CHAPTER XIV.

[Sidenote: _Early Congregational Churches._]

A Congregational Church existed in London so early as 1568. It

consisted of poor people, numbering about 200, "of more women than

men," who openly separated from the Establishment, and sometimes in

private houses, sometimes in fields, and occasionally even in ships,

held meetings, and administered the sacraments.[434] Some of these

early Independents were sent to Bridewell. In a declaration signed

by Richard Fitz, the pastor, occurs the following brief statement

of principles:--"First and foremost, the glorious Word and Evangel

preached, not in bondage and subjection, but freely and purely;

secondly, to have the sacraments ministered purely only, and altogether

according to the institution and good word of the Lord Jesus, without

any tradition or invention of man; and, last of all, to have, not the

filthy canon law, but discipline only, and altogether agreeable to the

same heavenly and almighty word of our good Lord Jesus Christ."[435]

In these quaint words of Richard Fitz, and his obscure brethren, lie

folded up the great truth that the Christian religion is simply a moral

power, based on a Divine foundation, not asking, because not needing,

support from political governments, or aid from physical force. These

humble men really believed that Jesus Christ established His empire

upon the consent and not the fears of man, "and trusted Himself

defenceless among mankind."[436] Not caring for earthly sanctions, they

threw themselves on the world with only Heaven for their protector.

Through Christian faith they did what at the time they could not

comprehend, being utterly unconscious of the importance of the act

which they performed.

This Church in London existed before the well-known Robert Browne

appeared as the advocate of advanced Nonconformist views. In 1571 he

was cited on that account before the commissioners at Lambeth; and

ten years later the Bishop of Norwich, in a letter to Lord Burleigh,

referred to him as a person "to be feared, lest if he were at liberty

he would seduce the vulgar sort of the people, who greatly depend on

him."

[Sidenote: 1581.]

Burleigh said in reply:--[437]

"I understand that one Browne, a preacher, is by your lordship and

others of the Ecclesiastical Commission committed to the custody of

the Sheriff of Norfolk, where he remains a prisoner, for some matters

of offence uttered by him by way of preaching; wherein I perceive,

by sight of some letters, written by certain godly preachers in your

lordship's diocese, he hath been dealt with, and by them dissuaded from

that course he hath taken. Forasmuch as he is my kinsman, if he be son

to him whom I take him to be, and that his error seemeth to proceed

of zeal, rather than of malice, I do therefore wish he were charitably

conferred with and reformed; which course I pray your lordship may

be taken with him, either by your lordship, or such as your lordship

shall assign for that purpose. And in case there shall not follow

thereof such success as may be to your liking, that then you would be

content to permit him to repair hither to London, to be further dealt

with, as I shall take order for, upon his coming; for which purpose

I have written a letter to the sheriff, if your lordship shall like

thereof."[438]

[Sidenote: _Congregationalism--Robert Browne._]

Sir Robert Jermyn, in a letter to Burleigh (1581), alludes to Browne

as a man who "had many things that were godly and reasonable, and, as

he thought, to be wished and prayed for, but with the same there were

other things strange and unheard." He further begged the Lord Treasurer

to advise Browne to be more careful in his conduct, and to threaten him

with sharp censure as an example to others, since he was but a mere

youth in age and experience. The Bishop of Norwich, also, writing to

the Lord Treasurer about this troublesome clergyman, observed "that

Mr. Browne's late coming into his diocese, and teaching strange and

dangerous doctrine in all disordered manner, had greatly troubled the

whole country, and brought many to great disobedience of all law and

magistrates--that yet, by the good aid and help of the Lord Chief

Justice, and Master Justice Anderson, his associate, the chiefest of

such factions were so bridled, and the rest of their followers so

greatly dismayed, as he verily hoped of much good and quietness to have

thereof ensued, had not the said Browne returned again contrary to his

expectation, and greatly prejudiced those their good proceedings,

and having private meetings in such close and secret manner that he

knew not possibly how to suppress the same."[439] Browne, at length,

through the influence of his illustrious relative, succumbed to the

ecclesiastical authority which before he had daringly resisted,

and became master of St. Olave's Grammar-school, in Southwark. His

subsequent career covered him with disgrace. He had a wife with whom

for many years he never lived, a church in which he never preached,

and the circumstances of his death, like the scenes of his life, were

stormy and turbulent.[440] Whatever sympathy with some of Browne's

principles might be felt by the Independents of the next age, they

repudiated any connection with Browne's name, and held his character

and history in the utmost abhorrence.

