While so much of argument and eloquence was expended upon Episcopacy
in the abstract, it is natural to ask what became of the bishops
themselves? At the opening of the Long Parliament a committee had been
formed to prepare charges against Laud. The Scotch busied themselves
with the same matter as soon as they reached London, being exasperated
by the attempts of the prelate to force Episcopacy upon their
countrymen. On the 18th of December the Commons voted the Archbishop
a traitor, and sent up a message to the Lords desiring that he might
be committed to custody, stating also that their accusation would be
established in convenient time.[205]
On the 24th of February articles were voted, and then presented to
the Lords by Mr. Pym. He charged the Archbishop with subverting the
constitution, by publications which he had encouraged; by influence he
had used with ministers of justice; by his conduct both in the High
Commission Court and in reference to the canons; by his tyrannical
power in ecclesiastical and temporal matters; by setting up Popish
superstition and idolatry; by abusing trust reposed in him by his
Majesty; by choosing chaplains disaffected to the reformed religion;
by attempting to reconcile the Church of England and the Church
of Rome; by persecuting orthodox ministers; by causing division in
England, and between the two kingdoms; and, finally, by subverting the
rights of Parliament. Mr. Pym read these articles, and supported them.
A few days afterwards the Archbishop was sent to the Tower.[206]
[Sidenote: _Bishops._]
Bishop Wren, who, according to a witticism of the age, is called the
least of all these birds, and the most unclean among them, was early
arrested (December 22), yet he was allowed to remain at large on bail.
On the 20th of July the articles of his impeachment were presented
by Sir Thomas Widdrington. The bishop--it was alleged, amongst
other things--had ordered that the Communion-table should be placed
altar-wise with steps and rails, and that communicants should kneel as
they received the sacrament. He had enjoined the reading of the "Book
of Sports," and had deprived godly ministers for refusing to submit to
that unscriptural injunction. Prayers had been forbidden by him before
sermon; and clergymen had been required to preach in hood and surplice.
He had also been the means of excommunicating as many as fifty
faithful pastors, and had been guilty of appointing Popishly-affected
chaplains.[207]
[Sidenote: 1641.]
One bishop escaped the enquiry of the Long Parliament by being called
to appear before a higher tribunal. We refer to Richard Montague, a man
of learning, well read in the Fathers, an ecclesiastical antiquary,
but a thorough Anglo-Catholic. Adopting Arminian views, supporting
the encroachments of ecclesiastical power, loving ceremonial worship,
and hating Puritanism with a perfect hatred, this prelate was just
the person to please Archbishop Laud and Charles I. He had written,
as early as 1623, a book against Popery, entitled "A new gag for the
old goose," in which he was considered by many Protestants to have
betrayed the cause he pretended to serve. For publishing this book,
containing sundry propositions tending to the disturbance of Church and
State, the author had been cited before the bar of the Commons, and,
on the same account--and for the contents of his "Appeal to Cæsar,"
and his "Treatise upon the Invocation of the Saints"--articles of
impeachment had afterwards been presented against him. He was charged
with fomenting the King's hatred of the Puritans, abusing them as
"Saint-seeming," "Bible-bearing," and "Hypocritical;" representing
their churches as "Conventicles," and their ministrations as mere
"prating:" and also with sneering at Reformers as well as Puritans,
affirming that the Church of Rome was the spouse of Christ. Yet,
notwithstanding Montague's Popish tendencies and his unpopularity
with all but very High Churchmen, Charles elevated him to the see of
Chichester--the worst episcopal appointment he ever made, next to his
promotion of Laud to the Archiepiscopate. The death of this bishop, in
April, 1641, alone prevented Parliament from instituting very severe
proceedings respecting his conduct.
Davenant, who presided over the diocese of Salisbury, died the same
month. Totally unlike Montague, he had fallen into trouble for contempt
of King James's injunctions relative to preaching on predestination.
