CHAPTER XXIV

1900: BRITISH EMPIRE LEAGUE BANQUET IN LONDON

The fifth Annual Meeting of the British Empire League in Canada was

held at Ottawa on the 14th March, 1900. It was a very successful

gathering, no less than six Cabinet Ministers and five ex-Cabinet

Ministers being present besides a large number of senators and members

of the House of Commons.

About the middle of April I received a cablegram from Mr. Freeman

Murray, Secretary of the League in London, by order of the Council,

inviting me to go to England to attend a banquet which the League

was giving in London on the 30th April, and I left New York by the

_Campania_ on the 19th April. (The cablegram was urgent and I felt

it a duty to go over.) I arrived in London on Saturday evening, the

28th. All offices were closed on Sunday, so I could see no one until

Monday morning, the day of the banquet. I went down to the offices of

the League early and saw Mr. Murray, and found that there was to be a

great demonstration. There were to be three toasts besides that of the

Queen. The first the "Prince of Wales and the Royal Family," which was

to be responded to by the Prince himself, now the King; the second was

to "Her Majesty's Imperial Forces," to be proposed by Lord Salisbury

and responded to by me; the third "The Australian Delegates," to be

proposed by Mr. Chamberlain and responded to by Sir Edmund Barton, of

Australia. I saw the diagram of the tables and found that nearly six

hundred of the foremost men of the Empire were to be present, including

Lord Wolseley, Commander-in-Chief, Lord Lansdowne, Secretary of State

for War, and several Field Marshals and Admirals of the Fleet. Sir

Robert Herbert, the chairman of the executive, was with Mr. Murray,

and I demurred at once to responding to the toast of "Her Majesty's

Imperial Forces" in the presence of Lord Wolseley and the other Field

Marshals and Admirals. I asked if Lord Wolseley had been spoken to

about it, and the reply was that he had not, but that Lord Lansdowne

had arranged that I was to do it, and it was all right, and no one

would object. I decided I would go at once and see Lord Wolseley.

Before I left, Sir Robert Herbert and Mr. Murray consulted me about

the Hon. Mr. Tarte, who was in Paris and had telegraphed that he was

coming to the dinner, and wished to speak in order to make an important

statement. They were both averse to changing their arrangements, on

account of pressure of time. I urged them, however, to arrange for

Mr. Tarte to speak, and the toast list was changed and an additional

toast to the British Empire League was put on at the end of it, which

Mr. Tarte was to propose, and to which the Duke of Devonshire, our

chairman, was to respond.

I drove then at once to the War Office and saw Lord Wolseley, and told

him what the arrangements were, and the instant he heard I was to reply

for the Imperial Forces, he said, "Oh, that is capital, I did not know

whether I might not have to reply and I was thinking it over in the

train on my way to town. I am so glad you are to do it." I said, "Was

there nothing said to you about it? I will not be a party to anything

that does not show proper respect for you." His answer was, "There is

no one I would rather see reply than you." I asked him if I could say I

had his consent and approval. "Certainly," he replied.

When I arrived at the Hotel Cecil that evening I was warmly greeted by

many old friends. Shortly after the Prince of Wales came in, and just

afterwards Lord Salisbury, who spoke to the Duke of Devonshire and the

Prince of Wales, and then looking about the room he saw me and crossed

over at once and shook hands with me, and chatted for a few minutes

in his usual friendly manner. As soon as he moved away several of my

friends came to me and expressed surprise at the very cordial greeting

he had given me. I said, "Why should he not?" and then they told me

that he hardly ever knew or remembered anyone, and was very exclusive.

I had never thought that of him, as he had always been so kind and

friendly to me.

At the table I was third to the left of the chairman, the present

Prince of Wales and the Duke of Fife between us. I had a good deal

of conversation with the Prince and the Duke of Fife during the

dinner. Among other things, the Prince said to me, "Do you not feel

nervous when you have to address a gathering like this?" I said, "Not

generally, sir, but I must confess I never had to tackle an outfit like

this before." He seemed much amused at my western way of putting it.

