CHAPTER V

BETROTHAL TO LOUIS XII. OF FRANCE

Though Louis de Longueville has always had the credit of arranging the

match between the Princess Mary and Louis XII. of France, there was

another who claimed openly the initiation of the idea. Margaret of Savoy

said that the Pope had been to her knowledge the promoter of the whole

business,[256] and Leo X. claimed[257] that he had been the first to

propose it to France and England. It had been discussed secretly in Rome

by the Bishop of Marseilles and the Bishop of Worcester, who met

frequently together in the city and in "vynes and garthynges" without

it.[258] The Medici had always been favourers of the French, and there

is no doubt that Leo X. and "il magnifico Juliano" used their influence

to make the peace, but equally doubtless, had not Longueville been on

the spot "et mena tellement l'affaire de poste en poste,"[259] matters

would not have progressed so rapidly. The Frenchman was not only moved

by desire for the national safety, he had also a private crow to pick

with Burgundy,[260] for the Prince's officers had seized on certain

lands of his, and in return the Duke rejoiced at the opportunity of

wiping his neighbour's eye. His position at the English Court gave him

every chance of doing so. Henry had intended from the first that he

should be in the household, but Katharine had been forced to lodge him

in the Tower for the first three weeks after his arrival. On the King's

return he was lodged in the Court, and became Henry's daily companion.

He was witness to the King's anger against Ferdinand of Aragon, and his

annoyance at the variableness of the Emperor, and no doubt, secrets

being ill-kept, he knew all about the Savoy-Suffolk affair. As early as

March Wolsey was half gained to France, and the general of Normandy,

Thomas Bohier, in England ostensibly to confer with Longueville at

Sittingbourne about his ransom, was on friendly terms with the new

Bishop of Lincoln, and Louis XII. desired his mediation.[261] Henry

however, was too sure that France was at his feet to treat at once, and

it was not till his allies had definitely left him that he listened to

French proposals. The Bishop of Lincoln's attitude was complicated by

his claim on Tournay, of which See he was bishop, but was there opposed

by the French bishop-elect, who had easily collected the revenues with

the collusion of the Flemish, who wanted no English bishop and mobbed

his vicar in Ghent and Bruges. It probably was in Wolsey's mind that if

he did the Pope's pleasure in the matter of peace with France, there was

more likelihood of his enjoying the fruits of the See. The bait held out

to him by Louis was a cardinal's hat, and the French King over and over

again promised to use his influence with Leo X. to get this for him. In

March the marriage was talked about in Rome, in April in Paris,[262]

while in England the only subject of conversation was the coming war,

and in May, when the Castile marriage openly hung fire, the General of

Normandy was again in England. He sent a herald to Calais[263] for a

safe-conduct and also to arrange a truce, but this was not granted, "so

he came here with a cartel to know the ransom required for the Duke de

Longueville, which, being generally known, he was answered that not

having brought the ransom with him, and should he have nothing else to

say, he was to depart in God's name." Unabashed by this brusque

reception, which may have been one of Wolsey's carefully arranged

"pageants," the Duke, "who is in great favour, making himself most

amiable,"[264] stepped in, and by his mediation the General was allowed

to open his mission for some agreement between the two crowns. Henry

demanded a million and a half ducats and three towns--Therouenne,

Boulogne and St Quentin. The General answered suavely this could hardly

be called an agreement, but his master was prepared to make peace and

give the usual tribute. King Henry then rejoined, "Well, if he chooses

to marry my sister, the widow of the King of Scots, the agreement shall

be made."[265] The General was allowed to write to his master, and he

was invited to the sacring[266] of the new ship, the "Harry Grace à

Dieu," the King's newest toy, "which has no equal in bulk and has an

incredible array of guns." There, in a brilliant company, he saw the

Queen and the Princess Mary, surrounded by the bishops, nobles and

ambassadors, and he witnessed the reception of the ambassadors from the

Duchess of Savoy and the Emperor, whom Henry took over the seven tiers

of the ship, pointing out her novelties and merits. All the French

negotiations had to be conducted with the greatest secrecy, for the war

was popular in England, where the nobles and gentlemen had already

prepared their equipages at great expense, but abroad the matter was

talked of openly, and the lady mentioned was not the impossible

Margaret, but Mary. Henry refused to be drawn by the Emperor's

ambassador,[267] and said nothing beyond that he had peace under his

hand if he wanted it; but they said roundly to the Council that the

General "was well known to the Emperor as one accustomed to handle more

difficult matters than the ransom of the Duke de Longueville." The great

difficulty was Tournay, and that question was finally waived for later

settlement, and a treaty of peace for the lives of the two kings and one

year after was concluded on a basis of tribute paying, and all arrears

from France, dating from 1444, were to be gradually paid up at a fixed

rate. Henry wanted to give his sister without a dowry, in clear

contravention of his father's will, but eventually it was arranged that

Mary's trousseau, jewels, and furniture, valued at 200,000 crowns, were

to be regarded as such.

[256] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5387; Galba B., iii. 166.