His humble and peaceable life, his strict observance of the Sabbath,
his condemnation of clerical pomp and luxury, and his disapproval of
certain court proceedings, had secured for him the sympathies of the
Puritans, and excited the displeasure of the High Church party. His
death corresponded with his life; for in his last illness "he thanked
God for this Fatherly correction," because in all his life-time he
never before had one heavy affliction; which made him often much
suspect with himself whether he was a true child of God or no, until
this his last sickness. "_Then_," says Fuller--whose words we have
followed--"_he sweetly fell asleep in Christ, and so we softly drew the
curtains about him_."[208]
[Sidenote: _Bishops._]
On the 4th of August, 1641, Serjeant Wylde carried up to the House
of Peers a series of articles prepared by a Committee of the House
of Commons, impeaching thirteen bishops of certain crimes and
misdemeanours. The accused were allowed till the 10th of November to
prepare their answer, when they put in a Demurrer; after which the
prosecution was superseded by other events hereafter to be described.
[Sidenote: 1641, July.]
Shortly before the impeachment of the thirteen prelates, a remarkable
correspondence took place between certain Presbyterian clergymen
of London and their brethren beyond the Tweed. It shows the high
spirits of the former excited by recent events, their expectation of a
speedy union with their neighbours in ecclesiastical polity, and the
inspiration of fear from quarters opposite to those which had given
them alarm a few months before. In a letter dated 12th July, 1641, the
London ministers observe, that Almighty God having now of His infinite
goodness raised their hopes of _removing the yoke of Episcopacy_, under
which they had so long groaned, sundry other forms of Church government
were projected to be set up in the room thereof; one of which was, that
all power, whether of electing and ordaining ministers, or of admitting
or excommunicating members, centred in every particular congregation,
and was bounded by its extent. Independency in fact is meant by this
passage, and the writers wished to know the judgment of their Scotch
compeers on the point, as this would conduce by God's blessing to the
settlement of the question. All the more earnestly was this entreated,
because of a rumour that some famous and eminent brethren in the North
were inclined to that form of government. In reply to this, an epistle
arrived from the General Assembly, in which that reverend body assured
their London brethren, that since the Reformation--especially since
the union of the two kingdoms--the Scotch had deplored the evil of
Great Britain having two kirks, and did fervently desire one confession
and one directory for both countries. This they considered would be
a foundation for durable peace, and the two Churches welded into one
would be strong in God against dissensions amongst themselves, and
also against the invasion of foreign enemies. The Assembly grieved to
learn that any godly minister should be found not agreeing with other
reformed kirks in point of government as well as doctrine and worship;
and they feared that if the hedge of discipline were altered, what it
contained would not long preserve its character. After laying down
Presbyterian principles, the writers conclude by declaring themselves
to be of one heart and of one soul; and to be no less persuaded that
Presbyterianism is of God than that Episcopacy is of men.[209]
Other circumstances about the same period encouraged the Scotch. Their
army was to be disbanded, and their troops were to be paid--a point
respecting which the commissioners had been very solicitous--and a
promising treaty between the two countries appeared on the eve of
ratification. To the desire of the northern brethren respecting unity
of religion, it was answered in the treaty, that his Majesty, with
the advice of both Houses, approved of the desire of ecclesiastical
conformity; and since Parliament had already taken it into their
consideration, they would proceed in a manner conducive to the glory
of God and the peace of the two kingdoms.[210] This passage is
equivocal, for it might signify conformity to Episcopal or conformity
to Presbyterian government. The King, no doubt, meant in his heart the
former, but was quite willing at the same time that his subjects in the
North should understand the latter.
[Sidenote: _Royal Visit to Scotland._]
When affairs were coming into this posture, Charles determined to
visit his native land. Into his political motives for so doing this
is not the place to enter--whether he hoped thereby to procure an
adjournment of Parliament; or thought that he should break up the
combination between the northern and southern patriots; or expected
to obtain evidence and assistance against the latter by conference
and co-operation with the antiCovenanters under Montrose. But most
certainly his intention in reference to religion, as appears from his
conduct, was to conciliate his countrymen and to throw them off their
guard by veiling his strong attachment to Episcopacy, under an assumed
friendliness for Presbyterianism.
[Sidenote: 1641, August.]
