a hairy quadruped, furnished

with a tail and pointed ears, probably arboreal in his habits." Mr.

Arnold, the apostle of culture, played again and again around this

sonorous phrase. Far be it from me to enter upon any discussion of the

Darwinian hypothesis of the genesis of the human race. On this large

theme the last word has not been said. Knowledge must grow from more to

more before we can posit anything definite on a subject veiled at

present in inscrutable mystery. But, in its essence, the evolutionary

theory has soaked into our modern thought. The literature and the

progressive teaching of our latter day are drenched with it. It

certainly can be said of it, that it explains many things which have

heretofore seemed inexplicable, and marks a great advance in popular

intelligence. But the most ambitious generalization is only a temporary

expedient. Fact will merge in fact; law will melt into a larger law; one

deep of knowledge will call unto another deep; much that the proudest

scientist of our day calls knowledge will vanish away; many theories now

popular will be dissected and pruned and will be found to be "such

stuff as dreams are made on," before the most enlightened humanity of

a future age catches any one phase of nature in its snare and compresses

it into rigid laws.

Nevertheless, the ancestor of man was brutish, and his descendants are

where they are. Whether or not primeval man was the rather unpicturesque

creature described by Mr. Arnold, he was the norm from which has come

"the heir of all the ages."

From the cave-dweller, the aboriginal savage, have been evolved Homer,

Plato, Aristotle, Shakespeare, Spinoza, Milton, Dante, Newton,

Gladstone, Pascal, La Place, Lincoln, Emerson, Channing, Martineau,

Thomas a' Kempis, Phillips Brooks, Darwin and Herbert Spencer. How

magnificent the ascent! How glorious the progression!

Man, once the companion of the

Dragons of the prime

That tare each other in their slime,

has flowered into an intellectual, reasoning, moral being--"how infinite

in faculty; in form and moving how express and admirable; in action how

like an angel; in apprehension how like a god."

All this progress, however, has cost its price. Step by step has the

race advanced from primeval animalism to its present status. It has

walked with bleeding feet. The Divine economy works in many ways. One

of its ways is to educate, stimulate and spiritualize through antagonism

and pain. All faculties, functions and potencies must be worked in order

that they may grow. Atrophy, decay, death, are the resultant of non-use.

The sullen earth was to be fertilized by man's sweat and blood before

it would yield any increase beyond its spontaneous productions. Conflict

with the elements, conquest over the lower organisms; ages of toilsome

effort, were to come before man was able "to dress the earth and keep

it." Out of the iron necessities of his being came initial progress; and

progress once begun has never ceased.

The great factor in progress was Co-operation. One man alone can do

little. The moment human necessities were recognized, the law of

association applied. Man needed man. The family group, the clan, the

tribe, the town, the city, the state, the nation, have been stages in

the process of closer and closer co-operation.

Confederation, association, combination, require adjustment, compromise,

regulation. Hence the germ of government. To live together each man must

give way in something to the other. Man is gregarious; he is naturally

social; instinctively he availed himself of the companionship of other

men. The social status, the _foedera generis humani,_ were slowly

evolved from the increasing demands of man upon man; they were not the

result of bargaining. What a magnificent drama; the world, the theatre;

all mankind, emerging from primitive ignorance, the actors. How many or

how long the acts were, we know not; but through "that duration which

maketh pyramids pillars of snow, and all that's past a moment," the

wonderful scenes moved on. Out of the strong came forth sweetness. From

brute selfishness, from animal passion, came love. Slowly the central

idea was reached, and, in the sublime language of the Scripture, man

became a living soul! and his body became the temple of the Holy Spirit;

his consciousness a part of the infinite consciousness; his personality

a world-copy of a divine universe. Reason, conscious, love, were his

dower.

The curtain has not yet fallen, and will never fall, upon the last act.

We live in a world which is always in process. Nature's genesis is

unceasing. "Without haste, without rest," her creative and re-creative

processes are always operating.

When one undertakes to talk about government he is drawn instinctively

to some historic models. As thinking persons realized in every age the

insufficiency of contemporaneous governments, there has scarcely been

a time when the academic reformer was wanting. Certain ages may have

lacked poets--ours is said to be unpoetic and prosaic, and to await its

poet-prophet--but the academic idealist who could say, Go to, let us

build a government, has been generally at hand. The dreams of the

illuminated ones who have sought, by rule and theory, to make the

crooked straight, to convert mankind into angels by legal enactment, are

among the most pleasing, if abortive, works of genius. Some of the

noblest spirits of the race have made this illusory effort.

Plato, that splendid genius, in whose brain was wrapped the subtle

essence which gave to Hellenic art and literature their incomparable

charm, found a congenial theme in painting his ideal Republic. It was a

beautiful attempt to develop a state based upon Socratic thought. He

had sat at the feet of the great master of dialectic, and, with the hot

enthusiasm of a reformer, painted a picture of the idealized man, living

in a community where the supremacy of the intellect was to be recognized

as authoritative, where the individual and family were to be absorbed in

the state, and where a lofty communism was to be established, and in

which Virtue, Truth, Beauty and Goodness were to be sovereign entities.

But the Platonic Communism was one where equality and humanity were left

out. Plato could not escape the Time-Spirit. The Platonic Republic was

his Athens idealized. "The very age and body of the time" gave to the

philosopher's dream its form and pressure. The actual Hellenic Republics

were not based upon the rights of man; a few ruled over a nation of

proletariats and slaves. When they came into rough contact with the

vigorous Roman civilization, they were shattered like iridescent

bubbles. Even so wise-browed a philosopher as Plato failed to recognize

sufficiently the human element. His imaginary republic was air-drawn,

fantastic; a philosophic dream, with little grasp on life's realities.

It was not broad-based. It did not recognize sufficiently the law of

growth. It had no place in our work-a-day world. It interests us now

chiefly from the superb literary skill with which it was constructed;

a prodigy of intellect and art. But it was not the Democratic Ideal.

Aristotle--that other imperial Greek genius, whom Dante called "the

master of those that know;" who had less imaginative mysticism than

Plato, but a stronger hold on realities; whose fertile genius touched

almost every subject that came within ancient thought--tried his hand

also in political science. As a forerunner of modern science, as a

profound thinker, he has been a tremendous factor in the intellectual

life of the world. But the Time-Spirit held him in its grasp even more

firmly than it did Plato. His theory of the state avoided, indeed, the

absurdity of communism, but recognized slavery and the subjection of

women. Like many of the modern Socialists, he denounced the taking of

interest for the use of money. Such political theories must needs be

ineffective. They ignore the equitable basis of society and indicate a

short-sightedness that is amazing, in any era when thrift, industry and

property rights are elements in the life of a state--as they were then

and are now. Among the school-men of the middle ages, Aristotle was

regnant. His hand has not yet been lifted from our university life. Vast

literatures had their birth in his philosophic system. His political

theories have become only academic. The world had no use for them. He

was far from the Democratic Ideal. No one will deny that Plato and

Aristotle are among those

Dead but sceptered sovereigns who still rule

Our spirits from their urns.

Their sovereignty does not come, however, from their contributions to

political science.

I wish we might dwell longer on these dreams of philosophers. They offer

a field for delightful study. We linger lovingly with them. How tenderly

we read of the pious dream of St. Augustine for the _Civitas Dei,_ the

City of God; of a new civic order rising on the crumbling ruins of the

Roman Empire. The advent of Christianity had brought into the world the

auroral flush of a new moral order, a quickened sense of social duty;

a warmth of human brotherhood; a heightened conscience. The church was

rising like a splendid mausoleum over the sepulcher of its founder. The

world thrilled with an emotion never felt before. What more natural than

that a new social order should arise, into which should be gathered all

classes of men, glorified, purified, ready for the Advent of the

conquering Galilean, which was then almost universally anticipated. But

alas, the Augustine City of God has never come. It will never come as

a political organization. Its home is in the human heart. It is not Lo

here or Lo there; and cometh not with observation. The City of God, the

City of Light, will come when ethical conscience is so quickened that

law becomes love, and love, law.

We might go on and say more of the exalted dreamers who from age to age

have attempted the impossible task of idealizing the State by geometric

rules or fantastic theories. Perhaps the two most notable--at least

until the recent expansion of Socialistic propaganda--were the "Utopia"

of Sir Thomas More and the "New Atlantis" of Lord Bacon. We must dismiss

them by naming them. They lacked the Democratic Ideal. Yet, among the

many gems which Lord Bacon has given to our language, the short terse

phrases, which make him one of the most quotable of authors, is one

memorable line in his "New Atlantis." He said of the Father of Solomon's

house, "He had an aspect as though he pitied men." Benignant and blessed

thought.

One, however, of the world's intellectual sovereigns, who lived in the

uplands of the imagination, who traversed the gamut of human experience,

and of whom we may say, if of any man, "He saw life steadily and saw it

whole;" in dealing with the relation of man to the civic order, never

indulged in illusion--William Shakespeare. It has often been said to his

reproach that his dramas are not instinct with the spirit of liberty;

that he believed in the right of the strongest to rule; that he deified

strength and power; that he showed contempt for the mob and

"rabblement." We cannot go into a discussion of this interesting matter.

We must remember, however--a fact that is often overlooked--that

Shakespeare was not only most extraordinary as a poet, but that he was

one of the profoundest moralists that the world has known. His genius

was supremely sane, calm, judicial, healthy. He painted men and women as

they are. His nobly poised intellect and acute vision saw the realities

of life. He knew the exalted possibilities of spiritual excellence to

which humanity can rise, and the abysmal depths into which it can sink.

He recognized the fact that society is swayed by selfish interests

oftener than by a devotion to high ideals. He read history with a

microscopic eye. Dowden, one of his most acute interpreters, says,

"Shakespeare studied and represented in his art the world which lay

before him. If he prophesied the future it was not in the ordinary

manner of prophets, but only by completely embodying the present, in

which the future was concerned." In his day the mob had not learned

self-control, moral dignity, a discrimination between the transient and

permanent in politics. Has it learned this lesson yet? His immortal

works exhibit no world-weariness, no _blasé_ pessimism. He saw the

eternal relations of cause and effect. He admired the intellectual

powers and tremendous personalities of great historical characters like

Julius Caesar, Coriolanus and Richard III, but he also saw their

limitations, moral delinquencies and weaknesses which led inevitably to

the snares into which they fell. He had a profound sympathy with human

life; he was a lover of rectitude, nobility of character, self-sacrifice,

manliness, womanliness. Above all, he taught the everlasting and all

embracing equity with which the universe throbs. In the end, no cheat,

no lie, no injustice prospers. The sinner is a self-punisher. At last,

by action of the inexorable, inescapable moral order, "the wheel is come

full circle;" evil is strangled.

To such an equitable intellect, the idea of a Platonic Republic or

Bacon's "New Atlantis" would be as impossible as impracticable. He knew

too well the plasticity of human adjustments, the shifting, fleeting,

rising and sinking of the social order, the possibilities of disturbance

and recoil that ever lie at the core of a placid and smug order of

things, to attempt any speculative panacea for the evils of society. He

laid open the tap-root of all institutions and happenings--the human

heart.

All this is a digression, but a strange fascination invests the name of

Shakespeare. Thackeray said of the insanity of Dean Swift, "So great a

man he seems to me, that thinking of him is like thinking of an empire

falling." So when we talk of Shakespeare, it almost seems that we are

talking of collective humanity. He was no economic idealist; he built

no systems of philosophy of law. He understood humanity. In spite of all

criticisms, his view of life followed more closely than the pretentious

systems of closet philosophers, the gleam of the Democratic

Ideal--progression and growth.

We may consider government, or rather the social organism, as a working

basis on which men manage to live together, receiving from and giving

to each other protection for life and property. There is a noble phrase

of Edmund Burke--he was a master of noble phrases--"moulding together

the great mysterious incorporation of the human race." In order to have

any basis on which human beings could live together, there must have

been a moulding together of immense diversities. Human nature and human

society are tremendously complex. No two persons are just alike; and

each personality is a bundle of contradictory qualities. Government

rests upon two forces, sovereignty and obedience. Somebody must command;

somebody must obey. Each of these forces is powerfully operative in most

men. The love of authority, dominion, power, the will to make another

to do our bidding, is deeply planted in the human nature. Nothing is

more intoxicating, more enjoyable, than power. On the other hand, the

principle of submission, compliance, obedience, is a stronger force than

most of us imagine.

We need not analyze the genesis of the force that has kept men under

government. There are almost as many theories as there are inquirers.

It has been said to be compulsion, physical force by one school of

writers; by another school, agreement, a contractual relation. For many

generations a popular theory was that authority is given to rulers by

God, or the eternal reason; this theory cost King Charles I his head.

Another school contends that it rests upon some psychological principle

inherent in human character. There may be a vast practical difference

in results, if some of these theories are pushed to the limit; but that

there must be sovereignty in the state, however derived, and obedience

to such sovereignty by the citizen, is plain, if anarchy is to be

escaped.

If we may use the phrase which Herbert Spencer coined and popularized,

men naturally follow "the line of the least resistance;" and to obey,

except where obedience is counter to self-interest, or where, in the

more highly specialized civilizations, it would violate rights, honor,

duty, is generally the easy course. The Castle of Indolence seldom has

any vacant rooms. The exceptionally strong will, the "monarch mind," is

rare. The principle of obedience to authority is strongly developed in

the race, especially among nations where the supreme power is supposed

to rest upon some religious sanction, as was the case with European

governments until recent years, and as is the case with most Oriental

nations to-day.