I had not known anything of what I was wanted for till that morning,

so I had little time to think over what I should say. I had during the

afternoon thought out the general line of a short after-dinner speech,

but when I sat down at the table and looked around the room I was

impressed with the fact that I had been thrust into what was a great

Imperial function, and I had to vary my plan and pitch my speech in a

different key.

The King, then Prince of Wales, in responding to his health, made a

very fine speech, and referred to the attempt to assassinate him, which

had occurred not long before in Belgium. Lord Salisbury then proposed

"Her Majesty's Imperial Forces" and in doing so paid me a compliment

that I appreciated more than any that has ever been paid me. He ended

his speech in these words: "I beg to couple with the toast the name of

my friend, Colonel Denison, who has been one of the most earnest and

industrious, as well as most successful supporters of the Empire for

many years, as I have well and personally known."

I spoke as follows:

May it please your Royal Highness, your Grace, my Lords and Gentlemen,

and Ladies--I arrived at the offices of the League this morning, and

found to my astonishment that I was put down to respond to the toast

of the Imperial Forces. I am, I suppose, the junior officer in this

room, but I have the consent and approval of my old commander, the

Commander-in-Chief, so that I have very great pleasure in responding

to this toast. I am glad to be here to-night, and I thank the Council

of this League for their kindness in cabling an invitation across

the Atlantic to me to come. I have come 3,500 miles to be with you

to-night, to show my sympathy with the cause, and to bring to you a

message from the British Empire League in Canada. I need not refer

to what our League has done in our country, and is still doing, in

educating public opinion in favour of the great idea of the unity of

the Empire. We have been doing many things in that cause lately. You

know what we have done in regard to preferential trade. What we have

done in giving advantages to the West Indian Colonies is another proof

that we are willing to put our hands in our pockets for the benefit

of our fellow-countrymen. We Canadians are to-day paying a cent a

pound more for our sugar to help labour in the markets of the West

Indies. We have also had a great deal to do in helping to carry out

the scheme of Mr. Henniker-Heaton for Imperial Penny Postage and in

this sense we have done all we could. Now I want to say a few words

to-night on behalf of our League on the question of Imperial Defence.