[257] _Ibid._, i. 5543; Vitell. B., ii. 108.

[258] _Ibid._, i. 5106; Vitell. B., ii. 77.

[259] Fleurange, Hist. Louis XII.; Petitot, Col. de Mémoires,

xli. 262.

[260] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4725; Galba B., iii. 148.

[261] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4883; Calig. D., vi. 117.

[262] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 398.

[263] C. S. P. Venice, iii. 1485.

[264] _Ibid._, iii. 1485.

[265] _Ibid._, ii. 436.

[266] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5192; Galba. B., iii. 208.

[267] Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 335.

Late in the evening of July 29[268] the General of Normandy came again

to London, to a very different reception. "He had come to seal the

articles, having been met by four hundred of the chief lords on

horseback to do him honour." Next day, at Wanstead Manor, Mary made the

formal renunciation of her compact of marriage with Charles, Prince of

Castile, in the presence of the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Earl

of Worcester, the Bishops of Lincoln, Winchester and Durham, and Sir

Rauf Verney, her chamberlain. On August 7 the preliminaries were

concluded and the contract signed. On the 11th peace was proclaimed in

London, with none of the usual pomp, by two men on horseback "in a

public street; neither trumpet nor any other instrument was sounded, and

but few persons heard the proclamation, neither were bonfires burnt or

any other demonstration made for this peace."[269] Two days later the

wedding took place at Greenwich, and early in the morning of that

Sunday, wrote the Venetian ambassador's secretary, a lord came in his

barge in quest of Messer Andreas Badoer,[270] "on behalf of the King

that he might go to the Court to be present at the wedding." So he went

to where his Majesty was, at a place called Greenwich, on a fine river,

and proceeded upstairs, where the other lords were awaiting the King in

the apartment where the ceremony was to be performed. It had the

appearance of a large chamber, the walls around being covered with cloth

of gold surmounted by an embroidered frieze with the royal arms. There

were many lords present, clad in cloth of gold and some in silk, all

wearing chains, who came to meet the ambassador, saying, "Thou art as

welcome as if thou wert our father and of our own blood," for which he

thanked them much, and he gave them good greeting. And he remained thus,

talking, first with one and then with another, for three hours, till at

length the King came and was immediately followed by the Queen, his

sister the bride, and a number of ladies. The Duke de Longueville, with

two French ambassadors, represented the King of France. The Primate

delivered a Latin sermon, saying that they had been brought to that

place to celebrate "a holy marriage, the contracting parties being the

sister of the King of England and the King of France, whose majesty was

represented by the Duke de Longueville." Then John de Selva, President

of Normandy, spoke, and said that the King of France was willing to take

the Princess Mary to wife, and the Bishop of Durham read the French

letters patent. When these discourses were ended, the Duke de

Longueville, representing the person of the French King, taking the

Princess by the right hand, read the marriage contract in French[271];

after which the Princess, taking the Duke's right hand in hers, read her

contract[272] in the same tongue. The Duke then signed the "schedule,"

and after him the Princess signed "Mary," and that done, Longueville

delivered to her a golden ring which she placed on the fourth finger of

her right hand. By this time it was nearly mid-day, and the King went to

Mass in procession headed by the lords walking two and two, and clad in

silk gowns of their own fashion with gold collars as massive as chains,

"two dukes of the realm walked together clad in gowns of cloth of gold,"

and last came the Venetian ambassador next the King as a mark of honour,

and paired with the Archbishop of Canterbury.[273] Henry wore a gown of

cloth of gold and ash-colour satin in chequers, with certain jewelled

embroidery, after his usual fashion, of beaten gold appliqué to the

brocade, and a most costly collar round his neck. With him, nearly in a

line but slightly behind, walked the Duke de Longueville, wearing a gown

of cloth of gold and purple satin in chequers, and a most beautiful

collar. After the King came the Queen, who was pregnant, also in

ash-colour satin with chains and jewels, and on her head a cap of cloth

of gold covering the ears in the Venetian fashion, and beside her walked

the bride in a petticoat of ash-colour satin, and a gown of purple satin

and cloth of gold in chequers. She also had a Venetian cap and many

chains and jewels, and was accompanied by many ladies. After Mass came a

banquet, followed by a return to the same room where the ceremony had

taken place, and there, to the harmonious sounds of flute, harp, pipe,

and violetta, they danced for two hours, the King and the Duke of

Buckingham dancing in their doublets, and the tunes were so merry that

Badoer, old as he was, felt tempted to throw off his gown and follow

Henry's example. Whether it was before, after, or during the dance, at

some moment the marriage was formally concluded _per verba de præsenti_,

and the bride, in the presence of many witnesses, undressed and went to

bed. "The Marquis of Rothelin (the Duke de Longueville), in his doublet

with a pair of red hose, but with one leg naked, went into bed and

touched the Princess with his naked leg, and the marriage was declared

consummated."[274] After the dance, refreshments were served, and the

King and Queen departed, and the Archbishop of York [Wolsey], the Duke

de Longueville, Badoer, the lord of St John's [_i.e._ the prior of St

John of Jerusalem in England], and other noblemen went to the house

given by the King to the Duke, a good bowshot from the palace, but

within the park walls. There the legal instrument was signed and

mutually ratified.[275] Then wines were served, and the Venetian

ambassador, and the nobleman who had fetched him in the morning, with

the lord of St John's, took their leave and returned home by barge,

"making good cheer by the way."

