She at that time expected to keep this manufacture to herself. The people

of Leeds, Halifax, and Newberry,[416] petition the House of Commons "that

by some means the woollen manufacture may be prevented from being set up

in foreign countries;" and the Commons, in their address, mention the

keeping it as much as possible _entire_ to themselves. But experience has

proved the vanity of those expectations; several other countries cultivate

this trade with success. France now undersells her. England has lost some

of those markets, and it is thought probable that Ireland, if admitted to

them, might have preserved and may now recover the trade that England has

lost.

A perseverance in this restrictive policy will be ruinous to the trade of

Great Britain. Whatever may be the state of America, great numbers of the

inhabitants of Ireland, if the circumstances of this country shall

continue to be the same as at present in respect of trade, will emigrate

there; this will give strength to that part of the empire on which Great

Britain can least, and take it from that part on which at present she may

most securely depend. But this is not all the mischief; those emigrants

will be mostly manufacturers, and will transfer to America the woollen and

linen manufactures, to the great prejudice of those trades in England,

Scotland, and Ireland; and then one of the means used to keep the colonies

dependent by introducing this country into a system of colonisation, will

be the occasion of lessening, if not dissolving, the connection between

them and their parent State.

Great Britain, weakened in her extremities, should fortify the heart of

her empire; Great Britain, with powerful foreign enemies united in lasting

bonds against her, and with scarcely any foreign alliance to sustain her,

should exert every possible effort to strengthen herself at home. The

number of people in Ireland have more than doubled in fourscore years. How

much more rapid would be the increase if the growth of the human race was

cherished by finding sufficient employment and food for this prolific

nation! it would probably double again in half a century. What a vast

accession of strength such numbers of brave and active men, living almost

within the sound of a trumpet, must bring to Great Britain, now said to be

decreasing considerably in population!--a greater certainty than double

those numbers dispersed in distant parts of the globe, the expense of

defending and governing of which must at all times be great. Sir W.

Temple,[417] in 1673, takes notice of the circumstances prejudicial to the

trade and riches of Ireland, which had hitherto, he says, made it of more

loss than value to England. They have already been mentioned. The course

of time has removed some of them, and the wisdom and philanthropy of

Britain may remove the rest. "Without these circumstances (says that

honest and able statesman), the native fertility of the soils and seas, in

so many rich commodities, improved by multitudes of people and industry,

with the advantage of so many excellent havens, and a situation so

commodious for all sorts of foreign trade, must needs have rendered this

kingdom one of the richest in Europe, and made a mighty increase both of

strength and revenue to the crown of England."[418]

During this century, Ireland has been, without exaggeration, a mine of

wealth to England, far beyond what any calculation has yet made it. When

poor and thinly inhabited she was an expense and a burden to England; when

she had acquired some proportion of riches and grew more numerous, she was

one of the principal sources of her wealth. When she becomes poor again,

those advantages are greatly diminished. The exports from Great Britain to

Ireland, in 1778,[419] were less than the medium value of the four

preceding years in a sum of L634,444 3_s._ 0_d_; and in the year 1779,

Great Britain is obliged, partly at her own expense, to defend this

country, and for that purpose has generously bestowed out of her own

exchequer a large sum of money. Those facts demonstrate that the poverty

of Ireland ever has been a drain, and her riches an influx of wealth to

England, to which the greater part of it will ever flow, and it imports

not to that country through what channel; but the source must be cleared

from obstructions, or the stream cannot continue to flow.

Such a liberal system would increase the wealth of this kingdom by means

that would strengthen the hands of government, and promote the happiness

of the people. Ireland would be then able to contribute largely to the

support of the British Empire, not only from the increase of her wealth,

but from the more equal distribution of it into a greater number of hands

among the various orders of the community. The present inability of

Ireland arises principally from this circumstance, that her lower and

middle classes have little or no property, and are not able, to any

considerable amount, either to pay taxes or consume those commodities that

are the usual subjects of them; and this has been the consequence of the

laws which prevent trade and discourage manufactures. The same quantity of

property distributed through the different classes of the people would

supply resources much superior to those which can be found in the present

state of Ireland.[420] The increase of people there under its present

restraints makes but a small addition to the resources of the State in

respect of taxes.[421] In 1685, the amount of the inland excise in Ireland

was L75,169. In 1762, it increased only to L92,842. Those years are taken

as periods of a considerable degree of prosperity in Ireland. The people

had increased, from 1685 to 1762, in a proportion of nearly 7 to 4,[422]