Charles had determined to start on the 10th of August, and therefore,
having passed certain bills on Saturday, the 7th, he then bid his
Parliament farewell. The House of Commons greatly disliked this
expedition. On the same day they requested the Lords to join them in
petitioning his Majesty to delay his departure at least a fortnight
longer. Only a strong reason could have induced Puritans to meet for
business on the following day, being Sunday, but they did so meet. On
that summer morning the members went down to Westminster, first to
worship at St. Margaret's, and then to debate at St. Stephen's. But
before entering on political affairs they were careful to guard against
this Sunday sitting being drawn into a precedent. Often likened to the
Pharisees for rigid formalism, these men, on this occasion, really
shewed that--with their devout reverence for the holy season--they had
caught the spirit of Him who said, the Sabbath was made for man, and
not man for the Sabbath. Their attempt--on a day they so much loved to
honour by religious exercises--at staying the King's journey northward,
showed how much mischief they apprehended from that visit. But their
effort did not succeed. On Tuesday, the 10th, Charles came to the House
of Lords, and sending for the Commons, gave his assent to the Scotch
Treaty and to certain Bills; after which he again took leave of the
Houses, and started for Edinburgh, at two o'clock in the afternoon,
accompanied by the Elector Palatine and the Duke of Lennox. On the 18th
the Commons despatched commissioners to watch the ratification of the
treaty, and "keep up a good correspondence between the two kingdoms."
Mr. Hume calls them spies; their public appointment and legal
credentials refute that representation; yet it cannot be a question
that their intended business was to keep a sharp eye on his Majesty's
proceedings, and to thwart any sinister design of his which they might
be able to discover.
[Sidenote: _Royal Visit to Scotland._]
By the help of certain letters from Sidney Bere--afterwards Under
Secretary of State, who formed one of the royal suite during this
Scotch visit--we are able to follow the King into some of the religious
and social scenes of the northern capital, which the courtier watched
with much curiosity, and in his own fashion thus describes:--
"The chaplains' places are supplied by Mr. Henderson and another,
who say grace, but I cannot say read prayers, they being likewise
extemporary, one in the beginning, then a chapter or two, after that
another prayer, then a psalm, and so the benediction. This is in the
Chamber of Presence at the usual hours; the sermons have been hitherto
in the parish church, though the chapel here be fitted up, but after
their fashion, without altar or organs."[211]
"His Majesty is neither wanting in pains nor affection, going every
morning to their Parliament, and this Sunday was in two of their
churches, and daily takes the prayer and preachings according to
their form, which gains much on the people. In a word, his Majesty is
wholly disposed to settle both Church and State before he leaves this
place."[212]
[Sidenote: 1641, August.]
"I will only add a relation of a feast, made by this town unto the
King and the Lords in the Great Hall of the Parliament this day,
August 30th. The King and the Prince Elector sat at one table, the
Lords at another, but both in one room. The Duke of Richmond on one
side, General Leslie over against, and next him the Marquis Hamilton,
who gives him the place ordinarily, in respect, (I take it), that his
commission of General is not yet delivered up. The mayor of the town,
like a plain Dutch host, bestirred himself bravely, drank a health
to the King, to the Queen, and the royal Children, and afterwards
insisted with his Majesty to pledge; and so, in this Scotch familiar
way, but with a great deal of familiarity, bid the King and the
Lords welcome, with such hearty expressions as it served both for
mirth and satisfaction. The glasses went liberally about, and the
entertainment was great; indeed, over the whole town there was nothing
but joy and revelling, like a day of jubilee; and this in token of
the union, which, doubtless, is more firm than ever, by reason of the
happy intervention of the unity of form of religion, at least for
the present; and in the King's own practice, which wins much upon
this people. Yesterday his Majesty was again at the great church
at sermon, where the bishops were not spared, but put down in such
language as would a year ago have been at the least a Star Chamber
business, imputing still all that was amiss to ill counsellors, and so
ingratiated his Majesty with his people, who indeed show a zeal and
affection beyond all expression."[213]
[Sidenote: _Royal Visit to Scotland._]
While reading these extracts we cannot help noticing that the services
in Edinburgh, attended by the Anglo-Catholic King, in 1641, were as
different as possible from the ceremonial exhibitions arranged
for Holyrood in 1633, by an Anglo-Catholic bishop, when the musical
servants, with their chapel goods and paraphernalia were despatched
by the Dreadnought for the Firth of Forth.[214] Experience since then
had taught some little wisdom in such matters. Defiance having failed,
conciliation was now attempted, and it would seem that the whole
political bearing of Charles whilst in Scotland was in keeping with
his social and religious conduct at that time. He ratified the Acts
of June, 1640, by which Presbyterianism had become the established
religion of the country; he bestowed fresh titles and dignities on
certain noblemen who had opposed him at the council table, and arrayed
themselves against him in the field; and he consented to the partition
of ecclesiastical revenues amongst Presbyterian claimants, when, as
it was said, "leading men, cities, and universities cast lots for the
garments which had clothed the Episcopal establishment." Such was the
conduct of the Sovereign on the whole, that he alarmed his friends and
encouraged his foes; some on both sides concluding that he meant to
establish Presbyterianism throughout his dominions; but of that idea,
however, he took care to disabuse "his servants," assuring them of
his remaining "constant to the discipline and doctrine of the Church
of England established by Queen Elizabeth and his father," and his
resolution "by the grace of God to die in the maintenance of it."[215]
[Sidenote: 1641, September.]