We live in an age of intense specialization. A few generations ago we

heard of men of universal knowledge. Not so now. The volume of knowledge

has become so vast that no man, even the wisest, can do more than to

touch its skirts. In no department of study is the trend of specialization

more active than in the interpretation of history. In the hunt after the

subtle causes that have lurked in the bosom of society and have flamed

into consuming fire, from time to time, the patient historian, the student

of sociology, has grouped tendencies, impulses, transitional waves of

popular feeling, into generalizations. Especially is this statement true

of German scholars, with whom specialization has often been reduced to

infinitesimal analysis. Thus one school of writers dwells upon the

economic interpretation of history. In their view, most popular upheavals

have been synchronous with the poverty of the masses. It is when the

people have been ground into hunger by excessive taxation and public

extravagance that they have risen, like the blind giant pulling down the

temple of Gaza, and swept away dynasties and royal pageantry. Such, it is

said, was the mainspring of the French Revolution--one of the most

dramatic events in history. Undoubtedly the economic problem has always

been, and always will be, a powerful agent in the genesis of history.

Others give us the religious interpretation of history. They tell us of

those epochs when great masses of men, impelled by a wave of religious

enthusiasm, moved to fiery zeal, their imaginations touched, their moral

sense deeply stirred, have become knights of the faith, missionaries

armed with fire and sword; the scourges of God. Such causes impelled the

Saracenic invasion of Africa and Europe, and the Crusades.

Other historians have studied the great migratory movements that have

swept vast bodies of men away from their native environments, and

precipitated new elements into history. Such were the migrations of the

tribes of Northern Europe, and of the Asiatic hordes, which were a

powerful element in the overturn of the Roman Empire.

In late years there has been an increasing interest in the biographies

of the great men who have moved the world. No view of history is more

interesting than this study of personalities. It has sometimes been

pushed to an absurd extent, in the attempt to reverse historical

verdicts, to rehabilitate tarnished reputations, and in the exaggeration

of hero-worship. The relation of great men to their times has been a

fascinating theme for the historian to dwell upon in every age.

All these, and many more inquiries, are worthy of the most painstaking

study. We cannot know too much about them. They are all a part of "the

moulding together the great mysterious incorporation of the human race."

But the moral lesson of history is larger than any exceptional episodes.

Whatever way governments began, they have been, they are, and they will

be, until human nature and human needs undergo a tremendous

transformation. As has been said, stable governments have been rare.

Some of the forces of modern civilization may make the crystallization

of society into localized governments possibly more unstable than ever.

In favor of the permanence of any existing order however, there has

always been one conserving factor--habit. Prof. J. M. Baldwin in his

instructive work, "Mutual Development," calls authority "that most

tremendous thing in our moral environment," and obedience "that most

magnificent thing in our moral equipment." Psychologists also tell us

that habit, one of the phenomena of consolidation, indicates downward

growth. With the race, as with the individual, habit, or what Bagehot

calls "the solid cake of custom," has been one of the impediments to

progress. Yet, governments have progressed from generation to generation.

There has always been enough of the _vis viva_ to leaven social heredity.

Little by little, that part of the race, whose progress has not been

arrested, has outgrown the superstition of a divinity that "doth hedge

a king." More and more the functions once held by king-craft have been

grasped by the people; the race steadily moving toward the ideal

self-government. Every agency that made for enlightenment and uplift led

to this goal. The great social heritage of the past has been the

evolution of law and order. There has been through the ages a sweep of

collective forces that has taught men self-control, and has constantly

raised the ethical standard. A _damnosa hereditas_ of ferocity,

selfishness, and brutality, has been a part of the heritage; but there

has been enough of salt in the general character to rescue liberty and

justice even in the most reactionary times.

The Democratic Ideal is based upon the three great principles of liberty,

equality of rights and opportunities, and justice. In spite of indolence,

apathy, inveterate conservatism, superstition, ignorance, out of these

principles has flashed the day-star which the path of civilization has

followed.

Liberty is no longer a vagrant. "The love of liberty is simply the

instinct in man for expansion," says Matthew Arnold. That instinct is

always operative.

Yet liberty is not an entity; it is only a state. Unregulated,

discharged from the ethical obligations which we owe to each other,

liberty is lost in anarchy, which is only consummate egoism.

"The most aggravated forms of tyranny and slavery arise out of the most

extreme form of liberty," says Plato.

"If you enthrone it (liberty) alone as means and end, it will lead

society first to anarchy, afterward to the despotism which you fear,"

says Mazzini, one of the shining liberators of the last century.

"If every man has all the liberty he wants, no man has any liberty,"

says Goethe.

In other words, the rights of man must be articulated with the duties

of man. Freedom cannot exist without order. They are concentric. Without

the recognition of the sanctity of obligation to others, the age-long

aspiration of the race for liberty is an impotent endeavor. It would

have plunged eyeless through the cycles in which it has worked its way

into civilization, had it not been that reciprocity, mutual help, is a

basis of its being. Mankind can never be absolved from this eternal law.

We are now told that a reaction has set in against democracy; that the

results of the democratic ideal, so far as attained, are a failure; that

the tyranny of the mob has succeeded to that of the single despot; that

in the most liberal governments of the world, even in the United States

and England, where the problem of self-government has been most

thoroughly worked out, the people are forgetting their high ideals and

are using their collective power for base and ignoble purposes; that the

moral tone of the government is lowered; that an insane greed for wealth

has infected the nations: that there is a blunting of moral responsibility

and a cheapening of national aims.

This great indictment comes from intense lovers of liberty and the

truest friends of democracy.

Herbert Spencer put himself on record, in his last years, as fearing

that the insolent imperialism of the times and the power of reactionary

forces would lead to the re-barbarization of society.

John Stuart Mill said, "The natural tendency of representative

government, as of modern civilization generally, is towards collective

mediocrity."

John Morley tells us that "outside natural science and the material

arts, the lamp burns low;" he complains that nations are listening to

"the siren song of ambition;" that while there is an immense increase

in material prosperity, there is an immense decline of sincerity of

spiritual interest. He also speaks of "the high and dry optimism which

presents the existing order of things as the noblest possible, and the

undisturbed sway of the majority as the way of salvation."

If you care to read the summing up of the tremendous indictment against

modern democracy, you will find it in Hobhouse's striking work,

"Democracy and Reaction." This thoughtful author claims that the new

imperialism, which has become an obsession among the great powers of the

world within a few years, "stands not for widened and ennobled sense of

national responsibility, but for a hard assertion of racial supremacy

and national force;" and pleads for "the unfolding of an order of ideas

by which life is stimulated and guided," and for "a reasoned conception

of social justice."

Unfortunately there is too much truth in all these utterances. These are

not "wild and whirling words." We need not to be told of the evils of

our times. We hardly dare turn the searchlight upon our own civilization,

for we know how much of shame it reveals. We need no candid, sympathetic,

and enlightened critic like James Bryce, to tell us where our republic

is weak, in spite of our Titanic power, immense prosperity, roaring

trade, restless energy, chartered freedom. We know that, in many

respects, "the times are out of joint." The sordid and incapable

governments of many of our large cities; the venality among those to

whom great public trusts have been committed; the recrudescence of race

prejudice; the colossal fortunes heaped up by shrewd manipulations of

laws, which have been twisted from their original intent, and by

un-ethical methods; mob-violence, lynch law, the ever-widening hostility

between the employers of labor and the wage-earner; so much of what

Jeremy Taylor called "prosperous iniquity;" the blare of jingoism, the

coarser and grosser forms which athletics have assumed, even among young

men who are students at our universities--in the sublime words of Milton,

"beholding the bright countenance of truth in the quiet and still air of

delightful studies;" the hatred felt by the poor towards the rich, and

the disdain felt by the rich for the poor; all these and many other

evils, indeed, exist. Yes, the times are out of joint. But they have

always been out of joint.

These evils are not the result of popular government; they are incident

to our transitional civilization. They have always existed, probably in

a grosser form than to-day. Would a return to monarchical government

better things?

Possibly we have anticipated too much of organized democracy. It is

still aiming for its ideal. As we have said of liberty, democracy is not

a finality; it is only a status by which public opinion for the time

being can be most effectively expressed in government.

The reaction, if there be one, is moral and spiritual, rather than

political. The American people have been densely absorbed in the

material development of our wonderful country. The task has been a huge

one. So far as it has been completed, it has been magnificently done.

If we have seemed to worship the Golden Calf, we may find in due time

how unsatisfying wealth-gathering is. If at present the consumer seems

to be throttled by the trust-magnate, on one hand, and the labor-trust

on the other, each monopoly working to the common purpose of keeping up

prices to be paid by the consumer, the remedy is in his own hands. It

is not in riot, revolution, anarchy, by frenzied declamations against

those who are doing only what nine-tenths of the human kind would do for

themselves, if opportunity were afforded; but by using the power which

free government gives to the people, and correcting the evils by what

Gladstone called "the resources of civilization." Out of the roar and

brawl of the times will come a sharp examination into the system of laws

which permit the accumulation of stupendous fortunes by the "cornering"

of a commodity which human necessities require; by shrewd manipulations

of tariff, patent, corporation and transportation laws, and by other

anti-social agencies. The people, the consumers, create all the

legislatures, appoint all the judges, execute all the laws. The fortunes

of the rich exist because the people so allow. "A breath can make them,

and a breath has made," All the creature-comforts, all culture-conquests

have been evolved by the people. It is not by a reversion to Asiatic

paternalism, or by the assumption of all industrial agencies by the

State, which is the present aim of Socialism, or by a retreat into

aboriginal lawlessness and intense selfishness--which Anarchism would

result in--that social relief will come.

The American people will work these problems out and will work them out

right. "The glory of the sum of things" does not come with a flash.

There are always remedial agencies actively at work. They have saved

civilization again and again, when the economic order seemed about to

break down, when effete governments have fallen in cataclysms which have

almost wrecked the social fabric; when mankind seemed to be wandering in

a wilderness of ignorance, doubt and despair. Human nature is a tough,

elastic, expansive article. If common sense is a product of the ages,

so is what is termed "the corporate morality" of the race. Everything

makes for what Burke said he loved, "a manly, moral, regulated liberty."

It is hard for us to learn the imperative lesson that everything, except

moral and spiritual elements, is only transitional. We are too much

inclined to think that any existing status has come to stay. Not so.

While evils do not cure themselves, evil is only the negative of the

good. The human agent, with his enormous plasticity, constantly widening

intelligence and marvelous capacity for growth, is always the instrument,

guided by the unseen powers, that make for rectitude, to strike at wrong.

There is always more good than evil; otherwise society could not hold

together. If progress has been slow, it is because it ought to be slow.

In our economic order, the trust, the trade-unions--often in our day

instruments of danger--are factors that in the end will tend to good.

They are a part of the great synthetic movement which is unifying the

race. They will lead to a greater coherency in our industrial life. They

are educational in their tendency. Great fortunes, dizzying wealth, have

their evil side; they are monstrous creations which have been created by

a union of constructive talent with the mechanical inventions of the

age. By-and-by, their possessors may see that they are but ashes;

intolerable burdens; gilded rubbish. But in our present stage, there is

need of wealthy men. They have important uses. Business has heretofore

been too largely directed to the acquisition of wealth. This grossness

will be succeeded by an era of equitable distribution.

We must remember that the very idea of property implies more or less of

selfishness. An ideally altruistic man could not acquire property beyond

his immediate needs. What view of it may be taken in remote future ages

we know not. At present, however, it is absolutely necessary. To protect

life and liberty, government must protect property. Undoubtedly the

possession of enormous wealth, thereby generating sharp distinctions

between classes, is inimical to the Democratic Ideal. Democracy

pre-supposes a tolerable measure of equality in possessions, and an

absence of class privilege. The people must perhaps re-cast much of

their legislation, to make sure that their public franchises and natural

monopolies are not exploited by the few at the expense of the many. In

a country where the press is allowed unlimited freedom, and where every

man has a share in the government, where laws are flexible and easily

modified, there should be little difficulty in curbing the pretensions

of insolent wealth and protecting the people from lawlessness.

Possibly in the Socialistic movement, which is now academic, crude and

unscientific, and which, in its present stage, offers as a healing balm

for industrial evils only the paralysis of state despotism, there may be

a curative germ. Certainly, at its base, is the principle of human

brotherhood, co-operation and a lofty altruism. It is now in antagonism

with the Democratic Ideal; ultimately it may be resolved into an

auxiliary in purging society from some of the evils with which it is

infected.

If we live in an era of greed and graft, we also live in an era of

enormous goodness, unparalleled philanthropy, increasing intelligence

and advancing ethical standards. Can there be any doubt which forces

will win?

The Democratic Ideal, towards which all nations are drifting by the

inexorable sweep of ethical forces, still shines before the American

people. Whatever is rotten, vulgar, base, corrupt, in our body politic

will be eliminated by the same law of progress, moral, physical, social,

spiritual, which has brought the race to its present transitional status.

Lincoln's ideal of a government of the people, for the people, by the

people, will not perish from the earth. Up from the scum and reek of

corruption--unless the ancient power of conscience and intellect are

dead; and they are not dead, but live in deathless vigor--will spring a

new growth of justice, liberty, love.