which appears from this circumstance, that in 1685 hearth-money amounted

to L32,659, and in 1762 to L56,611. At the former period the law made to

restrain and discourage the principal trade and manufacture of Ireland had

not been made. There were then vast numbers of sheep in Ireland, and the

woollen manufacture was probably in a flourishing state. At the former of

those periods the lower classes of the people were able to consume

excisable commodities; in the latter they lived for the most part on the

immediate produce of the soil. The numbers of people in a state, like

those of a private family, if the individuals have the means of acquiring,

add to the wealth, and if they have not those means, to the poverty of the

community. Population is not always a proof of the prosperity of a nation;

the people may be very numerous and very poor and wretched. A temperate

climate, fruitful soil, bays and rivers well stocked with fish, the habits

of life among the lower classes, and a long peace, are sufficient to

increase the numbers of people: these are the true wealth of every state

that has wisdom to encourage the industry of its inhabitants, and a

country which supplies in abundance the materials for that industry. If

the state or the family should discourage industry, and not allow one of

the family to work, because another is of the same trade, the consequences

to the great or the little community must be equally fatal.

Is there not business enough in this great world for the people of two

adjoining islands, without depressing the inhabitants of one of them? Let

the magnanimity and philanthropy of Great Britain address her poor sister

kingdom in the same language which the good-natured Uncle Toby uses to the

fly in setting it at liberty:--"Poor fly; there's room enough for thee and

me."

I have the honour to be,

My Lord, &c.

Ninth Letter.

_Dublin, 10th Sept., 1779._

MY LORD,

Besides those already mentioned, various other commercial restraints and

prohibitions give the British trader and manufacturer many great and

important advantages over the Irish. Whilst our markets are at all times

open to all their productions and manufactures, with inconsiderable duties

on the import, their markets are open or shut against us as suits their

conveniency. On several articles of the first importance, and on almost

all our own manufactures imported into Great Britain, duties are imposed

equal to a prohibition. In the instance of woollen goods, theirs in our

ports pay but a small duty; ours in their ports are loaded with

duties[423] which amount to a prohibition.[424] Theirs on the exportation

are subject to no duty; ours, if permitted to be exported, would, as the

law now stands, be subject to a duty[425] over and above that payable for

alnage and for the alnager's fee. If the Act of 1699 was repealed, the

English would still have many great advantages over us in the woollen

trade.

In our staple manufacture, the bounties given on the exportation of white

and brown Irish linen from Great Britain would still continue that trade

in the hands of the British merchant. On all coloured linens a duty[426]

equal to a prohibition is imposed on the importation into Great Britain;

but theirs, imported to us, are subject[427] to ten per cent., and under

that duty they have imported considerably. This inequality of duty, and

the bounty given by the British Act of the tenth of Geo. III., on the

exportation of their chequered and striped linens from Great Britain,

secures to them the continuance of the great superiority which they have

acquired over us in those very valuable branches of this trade. In many

other articles they have given themselves great advantages. Beer they

export to us in such quantities as almost to ruin our brewery; but they

prevent our exportation to them by duties, laid on the import there, equal

to a prohibition. Of malt they make large exports to us, to the prejudice

of our agriculture, but have absolutely prohibited our exportation of that

commodity to them. Some manufactures they retain solely to themselves,

which we are prohibited from exporting, and cannot import from any country

but Great Britain, as glass of all kinds. Hops they do not allow us to

import from any other place, and in a facetious style of interdiction,

pronounce such importation to be a common nuisance.[428] They go further,

and by laying a duty on the export, and denying the draw-back, oblige the

Irish consumer to pay a tax appropriated, it is said, to the payment of a

British debt. I shall make no political, but the subject requires a

commercial observation--it is this: the man who keeps a market solely to

himself, in exclusion of all others, whether he appears as buyer[429] or

seller, fixes his own price, and becomes the arbiter of the profit and

loss of every customer.

The various manufactures[430] made or mixed with cotton are subject, by

several British Acts, to duties on the importation amounting to 25 per

cent.