We have thought over this thing seriously, and we see at this moment,

in looking around the world, a great many things that we cannot help

viewing with anxiety. We see every other great nation armed to the

teeth; we see a feverish anxiety on the part of these other great

nations to increase their navies to a very considerable extent. All

that is something which should cause us to reflect very seriously

as to our position, and do all that we can as an Empire to combine

all our forces, so that, if at any future time the blow comes, the

full force of the British Empire can strike in the swiftest and most

powerful manner possible. We know that the Navy is the main defence of

us all, and we know what great strides are being made abroad in regard

to the navies of the different Powers, and it is our desire--and we

have educated public opinion in Canada to that point--that there shall

be a Royal Naval Reserve formed among our 70,000 hardy and vigorous

sailors. We have got the people, Parliament, and the Government with

us, and it will only take a little time and departmental work to have

this matter carried out. That is one point. There is another. We are

exceedingly anxious about your food supply. I know a candid friend is

not always a pleasant companion, and this may be to some an unpleasant

subject, but I have come to speak to you about it. Your food supply

depends on your Navy, and if anything should happen to prevent for a

few months the English Navy having the control of the sea, where would

you people be? Now, we know that if the Mother Country goes down, the

Colonies might hold together, but still what could we do if the heart

of the Empire were struck? It would be like stabbing a man to the

heart, and therefore we are anxious about your food supply because we,

as a part of this Empire, are interested in it. Now, then, you are

putting all your eggs in one basket. You are putting everything on

the control of the Navy, and I want to say this to you to-night--I am

again the candid friend--that you might have the absolute control of

the sea and yet, by a combination of two Powers, with an embargo on

food, you could be brought to your knees. I ask if it is right that

things should be left like that? Should the greatest, the wealthiest,

and the most powerful Empire in history be dependent on foreigners

for its food supply? I shall not make any suggestions as to what

should be done, but I have been asked to urge you to give earnest

consideration to the point. So much for that. Now, with reference to

the contingents. We sent our contingents to this war willingly. We

not only did it willingly, but before the war came on our Parliament

by a unanimous vote expressed its sympathy with and approval of the

conduct of the Imperial Government, and therefore we had to stand by

it. We have sent our men willingly--some 3,000 of them. We would have

sent a great many more if it had been a great war, and I may tell you

that at the opening of the war we all misunderstood it. One of our

prominent statesmen said to me, "Denison, this is only a small war,"

and Mr. Alexander McNeill, of the Canadian House of Commons, one of

the staunchest friends of the Empire said: "This is a small war, and

it is not necessary to use a steam hammer to break a nut." Another

prominent statesman said to me after the ultimatum was issued: "If

this were a great war and the Empire in danger we should have to send

our men by the 50,000 and vote war credits by the hundred million."

When that man said that he voiced, I believe, the feelings of the

Canadian people. We sent the contingents, and the men, as I said,

turned out willingly. Officers resigned their commissions all over

the country and went into the ranks. In fact in one regiment there

was only one private. (Laughter.) I am going to let you have that

joke; if I had finished my sentence you would not have had it.

There was one regiment in which only one private was able to get in

to the ranks of the contingent. The others were all officers and

non-commissioned officers. That sort of thing went on all over the

country, and although they were only militia men, although they

were only raw troops, I am proud to be able to say to-night, on the

authority of Lord Roberts' despatches, that our men have been able

to hold their own with the others. There is one more remark I wish

to make. The people of Canada have been struck by the extraordinary

way in which the Mother Country has entered into this war. The manner

in which it has been done has thrilled our people with admiration.

We have seen the best blood in England spilt in this campaign. What

for? In order to uphold the rights of one or two hundred thousand

of our fellow-colonists in one small part of the Empire. That has

been a great object-lesson to us all. We have seen men of wealth, of

birth, and position leave their comfortable homes by hundreds; we have

seen them leave all the luxury and ease of the greatest and finest

and highest civilisation that this world has ever seen, to undergo

dangers, trials, wounds, and in many cases death, all for this cause.