But the nation must not lose it vision; that incommunicable quality that

leads to the light. "Where there is no vision, the people perish."

The past is behind us, with all its solemn monitions. The future beckons

us to the shining uplands of limitless progress. The ascent is not easy,

but it must and will be made.

LETTERS FROM GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

Head Quarters, West Point, July 29th, 1779.

Dr. Sir,

I have been duly favored with your letter of the 10th, the contents of

which are of so serious a nature, with respect to the Quarter Masters

and Commissary's department, that I thought it my duty to communicate

them to General Greene and Col. Wadsworth.

... If there has been neglect in either department, the delinquents

must be responsible to the public and these Gentlemen ought to be

acquainted with what has been alleged. . . .

I cannot but repeat my entreaties, that you will hasten your operation

with all possible dispatch; and that you will disencumber yourself of

every article of baggage and stores which is not necessary to the

expedition. Not only its success but its execution at all depends on

this. 'Tis a kind of service in which both officers and men must expect

to dispense with conveniences and endure hardships. . . . They must not

and I trust will not expect to carry the same apparatus which is

customary in other operations. I am persuaded that if you do not lighten

yourself to the greatest possible degree, you will not only eminently

hazard a defeat, but you will never be able to penetrate any distance

into the Indian Country. . . . The greater part of your provisions will

be consumed in preparation, and the remainder in the first stages of a

tedious and laborious march.

General Clinton in a letter to the Governor of the 6th instant mentioned

his arrival at the south end of Otsego Lake where he was waiting your

orders. . . .

Enclosed I transmit you extracts of two letters of the 7th and 27th

instant from Major-General Schuyler with interesting intelligence.

I am with great regard

Dr. Sir

Yr. Most Obet. Servant

Ge. Washington

This will be accompanied

by Commissions for the four

New York Regiments and

the 4th Pennsylvania. . . .

in three packages. . . .

Col. Broadhead has informed me that he has a prospect of undertaking an

expedition against the Mingoes with the aid of some of the friendly

Indians; I have encouraged him by all means to do it, if practicable;

should it take place, it will be an useful diversion in your favor as

he will approach pretty near to your left flank. . . .

* * * * *

Head Quarters West

Point August 1st, 1779.

Dr. Sir,

Brandt at the head of a party of whites & Indians said to have amounted

to eighty or ninety men has lately made an incursion into the Minisinks

and cut off a party of fifty or sixty of our militia. It is reported

that Brandt himself was either killed or wounded in the action. . . .

By a fellow belonging to this party, who has fallen into our hands, as

he pretends voluntarily (but is suspected to have mistaken his way.)

I am informed that the party came from Chemung in quest of provisions

of which the savages are in great want. He says their deficiency in this

respect is so great that they are obliged to keep themselves in a

desperate state; and when they collect will not be able to remain long

together. He gives the following account of their strength, movements

& designs. . . . That the whole force they will be able to assemble will

not exceed fifteen hundred fighting men whites and Indians, which they

themselves conceive will be equal to double the number of our men in

the woods. . . . That Butler with a party of both sorts was at

Conosadago in number 3 or 400. . . . That at Chemung and the adjacent

town were two or three hundred warriors. . . . That Chemung was appointed

as the place of rendezvous where or in the neighborhood the Indians

intended to give you battle, after which if they were unsuccessful they

intended to retire towards Niagara harassing your march as much as

possible with small parties and by ambuscades. . . . That some of the

towns had sent off their old men & women, others more confident and

discrediting that there was an army coming against them, had still kept

them at home. . . . That no reinforcement had yet come from Canada; but

that Brandt who was lately arrived from thence assured the Indians there

was one coming after him. . . . The principal strength of the Indians is

in the Genesee towns. . . .

You will give as much credit to this account as you think proper and in

proportion to its conformity to your other intelligence. The informant

is a deserter from Cortlandt's Regiment who says he was carried off by

force to the Indians and took the present opportunity of leaving

them. . . . He appears not to be destitute of shrewdness and as his

apprehensions were pretty strong I am inclined to think as far as his

knowledge extended he was sincere. . . .

In my last I forgot to inform you that on the 15th instant at night

Brigadier Gen. Wayne with the Light Infantry took Stony point by

assault. The whole garrison consisting of about 600 men with Col.

Johnson commanding officer, fifteen pieces of cannon of different sizes

& quantity of stores fell into our hands. Our loss in killed & wounded

was less than an hundred, of which not above thirty will be finally

lost to the service. . . . General Wayne received a wound in the

head. . . . This affair does great honor to our troops who entered the

works at the point of the bayonet, scarcely firing a gun. The post you

may recollect was extremely formidable by nature and strongly

fortified. . . . The enemy, it is said, supposed it capable of defying

our whole force. The opposite point had it not been for some unavoidable

accidents would probably also fallen into our hands. . . . The enemy from

these had time to come to its relief and have since repossessed Stony

Point, which we evacuated and destroyed.

I am with great regard

Dr. Sr.

(Duplicate) Yr. Obet. servt

G Washington

ps. Enclosed is a duplicate of mine of the 29th with its enclosures lest

there should be a miscarriage.

* * * * *

Head Quarters West Point 3d Sept. 1779.

Dear Sir,

I was made very happy to find, by yours of the 25th ulto that your

junction with General Clinton would take place on the next day, and that

no opposition had been given him on the passage down the River. Colonel

Pauling, not having been able to reach Anagarga at the appointed time,

and upon his arrival there, finding that General Clinton had passed by,

has returned to the settlements with the men under his command--who

were about 200. But as your junction has been effected with scarce any

loss, I hope this small demonstration of force will not be felt in your

operations.

I yesterday rec a letter of the 31st July from Colo. Broadhead at Fort

Pitt, from which the enclosed is an extract. By this you will perceive,

that he intended to begin his march towards the Seneca Country on the

7th or 8th of last month, and will also see his reasons for setting out

so early.

On the receipt of your letter of the 13th ulto. I immediately desired

the Commissary General to form a magazine for your future supply at

some safe and convenient place in your rear, and on receiving that of

the 20th I repeated the order, and directed him to make Wyoming the

place of deposit. By the enclosed extracts from Colo. Wadsworth and Mr.

Blaine you will find that matters are in forwardness for that purpose.

I have the pleasure to inform you that Spain has at length taken a

decisive part. In the enclosed paper, you will find his Manifesto

delivered to the Court of Great Britain on the 16th June last, with the

message of the King to Parliament thereupon.

It is to be hoped this formidable junction of the House of Bourbon will

not fail of establishing the Independence of America in a short

time. . . .

I am Dear Sir

Your most obt. Sert.

Ge. Washington

LETTER OF PH. SCHUYLER.

* * * * *

Albany, April 29th, 1779.

Dear Sir:

Your Excellency's Favor of the 24th Instant, I had the Honor to receive

on the 27th.

Yesterday I had a conference with General Clinton and General Ten Broeck

on the subject matter of your letter. The latter has promised to make

use of every exertion to raise the quota his Brigade is to furnish. He

will advise you of the difficulties he has to encounter and I really

fear if he should be able to procure the whole number at least (which I

have not much reason to believe he will) so much time will elapse that

the troops now to the Northward, will be drawn away before any part are

sent to take the posts they now occupy, except Captain Stockwell's

Company.

General Clinton proposes to send such men of the corps now in this

Quarter, as may be unfit for the active service intended to be

prosecuted, to the Block House he has built at Sacandaga, and if there

should be more such men than what are necessary for that post, he will

order them to the Northward.

If General Washington prosecutes the operations he at present meditates

against the savages, the Western Frontiers will be in perfect security.

I conceive it will therefore only be necessary to employ what Force you

may have for the Defense of the Northern Frontiers of this County and

that of Tryon.

Part of Warner's Regiment is now at Rutland. About one hundred men will

be sufficient at Skenesborough; twenty-five men at Fort Edward and the

Remainder I should advise to be stationed at the Junction of the North

Branch of Hudson's River with the Western one or a little to the

Westward of it, where the Road cut by the Tories in 1776 from Crown

point comes to the River. Those would at once cover the North Western

parts of this County and the Northern parts of Tryon.

I shall direct Capt. Stockwell to march to Skenesborough, having a small

Detachment at Fort Edward. Copy of his orders I shall transmit your

Excellency by a future Conveyance.

Last night I received a Resolution of Congress accepting of my

Resignation. I feel myself happy in the prospect of that Ease and

Satisfaction which my Retirement will afford me. Impressed however with

a lively sense of the Duty I owe my Country, I must entreat you never

to hesitate honoring me with your Commands on any occasion in which as

a private Citizen I may be serviceable.

As General Clinton will transmit you the Account of our sweep against

the Onondagas, it supersedes the Necessity of my doing it.

I have the Honor to be Dear Sir with great respect and esteem,

Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant,

Ph. Schuyler.

(To Geo. Clinton.)

LETTER OF GOUV. MORRIS.

* * * * *

Phila. 26th Jany., 1778.

Sir,

Permit me to recommend to your Excellency's favorable attention and

thro you in such manner as you may think most proper to the Legislature

an application of the Bearer of this letter. From the conversation I

have had with him on the subject his design appears to me well

calculated for the purpose of serving in some Degree our Western

Frontier and consequently enriching the intermediate country. It hath

also the immediate effect of procuring a number of good industrious

subjects. Perhaps I should not go too far in saying that every man so

acquired would be worth two. To state or enlarge on his plan would be

absurd as he will personally have the honor of conferring with you. I

have only to say that the honorable stars he gained at Bemis' Heights

will be a better recommendation than I can give. As a Representative of

the State of New York I think I do my Duty in forwarding the Views of

one who is so much its Friend.

I have the Honor to be most respectfully

Your Excellency's

most obedient

and

humble servant,

GOUV. MORRIS.

LETTER OF ROBT. MORRIS.

* * * * *

Office of Finance, 5 June 1783.

Sir

Congress having directed a very considerable part of the Army to be sent

home on Furlough, I am pressed exceedingly to make a payment of three

months wages, and I am very desirous to accomplish it, but the want of

money compels me to an Anticipation on the Taxes by making this payment

in notes; to render this mode tolerably just or useful, the notes must

be punctually discharged when they fall due, and my dependence must be

on the money to be received of the several States, on the Requisitions

for the last and present year. I hope the urgency of the case will

produce the desired exertions and finally enable me to preserve the

credit and honor of the Federal Government.

I have the honor to

Remain Your Excellency's

Most obedient &

Very humble Servt.

Robt. Morris.

His Excellency

The Governor of New York.

LETTER OF JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

Paris 10th May 1783.

Dear Sir

I think it probable that every dutch Gentleman who goes to Philadelphia,

will also visit New York, which was first settled by his own nation.

Mr. Boers, who has been deputed by Holland to transact certain affairs

here, recommends Mr. de Hogendorp to me in the warmest Terms. This

gentleman is a Lieutenant in the dutch guards, & of a respectable

family. He expects to go to America with Mr. Van Berkel. The confidence

I have in the Recommendation of Mr. Boers and my Desire of rendering our

Country agreeable to Mr. Hogendorp, leads me to take the Liberty of

introducing him to your Excellency and to request that in case he should

visit New York, he may be favored with your friendly attentions.

I have the Honor to be with great esteem and Regard,

Your Excellency's

most ob't & most h'ble Servant,

John Jay.

His Excellency Geo. Clinton, Esq.

Governor of New York.

LETTER OF JAMES DUANE.

* * * * *

Manor Livingston, 28th June 1778.

Sir

I returned from Albany the middle of this month and intended in the

course of the present week to pay a visit to your Excellency principally

to give you a more minute detail than can well be done by letter, of the

state of our western frontier and the temper of the six nations. My

intentions are frustrated by a summons to attend the Commission of

Indian Affairs at Albany on an agreeable occasion. I firmly believe that

if we do not take vigorous and decisive measures with the six nations

they will in the course of this summer drive in a great part of the

inhabitants and do us injuries which it will take years to retrieve.

I have strongly inculcated this idea upon Congress in every letter since

I became thoroughly acquainted with Indian Affairs, and they have now

come to suitable resolutions on the subject. God grant that they may be

shown proper exertions and crowned with success.

The dispatches which accompany this render it needless to be particular.

Mrs. Duane joins me in respectful Compliments to Mrs. Clinton. She

continues very feeble, tho I flatter myself the malady has not yet

reached her vitals and that by exercise and the course of medicine she

is now in, her health may yet be re-established.

I am with highest respect

Sir,

Your Excellency's most obed.

and very humble servant,

JAMES DUANE.

His Excellency Governor Clinton.

LETTER OF ISRAEL PUTNAM.

* * * * *

Hartford, April 8th, 1778.

Dear Sir,

I herewith send you Mr. Treland and Lieut. Griffith, both inhabitants

of your State, the latter is an officer in the new Levies, was taken

some time in August last, and since then has been exceeding busy, in

poisoning the minds of the inhabitants where he has been stationed. The

character of the former, I dare say your Excellancy is sufficiently

acquainted with. I have Lieut. Griffith in consequence of a Resolution

of Congress, making the Inhabitants of the States subject to trial by

the Civil Law and for his bad behavior since he has been Indulged with

a Parole.

I arrived here yesterday and to-morrow proceed as to Gov. Trumball.

I am, Dear Sir,

Your most Obed. Serv't,

Israel Putnam.

His Excellency, Gov. Clinton.