When the pacification had been effected, the English Parliament
solemnly celebrated the event on the 7th of September, by attending
divine worship.[216] But the two Houses did not agree in the manner of
service. Bishop Williams, as Dean of Westminster, had prepared for the
occasion a form of prayer. The Commons pronounced this to be beyond
his power, and ordered the prayer not to be read in the liberties of
Westminster or elsewhere. When the Lords met in the Abbey, the Commons
went to Lincoln's Inn Chapel, where Burgess and Marshall preached, and
prayers were offered _extempore_.
[Sidenote: _Proceedings of the Commons._]
The Commons, conscious of strength, perhaps a little over-estimating
it, were not slow in pressing Church reforms, though they proceeded
with some caution. At the end of August, they resolved that
churchwardens should remove communion-tables from the east end of
churches where they had stood altar-wise, and that they should take
away the rails, level the chancel floors, and altogether place
the buildings in the same state as they were in before the recent
innovations. Perhaps excitement in our own day, respecting usages
adopted at St. George's in the East, may serve as an illustration of
the feeling awakened in the middle of the seventeenth century, by
Anglican worship. Only it is to be remembered that instead of one St.
George's in the East at that time, there were a hundred in different
parts of the country. In villages and towns with High Church clergymen,
and Low Church congregations, where semi-Popish arrangements had been
adopted in the chancel, while rigid and ultra-Protestant Puritans sat
in the nave, or absented themselves altogether--such feuds arose,
that, to preserve the peace, as well as to check "innovations," the
Lower House deemed it necessary to interfere. The opposition to
Sunday afternoon lecturing, and the refusal of incumbents to admit
lecturers into their pulpits, increased the strife; and, in reference
to this, the Commons interfered by declaring it lawful for the people
to set up a lecturer at their own charge.[217] Bishops inhibited such
proceedings; but the Commons declared the inhibition void. As bishops
were members of the Upper House, all this tended to make the breach
between the two branches of the legislature wider than before.
[Sidenote: 1641, September.]
The question of worship could not be allowed to rest. "Innovations"
were still discussed; it was resolved in the Lower House, on the 1st
September, that scandalous pictures and images should be removed from
sacred edifices, and candlesticks and basins from the Communion-table,
that there should be no "corporal bowing" at the name of Jesus, and
that the Lord's Day should be duly observed.[218] The Peers did not
agree with the other House in all these proceedings; they were prepared
to command, that no rails should be erected where none existed already;
that chancels should be levelled if they had been raised within the
last fifteen years; that all images of the Trinity should be abolished;
and that any representation of the Virgin set up within twenty years
should be pulled down. But the Lords declined to forbid bowing at the
name of Jesus; and--omitting any direct reply to the message on the
subject from the Lower House--they simply resolved to print and publish
the order of the 16th of January, commanding that divine service
should be performed according to Act of Parliament; that those who
disturbed "wholesome order" should be punished; and that clergymen
should introduce no ceremonies which might give offence.[219] The
Commons were highly displeased at this, and immediately published their
own resolution on their own authority, adding, that they hoped their
proposed reformations might be perfected; and that, in the mean time,
the people "should quietly attend the reformation intended," without
any disturbance of God's worship and the public peace.[220]
The Houses, on the 9th of September, adjourned their sittings for six
weeks. When the conflicting orders of Parliament respecting worship
came before the nation, the Anglicans adhered to the one issued by
the Lords for preserving things as they were, the Puritans upheld
the other published by the Commons in favour of reformation: party
strife consequently increased, leading to fresh disturbances of the
peace. Resistance to the order of the Commons burst out in St. Giles'
Cripplegate, St. George's Southwark, and other parishes. There the
High Church party defended the threatened communion-rails, as though
they had been the outworks of a beleaguered citadel. On the other