[Sidenote: 1583.]

Browne's influence told considerably in the Eastern Counties, where

a strong leaven of ultra-Protestantism has existed ever since the

Lollard days. Even Kett's rebellion, often treated as a Roman Catholic

outbreak, looks more like a peasants' war in aid of the Reformation

than anything else. Bury St. Edmunds, where Brownism flourished,

witnessed the death of Copping and Thacker, two Congregational

martyrs, hanged in 1583. In Essex, a movement which looked like

Congregationalism won some measure of sympathy from the upper classes,

and even the wife of Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the Great

Seal, attended meetings held in Rochford Hall by Mr. Wright, who had

been ordained in the Netherlands. Writing to Lord Burleigh, that lady

observed, "I hear, them in their public exercises, as a chief duty

commanded by God to be done, and also I confess, as one that hath

found mercy, that I have profited more in the inward feeling knowledge

of God his holy will, though but in a small measure, by such sincere

and sound opening of the Scriptures by an ordinary preaching within

these seven or eight year, than I did by hearing odd sermons at Paul's

well nigh twenty year together."[441]

It is a curious circumstance to find Lord Bacon's mother connected

with a minister who maintained, as Wright did, that every pastor was a

bishop, and that he should be chosen by his own congregation, opinions

which constitute the essence of modern Congregationalism. From these

opinions the ecclesiastical authorities sought to convert him by

imprisonment; and with that forcible argument another was associated,

which is so original that we cannot resist the temptation of quoting

it. Mr. Barwick, a conforming clergyman, commended to Wright the Church

of England as a church most admirable on account of its being free from

the two opposite extremes of Popery and Puritanism. "God delights in

mediocrity," says this logician, and the logic is worth being noted for

its curiosity: "Man was put in the _midst_ of Paradise; a rib was taken

out of the _midst_ of man; the Israelites went through the _midst_

of the Red Sea, and of Jordan; Samson put firebrands in the _midst_,

between the foxes' tails; David's men had their garments cut off by

the _midst_; Christ was hanged in the _midst_ between two thieves."

[Sidenote: _Congregationalism--Henry Browne._]

Perhaps Henry Barrowe,--a lawyer of Gray's Inn, and in his young days

a courtier,--of all men in the reign of Elizabeth, propounded the

clearest views of Congregationalism. He strongly objected to forms

of prayer, especially the Common Prayer Book; to the sacraments, as

administered in the Church of England; to the ecclesiastical laws and

canons; to the idea that the establishment was a true church; to the

extent of the Queen's ecclesiastical supremacy, and to the abolition

of the judicial law of Moses. He denied that it was lawful for any

private person to intermeddle with the prince's office, and to reform

the State without his good liking and licence; but he virtually

admitted the right of private Christians to share in the regulation of

ecclesiastical matters: for he expressly contended that the government

of Christ's Church belongeth not to the profane or unbelieving, neither

could it, he said, without manifest sacrilege, be set over parishes

as they then stood in confusion, no difference being made between the

faithful and unbelieving, all being indifferently received into the

body of the Church; but over every particular congregation of Christ

he concluded that there ought to be an eldership, and that every such

congregation ought to aim at its establishment.[442]

[Sidenote: 1593.]