P. S. The three pieces of heavy cannon which I mentioned to your

Excellency has arrived here, one of them went on three or four Days

since, the others will go in about two days.

Clinton Papers Furnished by Geo. Clinton Andrews, Esq.

of Tarrytown, N. Y.

LETTER OF GEORGE CLINTON.

* * * * *

Fort Montgomery, 2d May 1777.

Sir,

I wrote to Convention this morning inclosing the Proceedings of a

General Court Martial held at this place for the Trial of sundry

prisoners for Treason against the States. Since which so many others

have been sent to this Post charged with the same offense that the Guard

House can't contain them. I have therefore thought it advisable to send

those already tried to be confined in Livingston Gaol, together with

Cadwallader Coldon Esquire, who stands charged with the like offense as

will appear by the Examination of Jacob Davis taken before the Chairman

of the Committee of Shawangunk and now transmitted to you by Lieutenant

Rose, who has the care of the Prisoners. One of the Prisoners tells that

Doctor Ansson and one Low was left behind their party in the Clove near

Pysoryck at a little house there on Account of Low's being lame and the

Doctor to take care of him. They ought in my opinion to be hunted up

immediately. The Prisoners except Mr. Coldon, who are not yet tried, I

mean to keep confined at this Place for Trial. Mr. Coldon I have thought

best to send forward as it might not be prudent to keep him confined at

this Post for many Reasons.

I am your

Most Obed. Serv't,

GEO. CLINTON.

To the President of the Convention of

the State of New York,

LETTER OF JAMES CLINTON.

* * * * *

Albany, May 28th, 1779.

Sir,

I have received yours of the 23rd Inst. General Ten Broeck hath

ascertained the Quota which each Regiment is to furnish for the

Continental and State Regiments, and Issued Orders for them to join in

one week after the Orders were issued. I believe the General has

endeavored to take every necessary step to supply the Deficiencies which

yet remain, Tho from the unavoidable delays of the officers of his

Brigade he hath met with much trouble, as I have seen I believe, every

letter he has received on the subject.

I have ordered Capt. McKean to command all the drafts of Tryon County,

as I knew it was agreeable to all the Inhabitants of that part of the

Country, tho I did not know at the time I appointed him for this service

that you intended him to Command those drafts out of General Ten Broeck's

Brigade. I conceived Lieut. Smith was to be his Lieutenant.

I have disposed of them in the following manner, to wit--Capt. McKean

and Lieut. Smith with all the drafts from Colonels Clock, Bellinger and

Gambles Regiments at Fort Dayton and a small Fort, eight miles higher

up the River.

Lieut. Vrooman with those from Colonel Vesichus' Regiment at the Block

House at Sacandaga, where there are a Captain and and sixty men of

Colonel Dubois' Regiment. Those Drafts serve as Pilots.

The drafts from Colonel Vrooman's Regiment at Schoharie with an officer

from the same Regiment, I have ordered to a Block House and Picqueted

Fort, which I ordered to be built last Winter at Cobus Kill.

Those under Capt. Stockwell and a certain Lieut. Putnam, appointed by

Colonel McCrea, are ordered to take Post at Skeenesborough and Fort

Edwards.

I should be glad to see Major Van Burnschooten with the drafts you

mention at this place. They might be disposed of to great advantage at

Schoharie, where they will be much wanted when the Continental troops

are ordered to March.

Enclosed I send you a Copy of a Letter from Colonel Van Schaick which

contains all the news in this quarter.

I am your

very humble servant,

James Clinton.

Gov. Clinton.

THE WILL OF CHARLES CLINTON.

* * * * *

In the name of God, amen. I, Charles Clinton, of Little Brittain, in

the County of Ulster and Province of New York in America, being of sound

mind and memory, blessed be God, do this twenty-sixth day of March, in

the year of Our Lord One thousand seven hundred and Seventy one, make

and publish this my last Will and Testament in manner following (viz):

First I give and bequeath to my Eldest son Charles, my Negro Boys Robin

and Dublin, and I give and bequeath to him the sum of two hundred and

Thirty seven pounds, Current money of New York, to be paid to him out

of the money I have out at Interest, and I hereby authorize, impower and

appoint my Executors hereinafter named to divide a lot of land of mine,

Containing five hundred acres, lying on the West side of the Wallkill

(being part of a tract of land granted by letters Patent to Frederick

Morris and Samuel Heath) into two or three Lotts, as it may suit best

for Sale, and to sell the same and give a good Sufficient deed for it,

and I give and bequeath to my son Charles, four hundred and thirty-three

pounds New York Currency of the money arising by the sale of the said

land and I give and bequeath to my Son George the sum of two hundred

pounds, and to my son James the sum of Seventy pounds of the Price of

the said lands and if it shall or can be sold for any more, it is my

Will my son George shall have the over surplus it brings. Also I give

and Devise to my son James, his heirs and assigns forever, my farm

whereon I now dwell in Little Brittain in Ulster County, Containing two

hundred and fifteen acres, being part of a tract of two thousand acres

Granted by letters patent to Andrew Johnson, lying in the Southwesterly

Corner thereof. To have and to hold the said farm with all and singular

the Rights, members and appurtenances thereof to my said Son James, his

heirs and assigns forever, which farm I valued only at Seven hundred

pounds, to him, and I give to my said Son, my Negro boys David and

Isaac. And I give and bequeath to my Son George the sum of five hundred

and Seventy pounds of the money I have at Interest and whatever money

there shall be due to me at the time of my decease, either Interest or

principle, more than the Legacies above mentioned and what will pay the

quit Rent due for my Lands and my Just debts, I order it to be Equally

Divided between my said three sons and I give my Son George, my Negro

boys William and Samuel, my Negro Wench Lettice, I Intended to give to

my Daughter Catherine but she being then very Sickly and having no

Children, she Desired if she died before me, I should Leave her free

which I promised to do and a promise made at the Request of so dutiful

& affectionate a Child, who is now dead and Cannot Release me from it,

I think my Self sacredly obliged to perform. Therefore it is my Will

She shall be free and I hereby manumit her & make her free from Slavery

but so as to Exclude and utterly to Debar all and every person and

persons whatsoever from making any Covenant Bargain or agreement with

her to enslave or bind her for life or for any Number of years or to

use any other way or means to prevent or Defraud her of her time,

liberty or wages that she may honestly earn for her maintainance and

support. And I give and bequeath to my said three sons, Charles, James

and George, all my Stock of Cows, Sheep, Oxen and horses, my negro

Peter and my Wench Pegg or Margaret, and all my Crop of Grain on my

farm and all my Books and household furniture, except the furniture

hereafter mentioned, which I give to my Wife for her Room, and I leave

my farming utensils on my farm for my son James, to whom I have Given

my farm and it is my Will that my Said three Sons, Charles, James and

George, their Executors & administrators, Shall out of my Estate hereby

Given to them at their Equal Expense Decently Cloath, keep, maintain and

find fit attendance for my Wife Elizabeth, according to her Rank and

Station in life, and I leave her a good bed Curtains, bed-cloaths,

Sheets, Pillows and one of my small looking glasses, tea table and Some

Chairs for her Room, as she is now about Seventy four years of age and

is or Soon will be incapable to take Care of her Self, therefore It is

my Earnest Request that her sons may behave as they have always done in

a kind and dutiful and affectionate manner to her While She lives. I

give to my Grandson Charles Clinton Junior, my plate handled sword and

I give my Grandson Alexander Clinton my fusee or small gun I carried

when I was in the army, and I give to my Grandaughter Catherine Clinton,

(my Son George's daughter) my Largest looking glass. I give to my son

James all my mathematical Instruments. I give to my son James, my Clock

and I give to my son George, my watch, and I give to my Son Charles, my

Long Gun and my Desk as I have Given to each of my sons James and George

one hundred pounds by this will more than I have to my Son Charles. . . .

It is not done out of Partiality but for the following Reasons--When

his Brother Alexander died he was Seized in fee of a Good Improved farm.

Containing two hundred Acres; as he died Intestate, having no issue,

It fell to my Son Charles, he being his Eldest Brother and my Son

Charles' Education being more Expensive to me I thought it but Justice

to Make that Small amendment To their portions, which is far from making

them Equal to their Brother Charles. It is my Will I be buryed in the

Graveyard in my own farm, beside my Daughter Catherine and it is my Will

the said Graveyard be made four Rods Square and an open free Road to it

at all times, when it Shall be necessary and I nominate and appoint my

said three sons Charles, James and George, Executors of this my last

will, to see the same Executed accordingly and I order that my said

Executors procure a suitable stone to lay over my Grave, whereon I would

have the time of my death, my age and Coat of Arms cut. I hope they will

Indulge in this Last piece of vanity.

Signed, Sealed, Published and

Declared in the presence of us, by

the said Charles Clinton, the testator

and for his last will, who

were present at the Signing and

Sealing thereof.

(The words "George the sum of

two hundred pounds and to my son"

being first Interlined, the

words "Devise to my Son James

his heirs" being wrote on an

erasure and a small erasure

made between the words "Charles"

and "It".)

CHAS. CLINTON (L. S.)

SAM'L SANDS. JEREMIAH WHITE. ARTHUR SMITH.

[Illustration: MEMORIAL MARKER AT HALFWAY BROOK, QUEENSBURY, N. Y.]

THE HALF-WAY BROOK IN HISTORY.

* * * * *

By James Austin Holden, A. B.

* * * * *

In choosing as its first subject for a memorial marker "The Half-Way

Brook," the New York State Historical Association has made a dignified

and wise selection, for it may be truly said that no stream in the

Adirondack Wilderness is more noted in history and the Annals of the

Border, than this, whose appellation "Half-Way" comes from the fact that

it was nearly equidistant from Fort Edward on the south and Fort William

Henry on the north. Rising in the branch of the Palmertown range known

as the Luzerne Mountains, west of Glens Falls, running a crooked but

generally easterly and northerly course, now expanding into small lakes

or basins, now receiving the waters of numerous small tributaries, ponds

and rivulets, it divides the town of Queensbury into two parts, passes

the Kingsbury line, turns in a northerly direction, and empties into

Wood Creek at a point about three-quarters of a mile south from Battle

Hill, at Fort Ann, in Washington County.

In the days before American history began, the region traversed by this

stream was a favorite hunting ground for the Red Man, and this water

course, even to-day famous for its speckled trout, was one of his chosen

pleasuring places.

For more than two hundred years the great deep-worn warpaths or

traveling trails of the Indian Nations ran to and from its banks. And

whether the fleet, moccasined warriors went westward over the Sacandaga

trail to the big bend of the Hudson and so on to the Iroquois

strongholds, or whether they came to the "Great Carrying Place," at what

is now Fort Edward, through Lake Champlain and Wood Creek, or chose the

trip through Lake St. Sacrament past the site of the future Glens Falls,

down to Albany, or the west, all must cross this stream, which thus

became as familiar to the Adirondack and Iroquois Confederacies, as the

alphabet to us of to-day. This knowledge so gained was made ample use of

in later times in many a bloody ambush, surprise or savage foray. After

the defeat of Dieskau in 1755, and the building of Fort William Henry

at Lake George and Fort Edward at the "Great Carrying Place" the

"Half-Way Brook" became a point of strategic importance, and as a

halting place and rendezvous for the passing troops, and the convoys of

supplies between the two forts, it was noted throughout the northern

colonies, as long as the French and Indian war lasted.

It was variously denominated by the military authorities during that

time. On an old manuscript map without date in the New York State

Library, it is noted as "Schoone Creek," while the Earl of Louden's map

in 1757 has it marked as "Fork's Creek." [FN-1] Rogers, the famous

scout and ranger, called it "Bloody Brook." In Col. James Montresor's

Journals, in 1757, it is styled "Half-Way Run." On the Robert Harpur

map, in the Secretary of State's office at Albany, it is called

"Scoune Creek," [FN-2] while Knox's Military Journal designated it as

"Seven Mile Creek," because it was seven miles from the head of the

lake. In Wilson's Orderly Book of Amherst's Expedition, in 1759, it is

laid down as "Shone Creek." [FN-2]

* * * * *

[FN-1] The name of "Fork Creek" was probably derived from the name

given it by Major General Fitz John Winthrop, who headed an

unsuccessful expedition against the Canadians and their Indian allies

in the summer of 1690. On August 6th, he states that "he encamped at

a branch of Wood Creak, called the fork." This is the place where the

"Half-Way" enters Wood Creek near Fort Ann. Here, while his command

was in camp, smallpox broke out, and a Lieut. Hubbell died from this

disease and was buried at that spot. Our Secretary, R. O. Bascom, in

his "Fort Edward Book," p. 15, states "this was the first recorded

burial in the country."

[FN-2] Possibly a corruption of "Skene," from the founder of

Skenesborough.

On a "powder horn map" made by one John Taylor of "Swago" in 1765, there

is a block house clearly defined at "Helf Br" between Forts Edward and

George. [FN-1] On later maps such as the Sauthier map, published about

1778, and reproduced in the Seventh Volume of the Governor Clinton Papers,

[FN-2] it bears the a popular name of "Half-Way Brook," bestowed upon it

we know not by whom nor when, but which appearing in contemporary

diaries, documents, letters and official despatches of "The Seven Years

War," has ever since clung to it, and will while its waters run to the

sea. [FN-3]

* * * * *

[FN-1] The New York World of February 2d, 1896, had a sketch of this

powder horn, which, at that time, was in the museum of Major Frank

A. Betts, Washington, D. C. This rudely engraved map shows the various

forts and settlements along the Mohawk and Hudson valleys, and depicts

the trails to Lakes George and Champlain on the one side and to Lake

Ontario on the other.