[268] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 464.

[269] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505.

[270] _Ibid._

[271] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5322; Vitell. C. xi. 167.

[272] _Ibid._

[273] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505.

[274] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5337, Harl. MSS. 3462, f. 142.

[275] Rymer's Fœdera, xiii. 444.

What were Mary's feelings? In spite of the Flemish agent's report, it is

not necessary to believe that she had been deeply wounded by the

breaking off of the Flemish marriage, or that she had ever been in love

with the Prince. But it is well known that she gave a reluctant consent

to the French marriage, and that her reluctance was said to have its

root in her attachment to the Duke of Suffolk, who three months ago had

been still a suitor for the hand of Margaret of Savoy. Did the two

deserted ones console each the other? It is not at all impossible that

mutual sympathy brought them into greater intimacy, and that Mary fell

in love with the Duke then, for where the experienced duchess fell, what

hope was there for the young princess! That Suffolk wanted to marry her

there can be no doubt, but his career and experience made it impossible

that he should plunge into love with Mary's enthusiasm. He had already

had two wives, of whom one was still living, and, put down in black and

white, the story of his marriages is hardly respectable. When he was Sir

Charles Brandon he made a contract of marriage "with a gentlewoman,

Mistress Anne Browne, and before any solemnization of that marriage not

only had a daughter by her, which after was married to the Lord Powes,

but also brake promise with her and married the Lady Mortimer, which

marriage the said Anne Browne judicially accused to be unlawful, for

that the said Sir Charles Brandon had made a pre-contract with her and

carnally known her. Which being duly proved, sentence of divorce was

given, and he married solemnly the said Mistress Anne Browne; at which

marriage all the nobility were present and did honour it; and afterwards

had by her another daughter, who was married to the Lord Mounteagle.

After this the said Mrs Anne Browne continued with him all her life as

his wife, and died his wife, without impeachment of that marriage."[276]

But these matters would not influence Mary, for, besides the fact that

the English were notoriously loose about marriage, she was in love, and

that hid everything. When Henry, at the last moment (and it can be taken

for granted that as secrecy was necessary Mary knew little till then),

told her of her destiny, he had the greatest difficulty in persuading

her to it. She rebelled vehemently against marriage with an "old,

feeble, and pocky" man of fifty-six, for her ladies would not mince

their words with niceness when it came to descriptions. But Henry showed

her that it could not be for long; Louis had been ill for years now

(grisly reasoning for a girl of eighteen), and once a widow she would be

free to marry whom she would, if she would only do his pleasure this

once. Longueville painted the delights of the French Court, the centre

of all light and fashion, and the honour of being queen of it, while her

pride, wounded by the Flemish treatment, was glad to be able to return

so speedy a Roland for their Oliver. Once she had allowed herself to be

dazzled into consenting, things were hurried on, and she had not a

chance for reflection; there was nothing but dancing, banquets, and

feasts from the day of her marriage to that of her departure,[277]

varied by visits from Jehan de Paris,[278] painter and designer of

frocks, and from Marigny,[279] her husband's _maître d'hôtel_, with

presents and letters from the King. One day he arrived at the Court

preceded by a white horse laden with two coffers both full of gifts for

her,[280] and she was soon reconciled to her lot, and was "so pleased to

be Queen of France that she did not care that the French King was an old

man and gouty."[281] She was not going to France "en dame de petite

étoffe,"[282] and if her first trousseau was to have been in all things

queenly and honourable, this one eclipsed it, in measure as the dignity

of a queen of France eclipsed that of a princess of Castile. The greater

number of her gowns were made in the French fashion, but six were

Milanese and eight were English, with tight sleeves. Her jewels were

magnificent, and justified her father's reputation of having harvested

those of many impecunious princes. Diamonds, caboché and cut, "tables

and points," pearls, balas rubies sparkled in bracelets, pendants,

baldrics, rings. Her device of four roses set with diamonds appeared in

various forms, and the fleur de lys was not absent, and her frontlets

were of pearls. Her bejewelled plate, her hangings, her bedroom and her

chapel appointments, were of the costliest, and the glitter of the

fashionable cloth of gold was over all.[283] Small wonder that the

excitement of the preparations and the pleasure of possessions

reconciled Mary to her fate, as her chosen "word" might indicate, "La

volonté de Dieu me suffit." Besides the jewels of the trousseau, Mary

received many marriage presents from France, and Louis sent her,

amongst other things, a marvellous diamond pendant, which roused to

admiration the jewellers of the Row, to whom it was unknown even by

reputation.[284]

[276] Julius F. vi. 409.

[277] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500.

[278] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5462; Calig. D. vi. 141.