In 1592 a Church was formed in Nicholas Lane. Spies were on the look

out, and a wary doorkeeper admitted the little congregation as they

stealthily dropped in one by one. Mr. Francis Johnson and Mr. Greenwood

were of the number. The first of these rose and prayed for half an

hour, and, opening his Genevan Bible, discoursed to the assembly

on the constitution of primitive brotherhood. The brethren formed

themselves into such a communion, and gave to each other the right hand

of fellowship. Mr. Johnson was chosen pastor, after which he baptized

seven persons. "But they had neither godfathers nor godmothers; and

he took water and washed the faces of them that were baptized." He

afterwards broke the bread, consisting of five white loaves, which,

with a cup of wine, were distributed amongst the members by Mr. Bowman

and Mr. Lee, who had been elected deacons: after which a collection was

made for the poor.[443]

Not only in Nicholas Lane, but in Aldgate and Smithfield, were

gatherings of this description, and especially in Islington, where

meetings of persecuted Protestants had been held in Mary's reign. As

the dew sparkled on the grass, as the birds twittered on the hedges,

and as the sun bathed the landscape in golden light--the memories of

the congregation in the Islington woods would go back to Roger Holland

and his brother confessors, who on that very greensward, and under the

shadow of those old trees, had studied their Bibles, and then been

burned for doing so.

[Sidenote: _Barrowe and Browne._]

Barrowe and Greenwood were indicted at the Old Bailey, in 1593, for

publishing seditious books, but from the examination preserved in the

Egerton papers,[444] it appears that the specific accusations against

them related simply to religious opinions.

By a refinement of cruelty these poor men were conveyed to

Tyburn in the death-cart--to receive a delusive respite under the

gallows-tree--to be brought back again to Newgate--and when they

had thought that the bitterness of death was past, to be a second

time dragged to the place of execution, to return no more. This

extraordinary proceeding, which at first looks like a piece of

intentional barbarity, receives its explanation from a contemporary

letter in the State Paper Office.

[Sidenote: 1609.]

"The Parliament is to end this week. * * * There was a bill preferred

against the Barrowists and Brownists, making it felony to maintain

any opinions against the ecclesiastical government, [which by the

bishops' means did pass the Upper House, but found so captious by the

Nether House, as it was thought it would never have passed in any

sort, for that it was thought all the Puritans would have been drawn

within the compass thereof. Yet by the earnest labouring of those that

sought to satisfy the bishops' humours,] it is passed to this effect:

That whosoever shall be an obstinate recusant, refusing to come to

any church, and do deny the Queen to have any power or authority in

ecclesiastical causes, and do, by writing or otherwise, publish the

same, and be a keeper of conventicles also, being convicted, he shall

abjure the realm within three months, and lose all his goods and

lands; if he return without leave it shall be felony. Thus have they

minced it, as is thought, so as it will not reach to any man that

shall deserve favour in a concurrence of so many faults and actions.

The week before, upon the late conventicle you wrote of last, Barrowe

and Goodman,[445] with some others, were indicted, arraigned, and

condemned upon the statute of writing and publishing seditious books,

and should have been executed, but as they were ready to be trussed

up were reprieved, but the day after, the Court House had shewn

their dislike of this bill, were early in the morning hanged. It is

said 'their reprieval proceeded of [a supplication made to the Lord

Treasurer, complaining that in a land where no Papist was touched for

religion by death, their blood (concurring in opinion touching faith

with that which was professed in the realm) should be first shed.

Desiring, therefore, conference to be removed from their errors by

reason, or else for satisfaction of the world, touching their opinions,

which was communicated by him to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who,

notwithstanding, was very peremptory, so as the Lord Treasurer gave

him and the Bishop of Worcester some round taxing words, and used some

speech to the Queen, but was not seconded by any, which hath made him

more remiss, as is thought. It is plainly said that their execution,

proceeding of malice of the bishops, to spite the Nether House, which

hath procured them much hatred among the common people affected that

way."][446] * * * *

John Penry, another Congregational martyr--who uttered the following

memorable words:--"If my blood were an ocean sea, and every drop

thereof were a life unto me, I would give them all, by the help of the

Lord, for the maintenance of my confession"--perished on the gallows

for the advocacy of his opinions, as if he had been the worst of

criminals, at a place in Southwark called St. Thomas-a-Watering. Roger

Rippon, of the same religious profession as Penry, died in prison;

and his friends, moved by intense sympathy with the sufferer, and

by indignation against his unmerited fate, paraded before the house

of Justice Young (the magistrate who had committed him) the coffin

containing the sufferer's remains, on the lid of which appeared

the following inscription:--"This is the corpse of Roger Rippon, a

servant of Christ, and her Majesty's faithful subject; who is the

last of sixteen or seventeen, which that great enemy of God, the

Archbishop of Canterbury, with his High Commissioners, have murdered

in Newgate within these four years, manifestly for the testimony of

Jesus Christ. His soul is now with the Lord, and his blood crieth for

speedy vengeance against that great enemy of the saints, and against

Mr. Richard Young, who in this and many the like points hath abused

his power, for the upholding of the Romish Antichrist, prelacy, and

priesthood."[447]