[FN-2] Letter Hon. Hugh Hastings, State Historian.

[FN-3] C. Johnson's History of Washington County (pub. Phila., 1878)

states that the "Half-Way Brook" was also known as "Clear River"--p.

301. The U. S. Geological Survey, in its map of this section of New

York State, published about 1895, has labeled the brook as "Half-Way

Creek," which, while it may be technically correct, will never be

recognized in local usage or by faithful historians.

It will be remembered that in the Campaign of 1755, Sir William Johnson

had constructed a corduroy road from Fort Edward to Lake George,

following substantially the present highway between the two points. Cut

through the dark and gloomy virgin forest, with its overhang of

interlaced pine and evergreen boughs, its thickets of dense underbrush,

the road led through swamps, over rivulets, over sandy knolls, and

primal rocky hills to the head of the lake. On every side was leafy

covert or rugged eminence, suitable for ambuscade or hiding-place of

savage foe, or hardly less savage Canadian or French regular. Every rod

of ground on this road is stained with the blood of the English, the

Colonists, and their Indian allies, or that of their fierce, implacable

enemies. Hardly a mile but what has its story of massacre, surprise,

murder, deeds of daring and heroism, or of duty performed under horrible

and heartrending circumstances.

In order to protect the road, as well as afford a resting place for

soldiers and teamsters, and to supply a needed depot for military stores

and provisions, the late Dr. A. W. Holden [FN] in his History of

Queensbury, says: "At an early period in the French War, a block house

and stockaded enclosure, in which were also several store houses, had

been erected at the Half-Way Brook. The date of its construction would

seem to have been in 1755, for in that year the French scouts and

runners, reported to their chief that the English had erected posts

every two leagues from the head of Lake George to Albany. It was

situated on the north side of the brook, and to the west of the plank

road leading to the head of Lake George. The old military road led

across the brook about four rods above the present crossing. A part of

the old abutments, timbers and causeway were visible up to the late

seventies. It was capable of accommodating upwards of eight hundred men,

and was protected by redoubts, rifle pits, earthworks, and a palisade

of hewn timbers."

* * * * *

[FN] The Historian of the Town of Queensbury, N. Y.

The walls of the fort were pierced for cannon as well as for rifles, or

muskets. In passing it may be said that from time to time, this, like

all similar frontier forts of the time, was enlarged, strengthened,

abandoned, destroyed, rebuilt, as the exigencies of military service

made it necessary, but the site remained the same. This was near the

rear, and to the westward of the brick residence now occupied by William

H. Parker. Continuing Dr. Holden says:

"During the summer of 1756, a force of six hundred Canadians and

Indians attacked a baggage and provision train at the Half-Way Brook,

while on its way from Fort Edward to the garrison at Fort William

Henry.

"The oxen were slaughtered, the convoy mostly killed and scalped, and

the wagons plundered of their goods and stores. Heavily laden with

booty, the marauding party commenced its retreat towards South Bay on

Lake Champlain. Embarking in batteaux they were proceeding leisurely

down the lake when they were overtaken by a party of one hundred

rangers under the command of Captains Putnam and Rogers. These latter

had with them two small pieces of artillery, and two blunderbusses,

and at the narrows, about eight miles north of Whitehall, they crossed

over from Lake George, and succeeded in sinking several of the enemy's

boats, and killing several of the oarsmen. A heavy south wind favored

the escape of the remainder." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Wm. Cutter's Life of Israel Putnam, p. 60; Dr. Asa Fitch in Trans

N. Y. S. Agri. Soc'y, 1848, pp. 916-917; Spark's Am. Biog., Vol. 8,

p. 119.

During this summer several bloody affrays took place between Fort

Edward and Lake George, and the French accounts are full of successful

raids and surprises.

In 1757 Col. James Montresor [FN] was sent to America as head of the

Engineer corps of His Majesty's forces. He drew the plans for and

constructed several fortifications in New York Province. In his journal

under date of Monday, July 25th, he says: "Set out from Ft. Edward at

6 o'clock in the morning and arrived in the afternoon. Stopt at the

Half-Way Run, agreed on a post there on the south side of the Run on

the east of the Road about 50 Yards." Under date of Friday, July 29th,

he writes: "Set out for Fort Wm. Henry at 12 o'clock with Gen'l Webb

&c, arrived at the Half-Way at 3, met the carpenter going up that I had

sent for, to carry on the work there." It does not appear, however, that

anything was done with this fortification on account of Montcalm's

victory a few weeks later.

* * * * *

[FN] Col. Montresor, who served in America from 1757 until 1760, makes

several allusions to the "Half-Way" in his Journals covering that

period.

The Campaign of 1757 teemed with scenes of bloodshed along the frontier,

and the history of the Fort Edward and Lake George trail abounds with

sad tales of atrocity and savagery, culminating in the successful attack

of Montcalm on Fort William Henry, and followed by the terrible massacre

which, whether rightfully or wrongfully, tarnished forever the

reputation of that noted and able commander. Of the few who escaped it

is on record that Col. (afterwards General) Jacob Bayley of New

Hampshire, ran the gauntlet and escaped by fleeing bare-footed for seven

miles through the woods to the "Half-Way Brook."

"Six days afterwards," Dr. Holden says, "Captain de Poulharies of the

Royal Rousillon regiment, with an escort of two hundred and fifty

soldiers, accompanied the survivors of the massacre, upwards of four

hundred, with the one piece of cannon, a six pounder, granted by the

ninth article of capitulation, as a token of the Marquis de Montcalm's

esteem for Lieutenant Colonel Monro and his garrison, on account of

their honorable defense, to the post at the Half-Way Brook, where they

met a like detachment from the garrison at Fort Edward, sent by General

Webb to receive them."

From records kept by officers and other documents, we learn that the

"Half-Way" [FN] was usually designated through this war as the meeting

place for white flag parties and exchange of prisoners.

* * * * *

[FN] This is the generally accepted local usage of the name.

After the fall of Fort William Henry, the northern outposts of the

British were abandoned, and the frontier left open to the ravages and

raids of the savages and the Canadians.

March 10th, 1758, Major Robert Rogers, the Ranger, with about one

hundred and eighty rangers, officers and privates, camped at the

"Half-Way," the first considerable body of men to occupy it in the

campaign of that year. From here he proceeded down Lake George, meeting

with disaster and defeat at the hands of seven hundred of the enemy,

three days afterward.

June 8th, 1758, Lord Howe, the pride and idol of the army and his

nation, a nobleman by birth and nature, took command of the forces,

which for weeks had been gathering at Ford Edward. On June 20th we find

him at the "Half-Way Brook" with three thousand men. It is supposed that

this body of soldiers camped on what is still known as the "Garrison

Grounds," situated on the south bank of the "Half-Way Brook," and about

midway between the old Champlin place and DeLong's brickyard. A branch

road led from the "Garrison Grounds" to the block house (back of the

Parker residence) and crossed the brook a little way below the present

highway bridge. This was the spot selected for a "post" by Col.

Montresor the year before, and partially laid out at that time. Here

for two days Lord Howe remained, until he received reports from Major

Rogers and his scouts of the disposition of the enemy's forces. We can

imagine him as usual engaged in the rough frontier sports of wrestling,

jumping, shooting at a mark, and the like; instructing the regulars in

ranger and New World tactics, and proving himself in every way the

leading spirit and good genius of the camp. Here no doubt he met Stark,

Putnam and other Colonials who later were to be leaders in the war for

liberty. On the 22nd this part of the army moved to the lake, and was

shortly joined by General Abercrombie and the rest of the troops, making

a grand army of fifteen thousand, which was soon to go to disaster and

defeat before the rude earth breastworks and felled trees at

Ticonderoga, Abercrombie's defeat occurred July 8th, 1758, and he

quickly returned to the head of the lake and strongly entrenched his

forces for the balance of the season.

A number of diaries and journals of the New Englanders [FN] in the

Campaign have been preserved and published, and from these, although

brief and illiterate in form, we gain an excellent idea of the events

of that period. The Colonial soldiery, looked down upon by the British

officers, were forced to perform the drudgery and manual labor necessary

in building and fortifying the camp, constructing its ditches and

breastworks, and throwing up its defenses. Incidentally it may be said,

it was the contemptuous treatment accorded the New England troops in

this and succeeding campaigns, which made the people of that section so

ready to throw off the British yoke later on. When not doing this work

they were compelled to act as wagoners, drivers, carpenters, road

makers, and the like. These various diaries speak in many places of work

of this menial character (for which these men had not enlisted, and

apparently did not care for), at and about "Half-Way Brook." General

Putnam in his Journal says, "During our stay at the lake, after our

return from Ticonderoga, we were employed in almost everything." The

Journal of an unknown Provincial Officer (see note), says, under date

of July 15th, "Nothing worth notice this day but working and duty came

on harder by orders from head-quarters." Both these journals mention a

"Sunday off" from work as a great treat and a rarity.

* * * * *

[FN] Among these may be mentioned the Journals of Rufus Putnam, cousin

of Israel Putnam, and afterwards a Revolutionary General; the "Diary of

Lieut. Samuel Thompson, of Woburn, Mass." (for which I am indebted to

Dr. Sherman Williams, of Glens Falls); the Journal of an Unknown

Provincial Officer in Col. Preble's Regiment of Massachusetts; "The

Memoirs of John Stark," and "Rogers' Journals."

From the 25th of May until the 22nd of October, when the fortifications

were dismantled and abandoned by General Abercrombie at the head of the

lake, Lieut. Thompson, according to his diary, was on constant duty,

either at the "Half-Way Brook" with a picquet guard, or at the lake. The

daily life and work of the soldiers is given in his diary in detail. It

also gives the names of a number of people who died from disease and

were buried at the "Half-Way Brook." He describes the return of the

English and Colonials from Ticonderoga, and under date of July 8th,

being at the head of the lake that day, there is the following entry in

his book:

"Saturday, Post came from the Narrows; and they brought Lord How to ye

Fort, who was slain at their landing; and in ye afternoon there came

in 100 and odd men, French prisoners into the Fort." These were Langy's

men captured at the fatal Trout Brook skirmish.

This testimony by an eye witness would go far to disprove the theory of

recent times, that Lord Howe's remains had been discovered at Trout

Brook; and it tends to confirm the statements of older historians, that

his remains were probably taken to Albany for burial.

On July 20th occurred one of the many skirmishes for which the "Half-Way

Brook" is noted. One of the several scouting parties sent out by

Montcalm to attack and harass the soldiers and convoys on the "Lidius"

(Fort Edward) road and to take scalps and provisions, made one of their

usual hawk-like descents, falling upon Col. Nichol's regiment, then

quartered at the "Half-Way Brook" block house. Pouchet says, the

detachment, five hundred in number, was made up of Canadians and

Indians, commanded by M. de Courte-Manche, and that it succeeded in

taking twenty-four scalps and making ten prisoners. Only the Indians'

impatience prevented a complete massacre of the troops in the block

house. Regarding this affray I quote the following in full from the

Thompson Diary, as it gives the names of the officers and men killed in

this skirmish.

[Illustration: Panoramic View of Half-Way Brook]

"20--Thursday, in the morning, 10 men in a scout waylaid by the Indians

and shot at and alarmed the Fort, and a number of our men went out to

assist them, and the enemy followed our men down to our Fort, and in

their retreat, Capt. Jones and Lieut. Godfrey were killed, and Capt.

Lawrence and Capt. Dakin, and Lieut, Curtis and Ensn. Davis, and two

or three non-commissioned officers and privates, to the number of

fourteen men, who were brought into the Fort, all scalped but Ensn.

Davis, who was killed within 20 or 30 rods from the Fort; and there was

one grave dug, and all of them were buried together, the officers by

themselves at one end, and the rest at the other end of the grave; and

Mr. Morrill made a prayer at the grave, and it was a solemn funeral;

and Nath. Eaton died in the Fort and was buried; and we kept a very

strong guard that night of 100 men. Haggit (and) William Coggin

wounded.

"A list of Men's Names that were killed in this fight:

"Capt. Ebenezer Jones of Washington (of diarist's company).

Capt. (Samuell) Dakin of Sudbury.

Lieut. Samuel Curtice of Ditto (Curtis).

Private (William) Grout of do.

Lieut. Simon Godfrey of Billerica (of diarists Company).

Capt. (Thomas) Lawrence of Groton.

Corp. ____ Gould of Groton Gore.

Private Abel Satle (Sawtell) of Groton.

Private Eleazer Eames of Groton.

Do. Stephen Foster Do.

Serg. Oliver Wright, Westford.

Private Simon Wheeler Do.

Ensn. ____ Davis of Metheun.

Sergt. ____ Russell of Concord.

Private Abraham Harden (Harnden?) of Pembroke.

Private Payson, of Rowley.

Private (Jonathan) Patterson, of Sudbury.

"We have also an account that there are seven of our men carried into

Ticonderoga, which make up the number of those that were missing.

"21--Friday, in ye afternoon, a party of about 150 went out to find

more men that were missing, and we found 4 men who were scalped, and

we buried them, and so returned; and at prayer this evening we were

alarmed by a false outcry. Nicholas Brown died and was buried; and

Moses Haggit died."