hand, where Puritanism had the ascendancy, violent opposition was made
to the reading of the liturgy, service books were torn and surplices
rent.[221]
[Sidenote: _Reaction._]
A considerable reaction in the state of public feeling began to appear
in many quarters. There were persons who, having hailed with gratitude
and delight the earlier measures of the Long Parliament, now felt
disappointed at the results, and at the further turn which affairs
were taking. Always, in great revolutions, a multitude of persons
may be found in whose minds sanguine hope has been inspired by the
inauguration of change; but, being moderate in their opinions and quiet
in their habits, they are so terribly alarmed at popular excitement,
and by the apprehension of impending extravagances of procedure, that
they call on the drivers of the chariot of reform to pull up, as
soon as ever the horses have galloped a few yards and a little dust
begins to rise around the vehicle. Want of skill, reckless haste, even
mischievous intentions, are sure to be imputed to those who hold the
reins, and the conviction gains ground that speedily the coach will be
overturned.
[Sidenote: 1641, September.]
So it happened in this instance. People who had cheered on Pym and
his compatriots a few months before, were now becoming thoroughly
frightened. Semi-Puritans, and other good folks, who wished to see
matters mended very quietly, thought changes were going a great
deal too far; also self-interest aided the reaction. Bishops had
been assailed, but bishops as yet had neither been dethroned in the
cathedral nor dismissed from the Upper House. They were provoked
without being deprived of power, irritated without being divested of
influence. They still lived in palaces, and had the establishments of
noblemen, and at the same time they retained the means of attaching to
them such of the clergy as waited for preferment. Persons of the latter
description naturally dreaded the impoverishment of the prelates, and
deprecated taking away the rewards of learning and piety.
They did what they could to make Parliament odious. Many, too, were
"daily poisoned by the discourses of the friends, kindred, and
retainers to so many great delinquents, as must needs fear such a
Parliament." This is stated by a candid contemporary, Thomas May,
secretary to the Parliament, who dwells at large upon the reaction at
this period, and points out its causes. Besides those now mentioned,
he adds: "daily reports of ridiculous conventicles, and preachings
made by tradesmen and illiterate people of the lowest rank, to the
scandal and offence of many, which some in a merry way would put off,
considering the precedent times, that these tradesmen did but take up
that which prelates and the great doctors had let fall,--preaching the
Gospel; that it was but a reciprocal invasion of each other's calling,
that chandlers, salters, weavers, and such like, preached, when the
archbishop himself, instead of preaching, was daily busied in projects
about leather, salt, soap, and such commodities as belonged to those
tradesmen."
[Sidenote: _Reaction._]
He then proceeds: "but I remember within the compass of a year after,
(when this civil war began to break out over all the kingdom, and men
in all companies began to vent their opinions in an argumentative
way, either opposing or defending the Parliament cause, and
treatises were printed on both sides,) many gentlemen who forsook
the Parliament were very bitter against it for the proceedings in
religion, in countenancing, or not suppressing, the rudeness of people
in churches--acting those things which seemed to be against the
discipline of the English Church, and might introduce all kinds of
sects and schisms. Neither did those of the Parliament side agree in
opinions concerning that point; some said it was wisely done of the
Parliament not to proceed against any such persons for fear of losing
a considerable party; others thought and said, that by so doing, they
would lose a far more considerable party of gentlemen than could be
gained of the other sort. They also affirmed, that laws and liberties
having been so much violated by the King, if the Parliament had not so
far drawn religion also into their cause, it might have sped better;
for the Parliament frequently at that time, in all their expressions,
whensoever they charged the corrupt statesmen of injustice and tyranny,
would put Popery, or a suspicion of it, into the first place against
them."[222]
This reaction should be kept in mind, as it will serve to explain some
things which followed.
[Illustration]