[279] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5462; Calig. D. vi. 141.

[280] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505.

[281] _Ibid._, ii. 482.

[282] Fleurange, Hist. Louis XII.; Petitot Collection de

Mémoires, p. 265.

[283] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5491-2; Vitell. C. xi. f. 158.

[284] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500.

[Illustration: LOUIS XII ENGRAVED BY A. BERTHOLD FROM HIS TOMB IN

THE ABBEY OF ST. DENIS]

A few days after the marriage ceremony the French ambassadors set out

for France to carry the news of their successful mission. They did not

go empty-handed. The General and his son had been well rewarded, and

Longueville, no longer a prisoner, had an order on Cavalcanti, the

Italian merchant and banker, for £2000,[285] Henry's present on the

occasion of the marriage, when he also gave him his embroidered gown.

From Canterbury Mary received what was probably her first letter as

Queen of France. "Aujourd'hui," wrote Longueville, "M. le général et moi

avons eu des lettres du roi qu'il nous écrit que le plus grand désire

qu'il a c'est de savoir de vos nouvelles, et qu'il trouve

merveilleusement bon le lieu d'Abbeville pour vous trouver ensemble

ainsi qu'il a été accordé, et que là sans point de faute vous le

trouverez délibéré de vous bien recevoir. Et ferai, Madame, la plus

grande diligence qu'il me sera possible d'aller divers lui pour lui

dé[livrer] de vos nouvelles. Et toujours ainsi que j'en saurai des

siennes vous en advertirai ainsi que vous m'avez commandé, vous

suppliant très humblement, Madame, qu'il vous plaise me commander

toujours vos bons plaisirs pour les accomplir comme celui qui désire

vous faire service. Madame, il y a un marchant nommé Jehan Cavalcanty,

dem[eurant] à Londres lequel à mon affaire m'a fait service. Il a

quelque affaire envers le roi votre frère. Je vous supplie qu'il vous

[plaise], Madame, lui être aidant envers le dit et l'avoir pour [ ...

]. Madame je prie à notre Seigneur qu'il vous donne très bonne

v[ie]."[286] Bohier also wrote. On their arrival at Estampes, where was

the King, their description of Mary, "the prettiest girl in Europe," and

probably also the difficulty about Tournay, moved Louis to write to ask

for her speedy delivery into his hands. "Faîtes mes recommandations," he

wrote to Wolsey, "au roi mon frère, votre maître, et lui dites que je

lui prie m'envoyer sa sœur le plus tôt que faire se pourra, et qu'il me

fera en ce faisant singulier plaisir."[287] The same day Longueville

wrote to Mary, "Que le roi s'ennuie de ce que ne lui écrites de vos

nouvelles et aussi que votre cas ne se dépêche pas par delà si tôt qu'il

voudrait bien, pourquoi, Madame, je vous supplie très humblement que lui

veuillez écrire et tout faire par delà que le plus tôt que pourrez vous

en puisse venir, car plus grand plaisir ne lui saurez faire en ce monde.

Et en surplus, Madame, votre plaisir sera me mander et commander vos

bons plaisirs pour les accomplir. Madame je prie à Dieu qu'il vous donne

très bonne vie et longue."[288] So Mary, with the help of John

Palsgrave, wrote a formal little letter in French, of which this is a

translation:--

"Sir, very humbly I recommend me unto your grace. I have received

the letters which it has pleased you to write to me with your own

hand, and heard what my cousin the Duke de Longueville has told

me from you, in which I take great joy, felicity, and pleasure,

for which and for the honour which it has pleased you to do to

me I hold myself ever indebted and obliged to you, and thank you

as cordially as I can. And because by my cousin you will hear how

all things have taken their end and conclusion, and the very

singular desire that I have to see you, I forbear to write to you

a longer letter. For the rest, Sir, praying our Creator to give

you health and long life,--By the hand of your humble companion,

MARY."[289]

[285] L. and P. H. VIII., ii.; Book of Payments, August 1514.

[286] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5329; Calig. D. vi. 137.

[287] Vitell. C. xvi. f. 145.

[288] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5373; Calig. D. vi. 142.

[289] Bethune MSS., Bib. du Roi, Paris, quoted by Mrs Green in

"Lives of the Princesses of England," vol. v. p. 34.

On September 14, in the church of the Celestines at Paris, after Mass,

Louis went through the marriage ceremony with Mary's proctor, the Earl

of Worcester. The Dauphin, Longueville, John Stuart, Duke of Albany,

Robertet, the treasurer, were there, with many others, and the next day,

in Les Tournelles, in the faubourg St Antoine, the King appeared before

the Bishop of Paris and bound himself to the payment of a million gold

ducats to Henry VIII., and in default to be excommunicated.[290] That

was the last of the formalities; all had now been complied with, and

Louis was eager to see the wife he had heard so much about. So he wrote

to Wolsey again urging that she should be sent over as soon as possible,

for to have her across the sea was all his desire, and thanking Wolsey

for all the trouble that had been taken with "l'appareil et les choses,"