[Sidenote: _Congregationalism--Jacob._]

[Sidenote: 1632, May.]

Henry Jacob is a commanding figure in Congregational annals.[448]

Originally a clergyman in the county of Kent, he had written in

defence of the Church of England, but afterwards, perhaps influenced

by an answer to his book from the pen of Francis Johnson, a zealous

separatist, he warmly espoused the cause of Nonconformity.[449] To him

has been attributed a tract, published in 1609, entitled: "An Humble

Supplication for Toleration and Liberty to enjoy and observe the

Ordinances of Jesus Christ in the Administration of His Churches in

lieu of Human Constitutions." In this publication it is maintained,

that "our Lord Jesus hath given to each particular church or ordinary

congregation this right and privilege, namely, to elect, ordain, and

deprive her own ministers; and to exercise all the other parts of

lawful ecclesiastical jurisdiction under Him." Toleration is sought

in order that "each particular church may put in execution this her

particular privilege;" but, the writer adds: "We do humbly beseech

your Majesty not to think, that by our suit, we make an overture and

way for toleration unto Papists, our suit being of a different nature

from theirs. The inducements thereof, such as cannot conclude aught in

favour of them, whose doctrine is heresy, and a profession directly

contrary to the lawful state and government of free countries and

kingdoms, as your Majesty hath truly and judiciously observed."[450]

In other tracts which bear Henry Jacob's name,[451] he explained his

views of Independency, and in accordance with them he founded a church

in the year 1616. The ceremony connected with the institution is

described as consisting of fasting and prayer, and the joining together

of the hands of the members as they solemnly covenanted to walk

together in all God's ways and ordinances, according as He had already

revealed them, or should further make them known. Jacob was succeeded

in the pastorship of the Congregational Church by John Lathrop,[452]

who suffered from the tyranny of the High Commission Court. With

reference to the proceedings carried on against him and certain members

of his flock, some fresh information may be gathered from one of the

Rawlinson MSS. As it illustrates both the extent to which private

meetings of the Separatists were carried, and the interruption which

they experienced, we will here introduce a few passages from that

curious document.

[Sidenote: _Persecution of Congregationalists._]

On the 2nd of May, 1632, certain conventiclers, as they are called,

were taken at the house of Barnett, a brewer's clerk, residing at

Blackfriars.[453] At first John Lathrop, who is described as their

minister, did not appear, "but kept himself out of the way awhile;

therefore the man of the house wherein they were taken, was first

called." He was asked when he last attended the parish church? He

replied that he was present in the parish church at the time when,

according to the allegation, the meeting was held at his house, but

that his wife did not then attend worship with him. The accused persons

were all required to take the _ex officio_ oath, but they excused

themselves from doing so at least for the present, and requested time

for further consideration of that subject. Archbishop Abbot addressed

them as follows:--

[Sidenote: 1632, May.]

"You shew yourselves most unthankful to God, to the King, and to the

Church of England, that when (God be praised) through his Majesty's

care and ours you have preaching in every church, and men have

liberty to join in prayer and participate of the sacraments, and have

catechisings, and all to enlighten you, and which may serve you in

the way of salvation, you in an unthankful manner cast off all this

yoke, and in private unlawfully assemble yourselves together, making

rents and divisions in the Church. If anything be amiss, let it be

known; if anything be not agreeable to the Word of God, we shall be

as ready to redress it as you; but whereas it is nothing but your own

imaginations, and you are unlearned men that seek to make up a religion

of your own heads, I doubt no persuasion will serve the turn, we must

take this course; you are called here, let them stand upon their bonds,

and let us see what they will answer; it may be they will answer what

may please us." Laud, then Bishop of London, proceeded to observe, in

a very characteristic manner--"It is time to take notice of these; nay

this is not the fourth part of them about this City. You see these came

of set purpose; they met not by chance; they are desperately heretical;

they are all of different places, out of Essex, St. Austin's, St.