This account thus corroborates in detail the French official dispatches

and Pouchet's description of the attack.

Under date of Friday, July 28th, Lieut. Thompson, who that day had been

down towards the Narrows, "to peal bark for to make camp," returned to

Lake George and says: "In the evening there came news that the Indians

had killed a number of teams and their guard below ye Halfway Brook, and

there was a scout fitting to go after them."

As this massacre to which the Thompson Diary so briefly refers, is

probably the most important event which took place at the "Half-Way

Brook," we quote fully from Holden's History of Queensbury, concerning

it:

"On Thursday the twenty-seventh of July, a detachment of four hundred

men, consisting of Canadians and Indians, under the command of M. St.

de Luc la Corne, a French-Colonial officer, attacked an English force

of one hundred and fifty men consisting of teamsters and an escort of

soldiers, while on their way from the station at the Half-Way Brook,

to the Camp at the head of the lake. The account here given is as

nearly as can be remembered in the language of a Mr. Jones of

Connecticut, who was a member of Putnam's company which arrived on the

ground soon after the affray took place. In the year 1822 he related

the circumstances as here recorded, to the late Herman Peck of Glens

Falls, while on a visit to Connecticut. It is from Mr. Peck that I

obtained the narrative, which corresponds so completely with the French

version of the affair that there can be no question whatever as to its

general accuracy and reliability.

"A baggage train of sixty carts, loaded with flour, pork, wine, rum,

etc., each cart drawn by two to three yoke of oxen, accompanied by an

unusually large escort of troops, was despatched from Fort Edward to

the head of Lake George to supply the troops of General Abercrombie,

who lay encamped at that point. This party halted for the night at the

stockade post at the Half-Way Brook. As they resumed their march in the

morning, and before the escort had fairly cleared the picketed

enclosure, they were suddenly attacked by a large party of French and

Indians which laid concealed in the thick bushes and reeds that

bordered the stream, and lined the road on both sides, along the low

lands between the block house and the Blind rock.

"The night previously to this ambuscade and slaughter, Putnam's Company

of rangers having been to the lake to secure supplies, encamped at the

flats near the southern spur of the French mountain. In the early

morning they were aroused from their slumbers by the sound of heavy

firing in a southerly direction, and rolling up their blankets they

sprang to their arms and hastened rapidly forward to the scene of

action, a distance of about four miles. They arrived only in time to

find the slaughtered carcasses of some two hundred and fifty oxen, the

mangled remains of the soldiers, women and teamsters, and the broken

fragments of the two wheeled carts, which constituted in that primitive

age the sole mode of inland transportation.

"The provisions and stores had been plundered and destroyed. Among the

supplies was a large number of boxes of chocolate which had been broken

open and their contents strewed upon the ground, which dissolving in

the fervid heat of the summer sun, mingled with the pools and rivulets

of blood forming a sickening and revolting spectacle. The convoy had

been ambushed and attacked immediately after leaving the protection of

the stockade post, and the massacre took place upon the flats, between

the Half-Way Brook, and the Blind rock, or what is more commonly known

at the present day as the Miller place.

"Putnam with his command, took the trail of the marauders, which soon

became strewed with fragments of plunder dropped by the rapidly

retreating savages, who succeeded in making their escape, with but

little loss of life. The Provincials unable to catch up with the

savages, returned immediately to the scene of the butchery, where they

found a company from Fort Edward engaged in preparing a trench for the

interment of the dead.

"Over one hundred of the soldiers composing the escort were slain, many

of whom were recognized as officers, from their uniforms, consisting in

part of red velvet breeches. The corpses of twelve females were mingled

with the dead bodies of the soldiery. All the teamsters were supposed

to have been killed. While the work of burial was going forward the

rangers occupied themselves in searching the trails leading through the

dense underbrush and tangled briars which covered the swampy plains.

Several of the dead were by this means added to the already large

number of the slain. On the side of one of these trails, the narrator

of these events found the corpse of a woman which had been exposed to

the most barbarous indignities and mutilations, and fastened in an

upright position to a sapling which had been bent over for the purpose.

All of the bodies had been scalped, and most of them mangled in a

horrible manner.

"One of the oxen had no other injury, than to have one of its horns cut

off. This they were obliged to kill. Another ox had been regularly

scalped. This animal was afterwards driven to the lake, where it

immediately became an object of sympathy and attention of the whole

army. By careful attendance and nursing, the wound healed in the course

of the season. In the fall the animal was driven down to the farm of

Col. Schuyler, near Albany, and the following year was shipped to

England as a curiosity. Far and wide it was known as 'the scalped ox.'

The bodies of the dead were buried in a trench near the scene of the

massacre, a few rods east of the picketed enclosure.

"The French version of the affair, states the oxen were killed, the

carts burned, the property pillaged by the Indians, the barrels of

liquor destroyed, one hundred and ten scalps secured, and eighty-four

prisoners taken; of these twelve were women and girls. The escort which

was defeated consisted of forty men commanded by a lieutenant who was

taken. The remainder of the men who were killed or taken prisoners

consisted of wagoners, sutlers, traders, women and children."

The loss of this convoy was keenly felt by the English. General

Abercrombie lost some baggage and effects, and, according to the French

reports, his music as well. He, as soon as possible, sent Rogers and his

body of Rangers across country to try and intercept the marauders before

they reached Lake Champlain. Rogers was too late to accomplish his

purpose, and on his way back he fell into an ambush near Fort Ann, about

a mile from "Clear River" (or the Half-Way), on August 8th, and was

badly defeated by M. Marin and his force of three hundred Regulars,

Canadians and Indians. In this fight, Israel Putnam was taken prisoner,

but was later released from captivity through the intercession of Col.

Schuyler. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] For other and corroboratory original accounts of the attacks of

July 20th and 27th see French despatches in Col. Doc. N. Y., Vol. X,

pp. 750, 816, 817, 849, 850, and English reports in Watson's Essex,

pp. 96, 97; Pouchot's Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 123; Rogers' Journals, p.

117; Putnam's Journals, pp. 72-73; Sewall's Wobum, Mass., pp. 550, 551,

552, 553; Dawson's Hist. Mag, Aug., 1871, pp. 117, 118; Cutter's

Putnam, pp. 96, 97; Stark's Memoirs, pp. 26, 436. These accounts differ

some in details but are alike in essentials.

This massacre was the cause of a permanent guard of about eight hundred

men being stationed at the "Half-Way Brook," which is referred to in the

Thompson Diary under date of August 1st, he being one of the eighty out

of Col. Nichol's regiment who were ordered on duty at that spot. And

from that time until the close of the campaign late in the fall, the

road between Lake George and the "Half-Way Brook," and Fort Edward and

the same point, was constantly patrolled by detachments from the two

forts, practically putting an end to further assaults and surprises.

The diaries of those days show that, as yet, the temperance idea half a

century or so afterward to arise in this locality, had no place among

the hard drinking, hard swearing, and hard fighting men of that period,

as these extracts from the Thompson Journal prove:

"August 28, Monday: Certified that Cape Breton was taken, and 63 cannon

shot at Fort Edward and small arms. In joy we made a great fire, and

every soldier had a jill of Rum at the Half Way Brook; and it was a

very rainy night.

"August 29, Tuesday: 140 of us went and made a breastwork; and we had

a jill of rum; and we had a remarkable drink of flip this evening; a

very cold night.

"Sept. 5, Tuesday: I on guard; and we earned half a jill of rum by

making great many bonfires."

This diary tells of one more attack, which seems to have escaped the

notice of other historians, and is therefore inserted at this point.

Under date of Sept. 9th, it says:

"Saturday: the picquet guard went to meet the teams; a Sargeant and

four men went forward to tell Half Way Brook guard that the picquet was

coming; and the Indians shot the Sergeant and scalped him before one

man got to him; and then the Indians ran away." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] In passing we may say that Lieut. Thompson returned home safely,

served at Concord and Lexington, and, his biographer says, finally

"became one of the most useful men in the Town of Woburn." To him is

attributed the discovery of the "Baldwin Apple," and a monument

commemorating this gift to mankind, has been erected to his memory,

making applicable in peculiar fashion Milton's lines, "Peace hath her

victories no less renowned than war."

With the close of the Abercrombie Campaign, and the abandonment of

headquarters at Lake George, Fort Edward became once more the northern

outpost of Colonial civilization. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] General Abercrombie, according to documents in William L. Stone's

possession, also spelled his name "Abercromby." Montresor spells it

with a "y," but leading American historians use the termination "ie."

In 1759, Sir Geoffrey Amherst was made Commander-in-Chief of the English

forces in America. He was a brave, able, but perhaps over-conservative

general, since after his easy victory over Montcalm's forces, he

occupied himself more in fort building than in active operations of

warfare, and in following up advantages gained. During this campaign

the "Half-Way Brook" post was first occupied in March, 1759, by Rogers,

the Ranger (with his scouting party of three hundred and fifty-eight

men, including officers), who was starting out to go down Lake George

on the ice on one of his usual disastrous spying expeditions. In the

month of May, troops and new levies were beginning to assemble at

Albany, under General Amherst's supervision. While they were being

drilled, detachments of the regular forces were being sent forward to

Fort Edward. Meanwhile, Colonel James Montresor, Engineer-in-Chief, had

been charged with the duty of drawing up plans for fortifications at

Lake George, and along the line of march. Accordingly Major West, of

his Majesty's troops, with laborers and mechanics, was sent forward to

construct an intermediate post between Fort Edward and the lake. A site

was chosen near the former "Garrison Grounds," on the south bank of the

"Half Way," and a few rods east of the old military road. A stockaded

fortress was erected, surrounded on three of its sides by a ditch and

counterscarp; while the rear was protected by an impassable swamp (now

covered by the Brick Kiln Pond), which at that period existed at that

point. This fortification was given the name of Fort Amherst, in honor

of the then Commander.

Major West was placed in charge of the small garrison, and the post was

equipped with artillery and the necessary supplies and ammunition. A

number of huts, barracks and log structures were also built here at this

time (whose sites were easily traceable in the early thirties), some of

which were in existence at the beginning of the Revolutionary War, and

were used by the pioneers of Queensbury, as well as the American forces

later on.

Local tradition also has it that the block house on the opposite side of

the brook, was then rebuilt, enlarged and strengthened. On some old maps

Fort Amherst is laid down as on the site of the old block house, but

this is incorrect.

In passing the writer wishes to state that the committee in charge of

the erection of the memorial tablets, have chosen to give the block

house, back of the Parker residence, the name of "The Seven Mile Post,"

applied to it in Knox's Military Journal under date of June 28, 1759,

and to the fort on the "brickyard road," now called Glenwood Avenue, the

name of "Fort Amherst." The remains of the ditches on this road were in

evidence up to the early seventies, but in building up and remaking the

highway at that point, they were covered over and no vestiges of them

now remain.

General Rufus Putnam, at that time orderly sergeant, during the month of

June, 1759, describes in his Journal the forwarding of the troops and

supplies from Albany, as far as Fort Edward, where he encamped until the

18th, when the regiment with which he was connected, was marched to the

"Half-Way Brook," where they were occupied in making roads and keeping

the highway secure for the passage of troops and supplies. Under the

dates of July 1st and 4th he writes the following, which is an epitome

of the events going on at that time:

"From the time that we came to this place till now, nothing remarkable;

but bateaux, cannon and all kinds of stores carrying up, forces

marching daily to the Lake and duty exceeding hard.

"The Artillery was carried from Fort Edward to Lake George and was

guarded by Col. Willard's Regiment of the Massachusetts. There was

carried up 1062 barrels of powder. Col. Montgomery's Regiment marched

up as a guard for the Artillery."

Towards the close of June the army, amounting to six thousand men, came

up to the "Half-Way," and headed by Rogers' Rangers, marched northward,

"formed in two columns," to the head of Lake George, where they pitched

their camp, near the ground occupied by Abercrombie the year before. The

captures of Forts Ticonderoga and Crown Point, late in July, and the

subsequent surrender of Quebec, brought in a great degree, a peace,

quiet and safety to the northern frontier to which it had long been a

stranger. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] According to the Montresor Journals, the "Half-Way Post was

occupied by small detachments of guards as late as November, 1759, when

the various northern outposts were abandoned as usual, and troops

withdrawn for the winter."

Some time between 1759 and 1762, at the period following the conquest of

Canada, General Amherst granted a permit to one Geoffrey "Cooper," or

Cowper, as his name is spelled in Colonel Montresor's Journal, to whom

he was a sort of messenger or servant, to occupy the small post at

"Half-Way Brook," between Fort Edward and Lake George, for the

preservation of the barracks, etc., that had been erected there, and for

the convenience of travelers. General Amherst, according to his

despatches, deemed it unnecessary after the reduction of Canada, to

leave a garrison at that post. This Cowper was probably the first white

inhabitant of the town of Queensbury. According to tradition, he was

originally a seafaring man. He resided here several years, and, in the

town records, his name appears as having been elected to the office of

Assessor at the first town meeting held 1766.

Hardly had the sounds of warfare died away, than the pioneer's ax and

saw were heard resounding among the yellow pines in this vicinity, as

clearings were made and homesteads started.

In September, 1759, James DeLancey, Governor of the Colony of New York,

issued a proclamation calling attention to the availability for settlers

of "three Several Spotts of cleared Ground, two of them capable of

containing half a dozen Families each and the other not less than

twelve." These clearings were located on the site of the picket forts

at Green's Bridge, where the Imperial Wall Paper Mill now stands, at

the "Half-Way Brook," which was the largest one, and near the Half-Way

House, French Mountain (site of old Fort Williams).