which he understood were exquisitely beautiful.[291] He enclosed a

letter to Mary, who replied: "Monseigneur, Bien humblement a votre bonne

grace, je me recommende. Monseigneur j'ai par Monseigneur l'evêque de

Lincoln reçu les très affectueuses lettres qu'il vous a plu naguères

m'écrire, qui m'ont été a très grant joye et confort, vous assurant,

Monseigneur, qu'il n'y a rien que tant je désire que de vous voir. Et le

Roi, Monseigneur et frère, fait tout extrème diligence pour mon allée

delà la mer, qui au plaisir de Dieu sera brière. Vous suppléant,

Monseigneur, me vouloir cependant pour ma très singulière consolation

souvent faire savoir de vos nouvelles, ensemble vos bons et agréables

plaisirs pour vous y obéir et complaire, aidant notre Créateur qui vous

donne, Monseigneur, bonne vie et longuement bien prosperer. De la main

de vre bien humble compaigne.

MARIE."[292]

[290] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5408. R.O.

[291] _Ibid._, i. 5462; Calig. D. vi. 141.

[292] Ellis's "Original Letters," 1st series, vol. i. p. 113.

What kind of a man was Mary to be consigned to? A recent French writer

gives the following description of his character drawn from contemporary

sources:--"D'esprit médiocre, pas eloquent ni savant, mais plein de bons

sens, c'était comme le grandgouzier de Rabelais, un type de 'bon

raillard,' aimant à boire et à rire, orné des vertues bourgeoises et

pratiques, dont il ne lui manquait pas une, même la fidélité à sa femme,

et pour le reste, plein de bonté, de loyauté, d'amabilité, de rondeur;

point de rancune, la gaîté cordiale, les goûts charitables, les

sentiments serieusement chrétiens, sans ostentation, ni tendance au

merveilleux: homme tout cœur qui ne pensait qu'à son peuple."[293] He

knew and admired Italian art and writers, and welcomed them at his

Court, but with no frenzied admiration. He was, above all things,

reasonable, normal, and commonplace. To his first wife Jeanne he had

been forcibly married by her father, Louis XI. She is said to have been

a crippled angel, and the first thing Louis did on his accession was to

obtain a divorce from her from Alexander VI., "l'argent entra en ligne,"

and all was easy with the Borgia; and then to marry Anne of Brittany,

the widow of his cousin and predecessor, Charles VIII. She was a not

unusual mixture of piety and arrogance, and a thousand times more

Duchess of Brittany than she was Queen of France to the day of her

death. Like Katharine of England, time and again, in spite of prayers,

promises, and pilgrimages, her hopes of a male heir were dashed, and she

only left two daughters to survive her, the elder of whom, Claude, after

having been grudgingly betrothed to Francis d'Angoulême, who was in open

antagonism to Anne, was married to him a few months after her mother's

death. Renée, the younger, the child of many prayers, called for St

René, to whom her father had vowed his child, was the princess who had

so often been en concurrence with Mary in Flanders. Since his wife's

death and his own continued illness Louis had allowed the Dauphin, as

Francis d'Angoulême was now called, to meddle in affairs of state, for,

after all, vain-glorious and incapable of viewing things from any but an

absolutely personal vantage as he was, the young man was more than

likely to become King of France, and must serve his apprenticeship, and

now nothing was done without his advice. He was furious with Longueville

for his part in bringing about the English marriage, "il en sceut bien

mauvais gré,"[294] but made up his mind to carry the thing off well, "et

voullust bien montrer qu'il n'estoit pas mal content de ce marriage,"

and threw himself heartily into the preparations for Mary's reception,

confident that his position was saved by the senile condition of the

King's bodily powers, and frankly interested in his favourite occupation

of organizing gorgeous spectacles. The Court Mary was about to enter was

no harmonious one, for Louise de Savoie and her son were centres of

disaffection, and Claude de France and her father were eclipsed by the

magnificence of the hôtel d'Angoulême, the treasurer of France,

Robertet, pandering to the Dauphin's boyish extravagance in clothes and

advancing money to pay his colossal tailor bills. Mary would find

herself the centre of all kinds of intrigue, from which the kindly

nature of her husband could hardly protect her, though, as Worcester

wrote, "he hath a marvellous mind to content and please the Queen."[295]

He awaited her coming in great good humour with seven coffers of jewels

and other treasures beside him, and "au logic du roy il ne feust plus

question de deuil."[296] Worcester wrote that "there is nothing that can

displease him, and he hath provided jewels and goodly gear for her.

There was in his chamber the Archbishop of Paris, Robertet, and the

General and I, where he showed me the goodliest and richest sight of

jewels that ever I saw. I would not have believed it if I had not seen

it."[297] All things were for her, said the King, "but merrily laughing,

'my wife shall not have all at once, but at divers times, for he would

have many and at divers times kisses and thanks for them.' I assure you

he thinketh every hour a day till he seeth her. He is never well but

when he heareth speak of her. I make no doubt she will have a good life

with him by the grace of God."