Martin's le Grand, Buttolph's, Aldgate, Thisleworth, (Isleworth) St.

Saviour's; let these be imprisoned. Let me make a motion. There be

four of the ablest men of them; let these four answer and be proceeded

against, and the while if the rest come in, they shall be received,

but if they will not, I know no reason why four or five men should not

answer for all."

When Lathrop was present before the Commissioners, the Bishop, after

having asked some very insulting questions, demanded, "Where are your

orders?" to which Lathrop replied--"I am a minister of the Gospel of

Christ, and the Lord hath qualified me." "Will you lay your hand on

the book, and take your oath?" enquired the Court; to which question

the minister returned a distinct negative. The following curious

conversation between the Commissioners and certain accused parties is

worth being transcribed. Eaton, together with "two women and a maid,"

appeared, and were asked by the Court why they were assembled in a

conventicle, when others were at church?

[Sidenote: _Persecution of Congregationalists._]

_Eaton._ "We were not assembled in contempt of the magistrate."

_London._ "No! it was in contempt of the Church of England."

_Eaton._ "It was in conscience to God (may it please this Honourable

Court); and we were kept from church, for we were confined in the house

together by those that beset the house, else divers would have gone to

church, and many came in after the sermons were done."

_London._ "These were first discovered at Lambeth, and then at other

places, and now taken here; they have in their meetings books printed

against the Church of England."

_Archbishop of Canterbury._ "Where were you in the mornings before you

came hither to this house?"

[_Eaton._] "We were in our own families."

_Canterbury._ "What did you?"

_Eaton._ "We read the Scriptures, and catechised our families; and may

it please this honourable Court to hear us speak the truth, we will

shew you what was done, and (free us of the contempt of authority) we

did nothing but what you will allow us to do."

_London._ "Who can free you? These are dangerous men; they are a

scattered company sown in all the City, and about St. Michael of the

Querne, St. Austin's, Old Jury, Redriffe, and other remoter places.

Hold them the book."

_Eaton._ "I dare not swear, nor take this oath, though I will not

refuse it; I will consider of it."

_Sir Henry Marten._[454] "Hear, hear! You shall swear but to answer

what you know, and as far as you are bound by law. You shall have time

to consider of it, and have it read over and over till you can say it

without book if you will; when you have first taken your oath that you

will make a true answer."

[Sidenote: 1632, May.]

_Eaton._ "I dare not; I know not what I shall swear to."

_King's Advocate._[455] "It is to give a true answer to articles put

into the Court against you, or that shall be put in touching this

conventicle of yours, and divers your heretical tenets, and what words

and exercises you used, and things of this nature."

_Eaton._ "I dare not."

_Archbishop of Canterbury._ "What say you, woman?"

_Sara Jones._ "I dare not worship God in vain."

_Bishop of London._ "Will you not swear and take an oath when you are

called to it by the magistrate?"

_S. Jones._ "Yes! I will answer upon my oath to end a controversy

before a lawful magistrate."

_Earl of Dorset._ "What dost thou think, woman, of these grave Fathers

of the Church, that these here be not lawful magistrates?"

[_S. Jones._] "I would do anything that is according to God's word."

[_Richard Neile_] _Archbishop of York._ "Would you? then you must take

your oath now you are required by your governors; you must swear in

truth, in judgment, in righteousness."

[Sidenote: _Persecution of Congregationalists._]

_S. Jones._ "Yes, and they that walk in righteousness shall have peace;

but I dare not forswear myself."

_Canterbury._ "Come, what say you?"

_Pennina Howes_ (a maid). "I dare not swear this oath till I am better

informed of it, for which I desire time."

_Sir Henry Marten._ "Must you not be ready to give an account of your

faith?"

_P. Howes._ "Yes! I will give an answer of my faith if I be demanded,

but not willingly forswear myself."