By another Act, penalties[431] are imposed on wearing any of those

manufactures in Great Britain, unless made in that country. Those laws

have effectually excluded the Irish manufactures, in all those branches,

from the British markets; and it has been already shown that they cannot

be sent to the American. From Great Britain into Ireland all those

articles are imported in immense quantities, being subject here to duties

amounting to 10 per cent. only.

But it would be tedious to descend into a further detail, and disgusting

to write a book of rates instead of a letter.[432]

Their superior capitals and expertness give them decisive advantages in

every species of trade and manufacture. By the extension of the commerce

of Ireland, Great Britain would acquire new and important advantages, not

only by the wealth it would bring to that country, and the increase of

strength to the empire, but by opening to the British merchant new sources

of trade from Ireland.

It is time to draw to a conclusion. I have reviewed my letters to your

lordship, for the purpose of avoiding every possible occasion of offence.

I flatter myself every reader will discern that they have been written

with upright and friendly intentions, not to excite jealousies, but to

remove prejudices, to moderate, and conciliate; and that they are intended

as an appeal, not to the passions of the multitude, but to the wisdom,

justice, and generosity of Britain. Shakespeare could place a tongue in

every wound of Caesar; but Antony meant to inflame; and the only purpose of

those letters is to persuade. I have, therefore, not even removed the

mantle except where necessity required it.

In extraordinary cases where the facts are stronger than the voice of the

pleader, it is not unusual to allow the client to speak for himself. Will

you, my lord, one of the leading advocates for Ireland, allow her to

address her elder sister, and to state her own case; not in the strains

of passion or resentment, nor in the tone of remonstrance, but with a

modest enumeration of unexaggerated facts in pathetic simplicity. She will

tell her, with a countenance full of affection and tenderness, "I have

received from you invaluable gifts--the law of[433] common right, your

great charter, and the fundamentals of your constitution. The temple of

liberty in your country has been frequently fortified, improved, and

embellished; mine, erected many centuries since the perfect model of your

own, you will not suffer me to strengthen, secure, or repair; firm and

well-cemented as it is, it must moulder under the hand of Time for want of

that attention which is due to the venerable fabric.[434] We are connected

by the strongest ties of natural affection, common security, and a long

interchange of the kindest offices on both sides. But for more than a

century you have, in some instances, mistaken our mutual interest. I sent

you my herds and my flocks, filled your people with abundance, and gave

them leisure to attend to more profitable pursuits than the humble

employment of shepherds and of herdsmen. But you rejected my produce,[435]

and reprobated this intercourse in terms the most opprobrious. I

submitted; the temporary loss was mine, but the perpetual prejudice your

own. I incited my children to industry, and gave them my principal

materials to manufacture. Their honest labours were attended with moderate

success, but sufficient to awaken the commercial jealousy of some of your

sons; indulging their groundless apprehensions, you desired my materials,

and discouraged the industry of my people. I complied with your wishes,

and gave to your children the bread of my own; but the enemies of our race

were the gainers. They applied themselves with tenfold increase to those

pursuits which were restrained in my people, who would have added to the

wealth and strength of your empire what, by this fatal error, you

transferred to foreign nations. You held out another object to me with

promises of the utmost encouragement. I wanted the means, but I obtained

them from other countries, and have long cultivated, at great expense, and

with the most unremitted efforts, that species of industry which you

recommended. You soon united with another great family, engaged in the

same pursuit, which you were also obliged to encourage among them, and

afterwards embarked in it yourself, and became my rival in that which you

had destined for my principal support. This support is now become

inadequate to the increased number of my offspring, many of whom want the

means of subsistence. My ports are ever hospitably open for your

reception, and shut, whenever your interest requires it, against all

others; but yours are, in many instances, barred against me. With your

dominions in Asia, Africa, and America my sons were long deprived of all

beneficial intercourse, and yet to those colonies I transported my

treasures for the payment of your armies, and in a war waged for their

defence one hundred thousand of my sons fought by your side.[436] Conquest

attended our arms. You gained a great increase of empire and of commerce,

and my people a further extension of restraints and prohibitions.[437] In

those efforts I have exhausted my strength, mortgaged my territories, and

am now sinking under the pressure of enormous debts, contracted from my

zealous attachment to your interests, to the extension of your empire, and

the increase of your glory. By the present unhappy war for the recovery of

those colonies, from which they were long excluded, my children are

reduced to the lowest ebb of poverty and distress. It is true you have

lately, with the kindest intentions, allowed me an extensive liberty of

selling to the inhabitants of those parts of your empire; but they have no

inducement to buy, because I cannot take their produce in return. Your

liberality has opened a new fountain, but your caution will not suffer me

to draw from it. The stream of commerce intended to refresh the exhausted

strength of my children flies untasted from their parched lips.