[293] "Louise de Savoie," by Maulde la Clavière, p. 116.

[294] Fleurange, _op. cit._, p. 269.

[295] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5468; Calig. D. vi. 198.

[296] Fleurange, Hist. Louis XII.; Petitot Collection de

Mémoires, p. 267.

[297] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5468; Calig. D. vi. 198.

And on the other side of the channel poor Mary would willingly have made

every hour a day before her departure. Two or three days before she left

London "all the merchants of every nation went to Court. The Queen

desired to see them all and gave her hand to each of them. She wore a

gown in the French fashion of woven gold, very costly; she is very

beautiful and has not her match in England, is a young woman sixteen

years old, tall, fair, and of light complexion with a colour, and most

affable and graceful. On her neck was a jewelled diamond as large and as

broad as a full-sized finger, with a pear-shaped pearl beneath it, the

size of a pigeon's egg, which jewel had been sent her as a present by

the King of France.... And the jewellers of the Row, whom the King

desired to value it, estimated its worth at 60,000 crowns. It was

marvellous that the existence of this diamond and pearl should never

have been known; it was believed that they belonged to the late King of

France, or to the Duke of Brittany, the father of the late Queen." "On

bidding farewell to the merchants she made them many offers, speaking a

few words in French and delighting everybody. The whole Court now speaks

French and English, as in the time of the late King."[298]

[298] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500.

Mary's ladies had been chosen from among her companions by Wolsey, and

on August 7, when the marriage treaty was signed, the ladies had been

arranged for also. The paper was evidently taken to France for the

King's signature, for it is in the British Museum signed "Loys," and

dated, in a contemporary English hand, August 8, 1514.[299] Their names

are: Mademoiselle Grey, sister of the Marquis [of Dorset], Mademoiselle

Mary Fenes, daughter of Lord Dacres [of Hurst Monceaux], Mademoiselle

Elizabeth, sister of Lord Grey [de Wilton?], Mademoiselle Boleyne [Anne,

not Mary, in spite of Dr Brewer], Mistress Anne Jerningham, _femme de

chambre_, Jean Barnes, _chamberière_. These were the ladies "contracted

for." But later on more were added without reference to Louis' pleasure:

old Lady Guildford, Elizabeth Ferrers, Anne Devereux, M. Wotton, Anne

Denys, and evidently others. Dr Denton, her old friend, went as her

almoner, and John Palsgrave as her secretary. "Mother" Guildford came

from her retirement to go with her former charge as lady of honour, for

she spoke French well, and would be able, as Henry told Mary, to advise

the _jeune mariée_ in the perplexing situations which might arise. At

the suit of Longueville[300] Louis suggested that Jane Popincourt should

be among his wife's ladies, for he understood that "the Queen loveth and

trusteth her above all the gentlewomen about her," but on Worcester

telling him of her evil life he said that "if the King made her to be

brent, it should be a good deed," and Longueville's scheme fell through.

Louis said there should be never man nor woman about his wife but such

as should be at her contentation, but later on he judged their fitness

by another standard. As the Duke of Suffolk could not go with her, the

Duke of Norfolk was to present Mary to her husband, and with him were

many nobles and ladies; notably the Marquis of Dorset and his four

brethren, Lord de la Warr, Lord Mounteagle, the Bishop of Durham, with

many bannerets and esquires. The Duchess of Norfolk and the Countess of

Oxford were with the Duke, and the Marchioness of Dorset and Lady

Mounteagle accompanied their husbands. The company was chosen by Wolsey,

and several of Suffolk's friends were included. Thomas Wriothesley,

Garter King at Arms, with Richmond Herald, went to see that all things

were in order, and fifty officers of the King's household were

transferred to his sister's.

[299] L. and P. H. VIII. i. 5484; Vitell. C. xi. 155.

[300] _Ibid._, i. 5468; Calig. D. vi. 198.