_King's Advocate._ "What, will you take your oath, good woman?"

_Sara Barbone._ "I dare not swear; I do not understand it; I will tell

the truth without swearing."

_Archbishop of Canterbury._ "Take them away."

So they were all committed to the New Prison. And it was appointed that

at the next Court, being a fortnight after this, because of Ascension

Day, they should be brought again to the Consistory at St. Paul's,

because of trouble and danger in bringing so many prisoners as these

were over the water to Lambeth.

These people were immediately committed to the New Prison; and on the

8th of the same month (May) they were brought up again before the

same tribunal, when again they declined to take the obnoxious oath.

On the 7th of June, it was reported to the Court that some of the

conventiclers had escaped; and on the 17th more persons were arraigned,

who had been seized at a meeting held in a wood near Newington, in

Surrey. These also refused to be sworn, after which the Bishop of

London and the Archbishop of Canterbury repeated their expostulations.

The High Commission, on the 21st, had brought before it Ralf Grafton,

an upholsterer, dwelling in Cornhill, and reported to be a rich man,

charged with being a principal ringleader of "those conventiclers that

met at Blackfriars." Upon his declaring, "I dare not take the oath,

and I am no ringleader of any to evil," the Archbishop said: "You met

without law; you had no authority; _pœna ad paucos_, _metus ad

omnes_; wherefore, the Court, for his contempt in refusing to take the

oath, set a fine of two hundred pounds upon him, and committed him to

prison." Grafton replied: "I have bail here ready, if you please to

take it; I do tender it to you." Upon this the Bishops exclaimed: "No;

away with him to prison; if he come not in by the day of mitigation,

let the fine stand!"[456]

[Sidenote: 1630.]

In connection with these notices of persecution endured by frequenters

of conventicles, we may present the following picture of their method

of worship, as depicted by one of their enemies in that style of minute

and graphic detail which so characteristically marks the narrative

of events given by common people in the sixteenth and seventeenth

centuries:--"To shew the manner of their assembling, or dissembling,

in that house where they intend to meet, there is one appointed to

keep the door, for the intent to give notice if there should be any

insurrection, warning may be given to them. They do not flock together,

but come two or three in a company. Any man may be admitted thither,

and all being gathered together, the man appointed to teach stands in

the midst of the room, and his audience gather about him. He prayeth

about the space of half an hour; and part of his prayer is, that those

which came thither to scoff and laugh, God would be pleased to turn

their hearts, by which means they think to escape undiscovered. His

sermon is about the space of an hour, and then doth another stand

up, to make the text more plain; and at the latter end he entreats

them all to go home severally, lest the next meeting they should be

interrupted by those which are of the opinion of the wicked. They seem

very steadfast in their opinions, and say, rather than they will turn,

they will burn."[457]

[Sidenote: _Independents and Brownists._]

Though certain Independents of the seventeenth century disavowed all

connection with the Brownists, that name was often applied to them;

and in some instances it is difficult to decide whether by the title

we are to understand persons whose origin might be traced to the

teaching of Cecil's relative, or persons who had been made converts by

more recent apostles of Independency.[458] Allusions are discovered

in the Corporation Records of Yarmouth for the years 1629 and 1630 to

Brownists then living in that town. The Earl of Dorset, writing in the

latter of these years to the bailiffs, aldermen, and commonalty, after

a reference to the party spirit prevalent in the borough, observes:

"I should want in my good care of you if I should not let you know

that his Majesty is not only informed, but incensed against you for

conniving at and tolerating a company of _Brownists_ amongst you. I

pray you remember there was no seam in our Saviour's garment. _Root out

that pestiferous sect forth from your town; they are as dangerous to

the soul as the plague is to the body._ But I know not whether in this

you be traduced, as well as (I am sure) you have been in other things.

They are arrows shot forth from the same quiver, and drawn by the same

hands; and perhaps the mark aimed at through that false perspective

is but to place in his Majesty an ill opinion of you. If you be

innocent, let me know, and I shall endeavour to clear you. Howsoever,

I pray, give testimony of your obedience and good zeal to religion in

_chasing those companions from your society. God cannot prosper you

while they live amongst you, and you willingly protect and harbour

them_; and I am sure it will alienate his Majesty's respect from you

and enforce him to take some course against you, when you shall so

neglect your duties in that kind."[459]

[Sidenote: 1630.]