Now, this has been an object-lesson to us all in Canada. If your

people will do that for one colony we feel you would be likely to do

it for another. Whether you would or not I say it is a fine thing

to have an Empire to fight for that can produce such men, and it is

a proud thing for our contingents to be able to fight alongside such

comrades. With reference still to this point about Imperial defence, I

wish to say that we Canadians are very anxious about the establishment

of all-British cables round the world, and we have tried to do our

share in regard to the Pacific cable. We who are connected with the

League in Canada have written and spoken and done everything we could

to stir up public opinion, so that the Canadian people might have

their share in that cable, and we have been alarmed lest anything

should occur to affect adversely that project; and here let me say

that I am glad to see present to-night my fellow-countrymen from

Australia. I congratulate them on the possibility of the federation

of their country, for we Canadians know by experience what a good

thing it has been for us, and we believe that it will be equally

good for them. But I wish to say to them, while here to-night, that

while the establishment of the Pacific cable might have the effect

of benefiting us in a pecuniary way by cheapening rates, that has

not been the motive which has influenced people in our country. I

for one may say that I never in my life sent a cable to Australia,

I never received one, I never saw one, and I never met a friend who

had, and on the committee of which I was one of the members I believe

that that was pretty generally the experience. Allow me to say in

explanation of this that I live in Toronto, well inland, where there

is not any great communication with Australia, and therefore the

question of cheap rates had nothing to do with our action. We wanted

to see an all-British cable, so that if there should be a war the man

in charge of the Navy should have the opportunity of handling that

Navy to the best advantage. It is for that reason we Canadians want

an all-British Pacific cable, and I am called upon to ask you here

to use what influence you can, that, in any arrangements for new

cables anywhere, there shall be a provision that the Empire may buy

them at a fair price whenever it may wish, and I hope that the Empire,

with the assistance of the Colonies, may some day unite and have

their cables all over the world. Now, with reference to the Imperial

forces, the Marquess of Salisbury did not say a great deal about the

Imperial army. I think that I should like to say a word or two for

them to-night. I think they have shown that in pluck and daring,

and in the courage which has carried the British people through so

much, they have been fully equal to the traditions of the past. With

reference to the future I want to say one word. When this war is over

I hope there will be an Imperial Conference called. I think the moment

would be most opportune for leading men from the leading Colonies to

meet together and see on how many points they could agree. I quite

agree with the noble Marquess in saying that we must move slowly and

along the lines of the least resistance; that we must move step by

step, slowly and carefully, as we have been doing, and not be in too

great a hurry for a written Constitution. That is the policy we have

been advocating in our country, and it is the right one. I am afraid

I have kept you too long. I am glad indeed to have been here to meet

you to-night, and I am glad to see with us my friend, the Hon. J. I.

Tarte, the first French Canadian who joined our League, now long years

ago; and if there is anything more to be said on behalf of Canada I am

sure that he will be willing to say it for me.

It will be noticed that when I said that there was one regiment in

which there was only one private, the audience laughed loudly and

interrupted me before I finished my sentence. I turned the laugh on

them to the evident delight of the present Prince of Wales, who turned

to me beaming with amusement when I sat down and said, "You nervous!

you--why you could speak anywhere about anything." He was evidently

pleased, for when my brother, Admiral John Denison, who commanded

the _Niobe_, which escorted him as far as Gibraltar when he left for

Australia, met him at Gibraltar, he spoke to him at once about my

speech at that dinner.

Lord Wolseley, who was sitting on my left, Lord Avebury and Sir Edmund

Barton being between us, tore off a piece of a menu card and wrote on

it, "My dear friend, Bravo! Bravo! Wolseley," and passed it up to me.

Everyone was very kind. The King came and spoke to me for a few minutes

as he was going out, and said he was pleased with my speech. The Duke

of Cambridge, Lord Salisbury, Lord Lansdowne, and many others spoke in

friendly terms, and altogether I was well pleased that I had crossed

the Atlantic to do that one piece of work for Canada and the Empire.

The accounts in the Press were very full of the idea of the importance

and success of the function.

The _British Empire Review_ said:

It is unnecessary to dilate here upon the imposing features of the

great assembly which congregated in the Grand Hall of the Hotel Cecil

on 30th April. By common consent, as our principal contemporaries bear

witness in the extracts from their leading columns, which are appended

to the full report of the speeches at the banquet printed at the end

of the present issue of the _Review_, no more memorable Imperial

Demonstration has ever been held in London. Certainly the Executive

Committee was justified in taking the exceptional course of inviting

Colonel Denison to travel 3,500 miles in order to be present, and he

in turn can have no reason to regret his acceptance of the invitation.

Many of those present, from the highest downwards, have expressed

the opinion that, taking into consideration the occasion of the

banquet, the attendance of persons of note, the speeches, the general

excellence of all the arrangements, and the dinner itself, the event

stands unrivalled within living memory.

On the 17th May, 1900, a meeting of the Council of the League was

held, principally to hear an address from me on behalf of the Canadian

Branch. The late Earl of Derby, K.G., occupied the chair. I brought

before the Council the resolution with which our Executive Committee

had entrusted me when I was leaving:

Resolved, that the Executive Committee of the British Empire League in

Canada wishes, in view of the President's coming visit to England, to

reiterate its well-defined opinions upon certain matters of Imperial

unity. It strongly feels the desirability of the Pacific cable

project, the importance to the Empire of some mutual tariff preference

between its various parts, the advisability of holding another

Imperial Conference to discuss matters of defence, trade, and other

interests of the Empire, and the vital necessity of encouraging the

production of a sufficient national food supply under the British flag.

I pressed all these points upon the Council in a speech which is

reported in the _British Empire Review_ for June, 1900.