On September 19 all these "gros princes et dames et gros personages" set

out for Dover, accompanied by what remained of the Court to the water's

edge. "There would be about a thousand palfreys, and a hundred women's

carriages," wrote Lorenzo Pasqualigo, merchant of Venice in London, to

his brother. "There were so many gowns of woven gold, and with gold

grounds, housings for the horses and palfreys of the same material, and

chains and jewels, that they were worth a vast amount of treasure; and

some of the noblemen in this company, to do themselves honour, had spent

as much as 200,000 crowns each. Many of the merchants proposed going to

Dover to see this fine sight."[301] The Court rode in leisurely fashion

to the coast at Dover. Mary was expected in France, where no business

save rejoicings for the wedding was attended to, on the 29th, and John

Heron[302] had pressed the ships for her crossing by that date, and the

fleet had scoured the channel to east and west, but it was not till

October 2 that she set sail for Boulogne. Henry had meant to have gone

ten miles out to sea with her in the "Harry Grace à Dieu,[303] but the

weather was too threatening, so he bade his sister good-bye at the

water-edge, his last words being a renewal of his promise about her

second marriage, and hers a passionate reminder. The fleet set sail, and

had not gone far before the fulfilment of her first marriage became for

the moment problematic, for they "had not sailed a quarter of their

voyage in the sea but that the wind rose and severed the ships, driving

some of them to Calais, some into Flanders, and her ship and three

others with great difficulty were brought to Boulogne, not without great

jeopardy at the entering of the haven, for the master ran the ship hard

on shore. But the boats were ready and received the lady out of the

ship, and Sir Christopher Garnish ['strong, sturdy stallion, so sterne

and so stowsty'] strode into the water, and took her in his arms and

bare her to land, where the Duke of Vendôme, and a cardinal with many

other great estates, received her with great honour."[304] At least one

ship of the fleet was lost, "The Great Elizabeth," at Sandgate, close to

Calais, and Sir Weston Browne, the captain, and not a hundred men

escaped out of a company of five hundred.

[301] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500.

[302] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 68.

[303] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 503.