In response to this invitation to settle in the northern wilderness, on

May 20, 1762, the Patent of Queensbury was granted to Daniel Prindle

and others, consisting of a township of twenty-three thousand acres of

land lying on the Hudson River and taking in the three clearings

heretofore mentioned. Part of this property was acquired by certain

Quakers or Friends, living at the Oblong, in Dutchess County, New York.

On August 28, 1762, Abraham Wing, the founder of the town of Queensbury,

accompanied by a surveyor, Zaccheus Towner, made his first visit to the

place which was thereafter to become the scene of his life work. He

stopped at the "Half-Way Brook" post with Jeffrey Cowper. At this time

"The Town Plot," in the center of which the memorial marker now stands,

was surveyed and laid out. This consisted of a plot of forty-four ten

acre lots, six lots deep from north to south, and eight lots deep from

east to west, forming an oblong square, intersected by central highways

and necessary roads. The center lots being reserved for public

buildings. Here, the village was to have been located, but it had been

ordained otherwise. The settlement was made at "The Falls," and nothing

but the name in legal papers now survives to show that this was once

intended to be the center of local population.

In 1763 the first attempt was made towards the permanent settlement of

the Town of Queensbury; later on the first religious structure in the

town, the original Friends' church, was erected of logs on the lot

standing on the southwesterly side of the "Half-Way Brook," on the Bay

road, and here, also, was located the first burial place in Queensbury.

Here the founders and earliest settlers of the town were laid to rest,

their place of sepulture being to-day unmarked and unknown.

During the Revolution the name of the "Half-Way Brook" appears in the

lime-light of history but a few times, although the buildings still

standing there were doubtless used by the troops passing to and fro

between Lake George and Fort Edward, till the time of the Burgoyne

Campaign. There, too, was located a ford for watering horses and cattle,

which was in use up to the present century.

According to William L. Stone, the well-known historical writer and

authority, General Burgoyne detached Baron Riedesel with three

battalions to "John's Farm between Forts George and Edward," in order

to keep open the roadway between the two places, and also to look after

and progress the provisions, stores and supplies from Lake George to

Fort Edward, preparatory to Burgoyne's advance south. In Baron

Riedesel's Memoirs, he states that "in that place he was completely cut

off from the army, so he entrenched himself in a strongly fortified camp

so that he might be able to defend himself to the last man."

The place of his encampment has been quite definitely fixed by Dr.

Holden, Mr. Stone and the late Judge William Hay, one of the best of

authorities on local matters, as having been on the site of the old

"Half-Way" block house, heretofore spoken of, on the north of the brook

and the fortified camp at the "Garrison Grounds" on the opposite or

south side of the stream. Here they remained until the 11th of

September, when the camp was broken up and the march southward begun.

After the seizure of Fort Edward by General Stark and his command, a

fortified camp commanding the Lake George road was constructed by the

Americans in the vicinity of Glens Falls, cutting off the possibility

of a retreat by Burgoyne to the northward. William L. Stone, in his

"Burgoyne's Campaign," says: "This was located on the site of Fort

Amherst." The Marquis de Chastelleux in his travels also speaks of this

camp as follows: "On leaving the valley and pursuing the road to Lake

George is a tolerable military position which was occupied in the war

before last. It is a sort of an entrenched camp, adapted to abatis,

guarding the passage from the woods and commanding the valleys." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Stone's Burgoyne, pp. 92, 343, 344.

Assuming that this was the spot in question, the "Half-Way Brook" post

was a factor in bringing on the surrender at Saratoga, for Burgoyne's

Council of War, held Oct. 13, 1777, on being informed "that the enemy

was entrenched at the fords of Fort Edward and likewise occupied the

strong position on the Pine Plains between Fort George and Fort Edward,"

decided a retreat was impossible and an honorable capitulation should be

considered.

According to Art. IX of the Saratoga "Convention," "All Canadians and

persons connected with the Canadian Establishment," "Independent

Companies" (which included the Tories) and miscellaneous followers of

the army were to be conducted by the shortest route to the first British

post on Lake George, under the same conditions of surrender as the

regular troops. Pursuant to this agreement, soon after the capitulation

on the morning of October 17th, the defeated Royalists, under escort of

a guard of American soldiers, were marched to the "Half-Way Brook" on

their way to Canada, and from there allowed to pursue their journey to

their homes unmolested. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Public Papers Gov. George Clinton, Vol. IX, pp. 421, 422.

During 1780, the old military road was infested with roving bands of

Tories and Indians. The last massacre of which history has record

occurred in June or July of this year, when a man by the name of Koon,

from Kingsbury, and three laborers, on their way to Fort George, were

found dead and scalped on the highway near the "Half-Way Brook." [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Holden's Queensbury, p. 477.

In the fall of 1780, Major Christopher Carleton of the 29th Regiment,

with about twelve hundred men, regulars, Tories and Indians, made his

historic raid through Kingsbury and Queensbury, capturing Fort Ann on

the 10th of October, and Fort George on the following day. At this time,

all the buildings and structures in Kingsbury and Queensbury, in the

path of the raid, were destroyed by fire by the enemy, causing 1780 to

go down in local annals as "the year of the great burning."

In order to speedily reach Fort George, Major Carleton led his forces

from Kingsbury Street directly across country, through the then existing

road [FN] entering the Lake George highway near the "Half-Way Brook"

post. Thus intimately connecting this spot once more with the stirring

events of that time.

* * * * *

[FN] See Gov. Tryon's Map Vol., Doc. Hist. N. Y., also Holden's Hist.

Queensbury, page 479.

Holden's History of Queensbury states that Ichabod Merritt, son-in-law

of Abraham Wing, the founder, and father of Joseph, the first white

child born in this town, erected the first frame house in Queensbury,

on one of the sections of the Town Plot, near the "Half-Way Brook,"

which was burned at this time.

Connected in a way with the history of the "Half-Way Brook," is the

battle which took place at Fort Ann July 8, 1777, between the Americans

under Colonel Long and the 9th British Regiment of Burgoyne's army. The

scene of this affair is located only three-quarters of a mile from the

point where the "Half-Way Brook" enters Wood Creek at Fort Ann village,

and the semi-successful fight put up by Long's forces, was one of the

first serious interferences which Burgoyne received in his plan of

campaign. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] One of the Trustees of this Association, E. J. West, informs me

that in 1858 William Welles erected a marble monument on the south end

of Battle Hill to commemorate this battle. This was destroyed by an act

of vandalism about 1870. Lately the Fort Ann "Grange" has set on foot

a project to erect another monument in place of the former marker. It

would seem to be proper and fitting for this Association to encourage

and forward this movement in every possible way.

After this period the name of the "Half-Way Brook" practically

disappears from the domain of national history and enters the field

occupied by the local historian. [FN-1] In August, 1783, while on a

journey of inspection of the northern battlefields and fortifications

at Saratoga, Fort Edward, Lake George, Ticonderoga and Crown Point,

[FN-2] General Washington, accompanied by Governor Clinton, General

Alexander Hamilton, Colonels Humphreys and Fish, halted for rest and

refreshment at the "Butler Brook," one of the branches of the

"Half-Way," near the entrance to Crandall Park, and were waited on by

one Briggs at work in a neighboring field, who brought a cup and pail

and supplied water from the brook to satisfy their thirst. Two other

future Presidents of our country, Jefferson and Madison, likewise passed

through the town in 1791 to visit the many scenes of historic interest

at the north.

* * * * *

[FN-1] Topographically, the "Half-Way Brook" in any State but New York,

with its abundant streams and superior water power, would be entitled

to and receive the name of river. Owing to its size and the large

territory which it traverses, it was in the early days of the country,

of great service commercially in building up this section of the State.

Among the more important of the older enterprises on its banks was

Forbes and Johnson's Forge in 1811, for making plough-shares, situated

on the Forge Pond, an expansion of the "Half-Way," one and a half miles

west of Glens Falls; Jeremiah Briggs' Grist and Saw Mills, at what is

now the Brickyard, frequented from far and near, in the early part of

the century; Champln's Tannery near the south bank on the Lake George

road, and various saw mills, a woolen mill, and other manufacturies

which were scattered all along the course of the brook and its

tributaries, viz., Rocky Brook, the Meadow Run, what was then called

"the Outlet" to the "Big Pond" (now Glen Lake), etc. It was of even

greater commercial importance in the towns of Kingsbury and Fort Ann,

Washington County, than in Warren County. Here, sixty years ago, were

located at Patten's Mills, grist and saw mills; at Tripoli, grist and

saw mills, a carding machine and trip hammer for making anchors and

sleigh shoes; and at Kanes Falls, near Fort Ann, with a descent of

seventy-five feet, saw and grist mills, a machine shop and carding

machine. On the Podunk branch of the "Half-Way" was located

Anchorville, where there was a saw mill, plaster mill, clover seed

mill, some carding machines, a large tannery, three forges and anchor

shops. In later times there was situated at Kanes Falls a silex mill,

also a woolen mill. The abundant water power at this place has in

these latter days, been made use of by the Kanes Falls Pulp Company,

for the manufacture of that commodity. At the present time the

principal business enterprises on the "Half-Way" in Warren County, are

extensive brick yards, about a mile from the site of the old fort,

three saw mills and two cider mills. In Washington County at Patten's

Mills, there is a grist mill, and at Griswold's Mills, a saw mill and

a grist mill. On the "branch" at West Fort Ann, is located a planer

and cider mills. Owing to its width and the overflow of its banks in

spring and fall, it is necessary that the brook be spanned by

substantial bridges. In both Warren and Washington Counties strong iron

structures have replaced the old-fashioned wooden bridges, which were

so common in road-making but a few years ago. In Washington County,

there is a bridge about seventy feet long near Kanes Falls, and at Fort

Ann one in the neighborhood of fifty feet long. (Acknowledgments are

due to Geo. M. Mead, Glens Falls, for information contained in this

note. See Trans. N. Y. S. Agri. Socy. 1849, p. 942, for further facts.)

[FN-2] W. L. Stone's Reminiscences of Saratoga, p. 14; Irving's

Washington, Holly Ed., pp. 17, 18.

And so we leave this famous brook, connected with which are the names

of many of those brave men who afterward became celebrated in national

fields of glory; and bid adieu to the places made noted by the exploits

of the two Putnams, Stark, Schuyler, Warner, Stevens, Waterbury, and a

host of lesser military Colonial officers, whose experience, beginning

on the shores of this inland stream, was to serve their country in good

stead in the days which were to save our land from British thralldom.

To-day, no longer reddened by the life-blood of English and Colonial of

French and Indian, the "Half-Way" runs a clear and peaceful stream

through copse and thicket, field and meadow, swamp and swale; turning,

as it goes, the wheels of industrial progress in many a village and

hamlet, and doing its appointed work in the upbuilding of our national

prosperity. At last, merged in the yellow waters of Wood Creek, it flows

into the green depths of Lake Champlain, and then into the broad reaches

of the St. Lawrence; but before losing its identity in the surging

waters of the North Atlantic, it laves the frowning cliffs of Quebec,

thus forming a shimmering and living band, which unites for all time

the valley of the Holy Lake and the Plains of Abraham; those two

eventful spots where the French dominion received its first check and

final overthrow, thus placing, in the end, the North American Continent

forever under the progressive control of the Anglo-Saxon race.

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON MARKING

HISTORICAL SPOTS.

* * * * *

_To the Members of the New York State Historical Association:_

At a meeting of the Committee on Marking Historical Spots, held

September 9th, 1904, Dr. Williams was made Chairman and Mr. Holden

Secretary of the Committee. After discussion of the matter, it was voted

to mark during 1905, or as soon as possible thereafter, the following

spots of the greatest historical interest, viz., "Half-Way Brook,

including Fort Amherst," "Bloody Pond," "the Burgoyne Headquarters at

Sandy Hill," and the "Old Fort at Fort Edward." Judge Ingalsbe was made

a committee on the old "Burgoyne House," Mr. Wing a committee on old

"Fort Edward," and the matter of providing suitable inscriptions for

"Half-Way Brook" and "Bloody Pond" was left to Dr. Williams and Mr.

Holden with power.

A site for the marker at Half-Way Brook having been decided on at the

intersection of Glen Street and Glenwood Avenue, on the road to Lake

George, a glacial boulder as a base for the tablet was placed in

position there through the kindness and generosity of Henry Crandall,

Glens Falls. A legal title to the spot was obtained, and the tablet

ordered from W. J. Scales, Glens Falls. In October, 1905, the tablet

was erected. It consists of a dull, natural finish plate of bronze, and

bears the following inscription:

HALF-WAY BROOK.

So called because midway between Forts Edward and William Henry. From

1755 to 1780 it was the scene of many bloody skirmishes, surprises and

ambushes. Here the French and Indians inflicted two horrible massacres

upon the English and Colonials. One in the summer of 1756 and the other

in July, 1758.

FORT AMHERST.

A noted military post, was midway between this marker and the

brickyard. Its site was known locally as "The Garrison Grounds." The

location was used as a fortified camp in 1757-58. The fort was erected

in 1759. It was occupied by the forces of Baron Riedesel in the

Burgoyne Campaign of 1777. It was burned in 1780 in the Carleton Raid

at the time of the "Northern Invasion."