I had been discussing these questions and particularly the food supply

with many people and found an undercurrent of feeling much stronger in

that direction than on my previous visits to England, and I felt sure

that if any political leader would come out and boldly advocate our

policy he would get a strong support. I knew Lord Salisbury was in full

sympathy with my views, but the cold reception given to him in 1890

and 1892, when he tried to lead public opinion in that direction, had

thoroughly discouraged him, and he refrained from further efforts, not

because he did not feel the importance of the question, but he felt it

was hopeless. He wrote me on 1st March, 1901:

I am old enough to remember the rise of Free Trade and the contempt

with which the apprehensions of the protectionists of that day were

received, but a generation must pass before the fallacies then

proclaimed will be unlearnt. There are too many people whose minds

were formed under their influence, and until those men have died out,

no change of policy can be expected.

Mr. Chamberlain still held back, but I felt that he would come to our

policy as soon as he could see any hope of a successful movement. I was

anxious to test the public feeling, but did not see any opportunity,

until I met Sir Howard Vincent about the middle of May, and he told

me he was going down to Chelmsford, to deliver a lecture on "South

Africa." The meeting was organised by Major Sir Carne Rasch, who was

nursing the constituency, and intending to be a candidate in the

Conservative interest at the general elections, which were to come off

that autumn. Sir Howard Vincent said he would arrange that I should

have half an hour to say something about Canada. I agreed to go, and

decided that I would feel the pulse of the masses on the subject of

food supply, but I said nothing of this to anyone, for I felt that

neither Sir Howard nor Sir Carne Rasch would wish to run any risks.

I began very cautiously but soon had the audience with me. I was

continually cheered, and went on farther and farther, until I advocated

a duty on corn, or a bounty on wheat, or a bonus to farmers to keep

wheat in ricks. I had been astonished at the friendliness of the

audience, but when I got to that point, Sir Carne Rasch and Sir Howard

Vincent evidently became nervous, and Sir Howard whispered to me that

we would have to get off in order to catch the train, and I stopped

instantly. On driving to the station I saw that both my friends were

uneasy, and I said, "I hope I did not make any bad breaks"; Sir Carne

said, "Oh, I think not." I replied, "You can easily say that I am an

ignorant colonial and did not know any better." He laughed at this, but

I could see he was a little nervous as to the result.

About four or five days after this I was in the lobby of the House of

Commons, when Sir Carne Rasch came out of the House, and as soon as he

saw me he came across to me at once, and said he was glad to see me,

and that he was going to get my address from Sir Howard Vincent. He

went on to say that the people at Chelmsford had been delighted with my

speech, that letters had been written to him, and he had been asked to

get me to go down to Chelmsford and repeat my speech and enlarge upon

it. He said he was astonished, that the people had been discussing it

ever since, and he offered to secure the largest hall in Chelmsford if

I would go down, and that he would guarantee it would not hold all that

would wish to come. I was leaving in three or four days for home, and

had no opportunity, and so had to decline.

A day or two afterwards, in the Mafeking demonstration, I was looking

at the crowds near the Piccadilly Circus, when I heard a man say to

another, "Is not that Colonel Denison?" I knew I had seen him before,

and I said, "Yes, it is; do you come from Toronto?" "No," he replied,

"I am from Chelmsford, and heard you speak there last week," and he

introduced me to three friends from Chelmsford. One was the Mayor,

another the editor of the _Essex County Chronicle_. They at once asked

me if I was going down to Chelmsford again, and whether Major Rasch

had seen me, and they urged me to go, telling me that the people were

very anxious that I should speak there again, and that they were busily

discussing the various points which I had raised.

I naturally watched for the return of the election in the following

October, for I was very anxious that my friend Sir Carne Rasch should

be elected. The return for Chelmsford was Major Rasch, 4,978, H. C. S.

Henry, Lib., 1,849, a majority of 3,129. I felt then that my speech had

not hurt him, or that if it had it did not matter. This incident had an

important influence upon the subsequent work of our League in Canada

for several years.

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