[304] Stowe's Chronicle, _ed._ 1592, pp. 828 _et seq._

The useful Marigny[305] at once sent notice to Louis at Abbeville of the

Queen's arrival, and thither, after a short interval of rest, long

enough to squeeze the sea water from her clothes, went Mary, accompanied

all the way by Longueville, who "made her good cheer," Lautrec, the

Bishop of Bayeux, and a large company, and joined on the way by the Duke

d'Angoulême, whom the English annoyed by calling "M. le duc," instead

of "Monsieur" _tout court_. On the 8th the company was within a few

miles of Abbeville, and at St Nicholas d'Essarts[306] the princes left

Mary to rest and change and put herself in order, while they rode on to

Abbeville to announce her coming to the King. Louis was curious to see

her, but etiquette forbade his going to meet her, so he sent back the

Dauphin to meet her a mile or so out of the town, with MM. d'Alençon, de

Longueville, de Lautrec, de la Tremouille, saying that he intended to

happen along the road hawking with his falcons, and would accidentally

meet the Queen at such and such a place, and Mary was to know nothing of

his intention. At the place appointed, a wide plain a little over a mile

away, the Dauphin met Mary riding a white palfrey, and wearing a dress

of cloth of gold on crimson, her shaggy hat of crimson silk cocked over

her left eye, and detained her there talking till some horsemen came in

sight. They were the King, the Cardinals of Auch and Bayeux, M. de

Vendôme, the Duke of Albany, Count Galeazzo di San Severino, the master

of horse, and others. Louis wore a short riding dress of the same stuff

as the Queen's, a sure sign that the meeting had really been

pre-arranged, for at this time it was the fashion when Kings and Queens

appeared together in public that their garments should always be made of

the same material. He rode as jauntily as he could a beautiful Spanish

horse, whose barb was of cloth of gold and black satin in chequers. As

he came up he gallantly kissed his hand to Mary and expressed his

surprise at this chance meeting, and Mary doffed her hat when told who

this was, and kissed her hand to the King, who then brought his horse

close up to her palfrey and "threw his arm round her neck and kissed

her as kindly as if he had been five and twenty." After a few words with

her he greeted the princes and gentlemen of her company, and then,

saying that he would continue his hunting, he departed and returned home

by another way.[307] He looked exceedingly ill, and Mary seems to have

found him worse than she had imagined. After Louis had gone the

procession was formed. It led off with fifty of Mary's esquires dressed

in silks of several sorts, all wearing the inevitable gold collar or

chain. Next came the Duke of Norfolk, with the ambassadors and noblemen

two and two, all wearing enormous gold chains (some cost as much as

£600), some doubling and trebling them round their necks, others wearing

them "prisoner fashion," and all having velvet bonnets of different

colours. Garter King at Arms and Richmond Herald in their tabards

followed, with eight trumpeters in crimson damask, and macers with gilt

maces surmounted by a royal crown; then two grooms in short doublets of

cloth of gold and black velvet, with velvet caps, each leading a

palfrey, and after these, two other palfreys ridden by pages. Then came

the Queen on her white palfrey, with the Dauphin always at her side, and

at her stirrup her running footmen, followed immediately by her litter

of cloth of gold, embroidered with gold lilies in wrought gold. On the

back and front of it were the French lilies and the parti-coloured roses

of York and Lancaster, while on the sides above and below were dolphins

and more red and white roses. This was borne by two large horses trapped

to match the litter and ridden by two pages in livery. Next followed the

ladies: first a party riding, gay in silks and gold brocades, and then

four in a carriage covered with gold brocade patterned in large flowers,

and drawn by six horses trapped to match. Then more ladies on palfreys,

and another carriage, and after that more palfreys, all decked and

trapped in gold brocade and murrey velvet, with running footmen, and

then ten palfreys more in the same stuffs with pale blue and white

fringe. Last of all came 200 English archers marching two and two in

three divisions; the first were in doublets of green satin and surcoats

and belts of black velvet, with shaggy red and white hats; the second

wore black doublets and shaggy white hats; the third black with grey

hats. But this was not all. About half a mile out of the town the chief

men of Abbeville met the Queen with 150 men, archers, musketeers, and

arbalestmen, all in red and yellow, and with them the captain of the

town and thirty men in his own livery. These fell in at the head of the

procession, which had swelled to considerable dimensions before it

reached the suburbs. At Nôtre Dame de la Chapelle without the walls

there seems to have been a short halt to allow Mary to make final

preparations for her entry, and here she was met by the clergy. It was

now about four o'clock, and a sharp shower fell, drenching them all,

especially the ladies, and, indeed, "of water from heaven there was no

lack until the evening, which caused some regret." The procession again

formed up. "First went a good number of archers, musketeers and

arbalestmen of the town, all in their livery of red and yellow; next the

Prévôt de l'Hôtel with his archers; then the 400 archers of the Guard

(on foot) with their captains, followed by the Grand Seneschal of

Normandy, with the gentlemen about eighty in number, including the

princes and grandees, who might amount to as many as twenty-five, in

gallant trim of various sorts and many in gold brocade." The Queen came

next, riding under a canopy of white satin embroidered above and around

with roses, and supported by two porcupines which the clergy had

prepared for her, and which was borne by the officers of the town. Her

dress was now "of gold brocade with a white gown," made in English

fashion with tight sleeves, "very costly both in jewels and goldsmith

work." She held in her hand a sceptre of white wood, and all round her

under the canopy were her running footmen, while the Scots Guards made a

second circle just outside the canopy. The Dauphin rode just beyond the

edge of her canopy, and they laughed and talked together, for "une si

belle personne tout or et diamants plut fort au duc de Valois."[308] The

reality of all this magnificence far exceeded the description, wrote the

Venetian ambassador, "to the great glory of the Queen." Abbeville

welcomed her with enthusiasm, and trumpets, clarions, bells and

artillery all vied in making the noise without which jubilation is

impossible. The people were delighted with her, and admired her fair

beauty and gentle manners, for they were not all so critical as the

Venetian ambassador, who at once spotted what he called the weak point

in her face, its light eyebrows and eyelashes. Under clangour of bells

and blare of trumpets, and amid the press of her new subjects, Mary,

still a little pale from her recent fatigues and stormy crossing, rode

through the Porte Marcade down the wet _chaussée,_ all hung with

tapestries now damp with rain, meeting Mysteries and Moralities at every

corner, till she came to the Church of St Wolfran, Abbeville's patron

saint, where she dismounted to give thanks. On the Place where was

Mary's lodging her most trying ordeal was before her, for there awaited

her Madame Claude, who had been "slightly indisposed and unable to go

out of the town to meet her." Mary was of those who thinketh little

evil, and her kind heart was moved at the sight of that white, plain

face, with its sweet expression, and she met her then, as later, "with

the utmost courtesy and honour and very lovingly."[309] The Venetians,

who delighted in spectacles, give no account of Mary's formal

presentation to her husband, and for that reason I inclined to the

belief that Gaguin's[310] account is apocryphal, and that Mary was

allowed to sup in peace and rest before the ball given by the Duke and

Duchess of Brittany (as François and Claude were called by the English)

in the evening. Neither do their letters mention the homage to St

Wolfran, but to give thanks at the parish church was usual on such

occasions and not likely to have been omitted. What a day for a girl of

nineteen to have passed through! No wonder she looked a little pale and

weary, but her spirits never flagged nor her amazing energy, and she

showed her usual zest in dancing and listening to songs and music. Her

people said she cared for nothing in the world so much as dancing and

singing, and that night she danced and smiled her way into the hearts of

the whole Court, "for she conducts herself with so much grace and has

such good manners." The enthusiastic Venetian exclaimed, "She is a

paradise!" and envied the King. The ball must have been a sumptuous

affair. English and French noblemen vied with one another in

magnificence, and their ladies, too, were glittering with jewels and

brocades, but in this trial by glory San Severino was easily the

handsomest in his gown of cloth of gold lined with superb sables. The

stuff for it, ordered specially from Florence, had only arrived the day

before, to the despair of the tailors, who had had to work all night to

have it ready for Sunday's doings.

[305] L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5469; Calig. E. i. 79.

[306] "Lives of the Princesses of England," v. p. 41.

[307] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 511.

[308] "Louise de Savoie," by La Maulde Clavière, p. 369.

[309] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 509, 510, 511, for description of

whole episode.

[310] Gaguin, Chronique de France.

While one end of the town was dancing and singing, in the poorer quarter

across the river men were fighting flames for their lives and homes.

Fire had seized the wooden hovels, and no help was to be expected from

the King's men, for the tocsin was not allowed to disturb the King's

amusements. Thickly curtained windows shut out the sight of the flames

from the court, while the Italians in the house of the Venetian

ambassador watched their progress with vehement prayers for

deliverance.[311] The high wind fanned them, and many of the houses were

burnt down before the sounds of royal merriment ceased; but God was

merciful to the Italians, and the flames were got under before they

leapt the river. Thus by shipwreck and by fire was Mary's new life

ushered in.

[311] C. S. P. Venice, ii. 511.

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