[Sidenote: _Independents and Brownists._]

The Corporation gave heed to the Earl's exhortation, and in reply,

dated the 13th of September, 1630, manifested abundant zeal in rooting

out schism.

"Concerning those _separatists_ by your lordship mentioned, we must

acknowledge that there be amongst us still some persons of that sect,

to the number of thirty, and not above; the most of them women; not

any one of them ever yet bearing the meanest office amongst us, and,

one only excepted, not any one of ability to be a subsidy man. What

courses we have taken from time to time for the suppressing of them,

the Lord's Grace of York, whilst he was our diocesan, could bear us

record, to whom (as we have since done to our present diocesan, as

also to the Lord Bishop of London) we tendered an impartial list of

all their names, without favour or affection, craving his lordship's

aid for their reformation. The ecclesiastical courts have from time

to time received presentments of them. The judges of assize have

been solicited by us. What authority soever the law has put into our

hands, we have not spared to execute to the uttermost, by indicting

them constantly at our public sessions, by fining them according to

statute, by imprisoning the ringleaders amongst them, and by _forcing

some of them to avoid, not only the place, but the kingdom_. If, beyond

this, we could be directed by and to any course whereby we might free

ourselves of them, we should not only willingly, but thankfully embrace

it. In the meantime, vouchsafe the acceptance of this our humble

protestation, that, as for ourselves, being the representatives of the

town, we are, all and every one of us, free from faction and schism,

either in religion or discipline, and every ways conformable to the

doctrine and government of this Church, whereof we profess ourselves to

be members."[460]

[Sidenote: 1630.]

[Sidenote: _Independents and Brownists._]

In connection with this reference to the Brownists and the poor

Separatists of Yarmouth, (for amongst them, it is said, there was not

"one subsidy man,") it may be observed that two classes of Independents

are distinctly visible at that period. As some Independents, mostly

the obscure, went further than others in their doctrine of toleration;

so some Independents, principally of the same class, went further than

others in the doctrine of voluntaryism. Any broad and philosophical

exposition of that now much discussed principle we have not been able

to discover in the writings of that day; others, better acquainted

with the immense pamphlet literature of the times, may prove more

successful. But, at an earlier period, in a Confession of Faith

published in 1616, there occurs the following simple and explicit

statement on the subject:--"We believe that tithes for the pastor's

maintenance under the Gospel are not the just and due means thereof.

Howbeit, yet we do not think these tithes absolutely unlawful, if

they remain voluntary; but when they are made necessary we think

them not to be so lawful. The same do we judge also of whatsoever

other set maintenance for ministers of the Gospel is established

by temporal laws. We grant, that for the minister's security, such

established maintenance is best; but for preserving due freedom in the

congregation, sincerity in religion, and sanctity in the whole flock,

the congregation's voluntary and conscionable contribution for their

pastor's sustenance and maintenance is, doubtless, the safest and

most approved--nay, it seemeth the only way; wherewith the Apostles

caused their times to be content, neither did they care for other order

therein; which certainly they would and should have done if other order

had been better. Only they are careful (and that very religiously)

to command all churches of conscience and duty to God to give (not

sparingly, but liberally, and not as alms, but as duty), for upholding,

advancing, and countenancing of the holy worship and service of God,

which is either much strengthened or weakened, much honoured or abased

among men, according as is the pastor's maintenance."[461] And in

other tracts, largely quoted by Mr. Hanbury, in his "Memorials," there

are passages expressing ideas on the subject of ministerial support

in advance of those which were entertained by more distinguished

Independents. The latter countenanced and advocated the acceptance of

tithes; but in a Puritan tract, written before, though not published

until 1644, notice is taken of a very sharp attack on the tithe system

by the sect commonly called Brownists or Separatists. It is objected,

say the Presbyterian authors, "that we are not maintained according to

the direction Christ hath given in His Testament; but our maintenance

is Jewish and anti-Christian." "Our ministers receive maintenance

from all sorts of men in their parish without difference." This they

call "an execrable sacrilege, and covetous-making merchandize of

the holy things of God; a letting out of ourselves to hire, to the

profane for filthy lucre." Tithes, in particular, are denounced by

these Nonconformists, but the principle of their objection goes to a

much deeper point than to touch or remove these particular imposts;