THE SEVEN MILE POST.

Was a block house with a stockaded enclosure which occupied the rise

of ground north of the brook and west of the road, near the residence

of W. H. Parker, from 1755 to Revolutionary times. During that period

it was one of the most important halting places in north America.

--Erected 1905 By--

NEW YORK STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

In this connection it is only proper to add to this report that a tablet

for Bloody Pond is under way and will be erected during the coming year.

The expense of providing for these tablets was taken care of by the

following subscriptions:

_The Contributors to the Fund for Marking Historic Spots._

Henry Crandall, F. B. Richards,

William McEchron, B. B. Fowler,

Jonathan Coolidge, M. Ames,

R. A. Little, W. M. Haskell,

J. L. Cunningham, S. B. Goodman,

E. W. West, A. W. Sherman,

Wm. H. Robbins, George F. Bayle,

Sherman Williams, S. T. Birdsall,

Samuel Pruyn, W. K. Bixby,

J. A. Holden.

At the annual meeting of this Association, held in August, 1905, J. A.

Holden was selected to prepare a historical sketch concerning Half-Way

Brook, which is herewith appended.

For the Committee,

SHERMAN WILLIAMS, _Chairman._

J. A. HOLDEN, _Secretary._

PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED.

* * * * *

Tourists' Handbook.

Rept. of Trustees, Pa. Soldiers' & Sailors' Home.

Rept. of the Gettysburg National Park Commission.

Regulations for the Government of the Gettysburg National Park.

Officers of the State Society of Cincinnati of Georgia, 1790.

Celebration Address of the 25th Anniversary of the Loyal Legion.

Military Order of the Loyal Legion.

Experience Table of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows.

Odd Fellowship, an Oration, 40th Anniversary of I. O. of O. F.

40th Anniversary of Opening of Present Union League House.

Report of Valley Forge Park Commission.

Commandery of the State of Penn.

Rutherford Birchard Hayes.

Gregg's Cavalry Fight at Gettysburg.

The Story of '65.

Brown University Catalogue, 1904 and 1905.

The Century Association Report, 1901.

Bulletin of Brown University, 1904 and 1905.

The Connecticut Magazine--No. 2.

Annual Report of the Connecticut Historical Society, 1905.

Proceedings of the New Hampshire Historical Society, Part 3, Vol. 4.

A History of Battery A, of St. Louis--Missouri Historical Society.

Personal Recollections of Gen. Grant--Missouri Historical Society.

The Public Archives of New Jersey, January 31st, 1905.

Annual Report of Vineland Historical Society.

The New Haven Historical Society, Nov. 1904.

Chicago Historical Society, 1904 and 1905.

99th Anniversary Celebration, New England Society, 1904.

The West Virginia Historical Magazine, Vol. 5, No. 2.

Transactions of Huguenot Society of South Carolina, No. 12.

Third Series, Vol. VII, No. 1. Annals of Iowa.

Third Series, Vol. VII, No. 2, Annals of Iowa.

The Essex Institute Historical Collection, 1905. (Two Numbers.)

Ohio Archaeological & Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIV, Jan. 1905, No. 1.

Ohio Archaeological & Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIV, Apr. 1905, No. 2.

The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. 3, July, 1905, No. 2.

Public Papers of George Clinton, 1st Governor of New York, Vols.

7 and 8.

Massachusetts Soldiers & Sailors of Revolutionary War, Vols, 1 & 2.

1st, 3d, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th Biennial Reports

of Kansas State Historical Society.

Membership List Chicago Historical So., 1905 & 1906.

Proceedings of Vermont Historical So., 1903 & 1904.

Essex Institute Historical Collections, October, 1905.

Want List 1905, Library of Congress.

History 20th Kansas Regiment.

Directory Kansas Historical Exhibit.

Kansas Souvenir.

Annals of Iowa.

Pennsylvania Society Year Book, 1905.

99th Anniversary New England Society.

Report of the Librarian of Congress, 1905.

INSIGNIA OF THE NEW YORK STATE

HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

* * * * *

The Insignia of the Association consists of a badge, the pendant of

which is circular in form, one and three-sixteenths inches in diameter.

Obverse: In the centre is represented the discovery of the Hudson River;

the "Half-Moon" is surrounded by Indian Canoes, and in the distance is

shown the Palisades. At the top is the coat-of-arms of New Amsterdam and

a tomahawk, arrow and Dutch sword. At the bottom is shown the seal of

New York State. Upon a ribbon, surrounding the centre medallion, is the

legend: New York State Historical Association, and the dates 1609 and

1899; the former being the date of the discovery of New York, and the

latter the date of the founding of the Historical Association.

Reverse: The Seal of the Association.

The badges are made of 14k gold, sterling silver and bronze, and will be

sold to members of the Association at the following prices:

14k Gold, complete with bar and ribbon $11.00

Sterling Silver, complete with bar and ribbon 5.00

Bronze, complete with bar and ribbon 4.00

Applications for badges should be made to the Secretary of the

Association, Robert O. Bascom, Fort Edward, N. Y., who will issue

permit, authorizing the member to make the purchase from the official

Jewelers, J. E. Caldwell & Co., 902 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia.

ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION.

* * * * *

We, Daniel C. Farr, James A. Holden, and Elmer J. West, of Glens Falls;

Grenville M. Ingalsbe, of Sandy Hill, and Morris P. Ferris, of Dobbs

Ferry, all in the State of New York, and all of us citizens of the

United States, have associated ourselves together in a membership

corporation, and do hereby make this our certificate under the laws of

the State of New York.

The name of such corporation is the "New York State Historical

Association."

The principal objects for which said corporation is formed are:

First. To promote and encourage original historical research.

Second. To disseminate a greater knowledge of the early history of the

State, by means of lectures, and the publication and distribution of

literature on historical subjects.

Third. To gather books, manuscripts, pictures, and relics relating to

the early history of the State, and to establish a museum at Caldwell,

Lake George, for their preservation.

Fourth. To suitably mark places of historic interest.

Fifth. To acquire by purchase, gift, devise, or otherwise, the title to,

or custody and control of, historic spots and places.

The territory in which the operations of this corporation are to be

principally conducted is Warren, Washington, Essex, Clinton, Saratoga,

and Hamilton counties, in the State of New York.

The principal office of said corporation is to be located at Caldwell,

on Lake George, county of Warren, in the State of New York.

The number of directors of said corporation, to be known as the Board of

Trustees, is twenty-five.

The names and residences of the directors of said corporation, to hold

office until the first annual meeting, and who shall be known as the

Board of Trustees, are:

James A. Roberts, Buffalo.

Timothy L. Woodrufif, Brooklyn.

Daniel C. Farr, Glens Falls.

Everett R. Sawyer, Sandy Hill.

James A. Holden, Glens Falls.

Robert O. Bascom, Fort Edward.

Morris Patterson Ferris, Dobbs Ferry.

Elwyn Seelye, Lake George.

Grenville M. Ingalsbe, Sandy Hill.

Frederick B. Richards, Ticonderoga.

Anson Judd Upson, Glens Falls.

Asahel R. Wing, Fort Edward.

William O. Stearns, Glens Falls.

Robert C. Alexander, New York.

Elmer J. West, Glens Falls.

Hugh Hastings, Albany.

Pliny T. Sexton, Palmyra.

William S. Ostrander, Schuylerville.

Sherman Williams, Glens Falls.

William L. Stone, Mt. Vernon.

Henry E. Tremain, New York.

William H. Tippetts, Lake George.

John Boulton Simpson, Bolton.

Harry W. Watrous, Hague.

Abraham B. Valentine, New York.

The first meeting of the corporation, for the purpose of organization,

will be held on the 21st day of March, 1899.

The time for holding the annual meeting of the said corporation will be

the last Tuesday in July of each year.

In Witness Whereof, We have hereunto severally subscribed our names and

affixed our seals this 21st day of March, in the year one thousand eight

hundred and ninety-nine.

DANIEL C. FARR, (L. S.)

JAMES A. HOLDEN, (L. S.)

ELMER J. WEST, (L. S.)

GRENVILLE M. INGALSBE, (L. S.)

MORRIS P. FERRIS. (L. S.)

State of New York.

County of Warren.

On this 21st day of March, in the year one thousand eight hundred and

ninety-nine, before me personally appeared Daniel C. Farr, James A.

Holden, Elmer J. West, Grenville M. Ingalsbe, and Morris Patterson

Ferris, to me known to be the individuals described in and who executed

the foregoing articles of incorporation, and they duly severally

acknowledged to me that they executed the same.

E. T. JOHNSON,

[seal.] _Notary Public._

CHARTER OF NEW YORK STATE

HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

* * * * *

Whereas, A petition for incorporation by the University has been duly

received, containing satisfactory statements made under oath as to the

objects and plans of the proposed corporation, and as to the provision

made for needed buildings, furniture, equipment, and for maintenance.

Therefore, Being satisfied that all requirements prescribed by law or

University ordinance for such an association have been fully met, and

that public interests justify such action, the Regents by virtue of the

authority conferred on them by law, hereby incorporate James A. Roberts,

Daniel C. Farr, James A. Holden, Morris Patterson Ferris, Grenville M.

Ingalsbe, Anson Judd Upson, Robert C. Alexander, Hugh Hastings, William

S. Ostrander, William L. Stone, William H. Tippetts, Harry W. Watrous,

William O. Stearns, Timothy L. Woodruff, Everett R. Sawyer, Robert O.

Bascom, Elwyn Seelye, Frederick B. Richards, Asahel R. Wing, Elmer J.

West, Pliny T. Sexton, Sherman Williams, Henry E. Tremain, John Boulton

Simpson, Abraham B. Valentine, and their successors in office under the

corporate name of

NEW YORK STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

This corporation shall be located at Caldwell, Warren county, New York.

Its first trustees shall be the twenty-five above-named incorporators.

Its object shall be to promote historical research, to disseminate

knowledge of the history of the State by lectures and publications, to

establish a library and museum at Caldwell, to mark places of historic

interest, and to acquire custody or control of historic places.

In Witness Whereof, The Regents grant this charter, No. 1,245,

under seal of the University, at the Capitol at Albany, April

[seal.] 24, 1899.

ANSON JUDD UPSON, _Chancellor._

Melvil Dewey, _Secretary._

CONSTITUTION.

* * * * *

ARTICLE I.

Name.

This Society shall be known as "New York State Historical Association."

ARTICLE II.

Objects.

Its objects shall be:

First. To promote and encourage original historical research.

Second. To disseminate a greater knowledge of the early history of the

State, by means of lectures and the publication and distribution of

literature on historical subjects.

Third. To gather books, manuscripts, pictures, and relics relating to

the early history of the State, and to establish a museum at Caldwell,

Lake George, for their preservation.

Fourth. To suitably mark places of historic interest.

Fifth. To acquire by purchase, gift, devise, or otherwise, the title to,

or custody and control of, historic spots and places.

ARTICLE III.

Members.

Section 1. Members shall be of three classes--Active, Corresponding,

and Honorary. Active members only shall have a voice in the management

of the Society.

Section 2. All persons interested in American history shall be eligible

for Active membership.

Section 3. Persons residing outside the State of New York, interested

in historical investigation, may be made Corresponding members.

Section 4. Persons who have attained distinguished eminence as

historians may be made Honorary members.

ARTICLE IV.

Management.

Section 1. The property of the Association shall be vested in, and the

affairs of the Association conducted by, a Board of Trustees to be

elected by the Association. Vacancies in the Board of Trustees shall be

filled by the remaining members of the Board, the appointee to hold

office until the next annual meeting of the Association.

Section 2. The Board of Trustees shall have power to suspend or expel

members of the Association for cause, and to restore them to membership

after a suspension or expulsion. No member shall be suspended or

expelled without first having been given ample opportunity to be heard

in his or her own defense.

Section 3. The first Board of Trustees shall consist of those designated

in the Articles of Incorporation, who shall meet as soon as may be after

the adoption of this Constitution and divide themselves into three

classes of, as nearly as may be, eight members each, such classes to

serve respectively, one until the first annual meeting, another until

the second annual meeting, and the third until the third annual meeting

of the Association. At each annual meeting the Association shall elect

eight or nine members (as the case may be) to serve as Trustees for the

ensuing three years, to fill the places of the class whose term then

expires.

Section 4. The Board of Trustees shall have no power to bind the

Association to any expenditure of money beyond the actual resources of

the Association except by the consent of the Board of Trustees,

expressed in writing and signed by every member thereof.

ARTICLE V.

Officers.

Section 1. The officers of the Association shall be a President, three

Vice-Presidents, a Treasurer, a Secretary, and an Assistant Secretary,

all of whom shall be elected by the Board of Trustees from its own

number, at its first meeting after the annual meeting of the

Association, and shall hold office for one year, or until their

successors are chosen. Temporary officers shall be chosen by the

Incorporators to act until an election as aforesaid, by the Board of

Trustees.

Section 2. The Board of Trustees may appoint such other officers,

committees, or agents, and delegate to them such powers as it sees fit,

for the prosecution of its work.

Section 3. Vacancies in any office or committee may be filled by the

Board of Trustees.

ARTICLE VI.

Fees and Dues.

Section 1. Each person on being elected to Active Membership shall pay

into the Treasury of the Association the sum of two dollars, and

thereafter on the first day of January in each year a like sum, for his

or her annual dues.