it also cuts at the root of all kinds of ministerial support, except

that which is exclusively voluntary.[462] In another publication,

written by Burton against his late fellow-sufferer William Prynne,

there is a decided assault both on tithes and on parishes; the former

being pronounced unapostolic, and the latter a human and political

institution. But, whilst maintaining that Christ will provide for His

faithful and painful ministers, this champion of voluntary churches

puts in a caveat in favour of the state appointing some kind of

"maintenance for the preaching of the word, as is done in New England

to those who are not members of Churches."[463] At a later period,

Independents objected to tithes, yet they accepted support from the

Government in another form.

[Sidenote: 1642.]

Upon the opening of the Long Parliament, Congregationalism took deep

root, and afterwards spread its branches over East Anglia. As the Dutch

church in the city of Norwich, the Dutch aspect of Yarmouth Quay, and

the settlement of a colony of Flemings in the village of Worstead, shew

that there was an early intercommunication between the inhabitants of

the Low Countries and the county of Norfolk; so also the connection

between the English Independents in Holland and the Nonconformists

of the eastern counties indicate that there was intercourse between

the people of the opposite shores at a later period, in relation to

Puritanism and Independency. Links of union appear in the persons of

the Congregational pastors, Robinson and Bridge, who each resided one

part of his life in Norfolk and another in Holland.

The oldest Congregational Church in the county of Norfolk was formed in

Yarmouth, and consisted of persons who had just returned from Holland,

where they had been in exile for conscience' sake.

"Inchurching," as it is quaintly termed, created much solicitude, and

the Yarmouth people wrote to Rotterdam for sanction and advice before

taking any decided step. In 1642, a formal document of dismissal was

sent; after which it became an enquiry, whether the Church should

choose Yarmouth or Norwich as the place of assembly. Unable to settle

this question, they deferred it for a time, and simply resolved upon

"inchurching, judging ten or twelve to be a competent number." Soon

afterwards, an answer came "that Yarmouth was safer for the present,"

and a Church covenant having been adopted and ratified at Norwich, the

people unitedly chose Mr. Bridge as their pastor. The Independents of

Norwich held religious worship by themselves in some private house,

and joined with the townspeople of Yarmouth only in the celebration

of the Lord's supper. But at length, becoming tired of their journeys

in passing to and fro, the former constituted themselves a distinct

community.[464]

[Sidenote: _Presbyterians and Independents._]

The Presbyterians at Yarmouth betrayed some jealousy of their

Independent neighbours; for Sir Edward Owner, an alderman and justice

of the peace, who represented the town in the Long Parliament,

waited, in company with the Presbyterian Incumbent of the parish of

St. Nicholas, upon Mr. Bridge, to express displeasure at his having

gathered a Church in what was called the "Congregational way." After

this occurrence, the Church resolved "that for a time they would

forbear to receive any into their fellowship, until they gave notice to

the town that they could forbear no longer."

Mr. Bridge, when elected to the pastorate of this new community, held

the office of town preacher in Yarmouth, and was also a member of

the Assembly of Divines. He had preached before the House of Commons

in February, 1643; and it was in the May of the same year, whilst at

home, during a temporary suspension of his Westminster duties, that his

brethren called him to be their Bishop. Notwithstanding his position at

Westminster and his Congregational office at Yarmouth, the Corporation

retained him in his municipal chaplaincy and allowed him fifty

pounds a year during his absence. The continuance of this connection

no doubt led to the interference of the bailiffs with his pastoral

relations, and explains the effect produced by the interview; but

the Church, notwithstanding this circumstance, speedily asserted its

independence, and by doing so did not at all affect the public position

of their pastor, or diminish the influence which he exercised over his

fellow-townsmen.

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