"The common parent of all has been equally beneficent to us both. We both

possess in great abundance the means of industry and happiness. My fields

are not less fertile nor my harbours less numerous than yours. My sons are

not less renowned than your own for valour, justice, and generosity. Many

of them are your descendants, and have some of your best blood in their

veins. But the narrow policy of man has counteracted the instincts and the

bounties of nature. In the midst of those fertile fields some of my

children perish before my eyes for want of food, and others fly for

refuge to hostile nations.

Suffer no longer, respected sister, the narrow jealousy of commerce to

mislead the wisdom and to impair the strength of your state. Increase my

resources, they shall be yours, my riches and strength, my poverty and

weakness will become your own. What a triumph to our enemies, and what an

affliction to me, in the present distracted circumstances of the empire,

to see my people reduced by the necessity of avoiding famine, to the

resolution of trafficing almost solely with themselves! Great and powerful

enemies are combined against you; many of your distant connections have

deserted you. Increase your strength at home, open and extend the numerous

resources of my country, of which you have not hitherto availed yourself,

or allowed me the benefit. Our increased force, and the full exertions of

our strength, will be the most effectual means of resisting the

combination formed against you by foreign enemies and distant subjects,

and of giving new lustre to our crowns, and happiness and contentment to

our people."

APPENDIX.--No. I.

Quantity of Wool, Woollen, and Worsted Yarn exported from Ireland to Great

Britain in the following years:--

+-------------------------------------------------------+

| Years | WOOL. | YARN. |

| Ending |-------------|------------------------------|

| the 25th | | _Woollen._ | _Worsted._ |

| of March.| stones. lbs.| stones. lbs.| stones. lbs.|

|----------|-------------|---------------|--------------|

| 1764 | 10,128 6 | 9,991 14 | 139,412 12 |

| 1795 | 17,316 0 | 13,450 12 | 149,915 9 |

| 1766 | 21,722 13 | 7,980 0 | 152,122 0 |

| 1767 | 48,733 8 | 7,553 0 | 151,940 9 |

| 1768 | 28,521 11 | 11,387 6 | 157,721 3 |

| 1769 | 3,840 16 | 5,012 0 | 131,365 2 |

| 1770 | 2,578 0 | 3,833 0 | 117,735 9 |

| 1771 | 2,118 5 | 4,868 2 | 139,378 14 |

| 1772 | 2,045 6 | 5,947 0 | 115,904 4 |

| 1773 | 1,839 2 | -- | 94,098 10 |

| 1774 | 1,007 11 | -- | 63,920 10 |

| 1775 | 2,007 13 | -- | 78,896 14 |

| 1776 | 1,059 15 | -- | 86,527 0 |

| 1777 | 1,734 7 | -- | 114,703 2 |

| 1778 | 1,665 12 | -- | 122,755 15 |

+-------------------------------------------------------+

APPENDIX.--No. II.

+----------------------------------------------------------------------+

| Years| DRAPERY. | LINEN COTTON. |

|ending|----------------------------------------------|----------------|

| the | | | Silk, mixed |

| 25th | New. | Old. | manufacture. |

| of |------------------------|---------------------|----------------|

|March.|Quantity. Value. |Quantity. Value. | Value. |

|------|------------------------|---------------------|----------------|

| | | L s. d. | | L s. d.| L s. d. |

| 1769 |394,553|49,319 3 9 |207,117|144,982 8 6|13,402 10 7 |

| 1770 |462,499|57,812 7 6 |249,666|174,766 14 6|20,907 18 2-1/2|

| 1771 |362,096|45,262 0 0 |217,395|152,176 10 0|20,282 5 8 |

| 1772 |314,703|39,337 18 9 |153,566|107,496 4 0|14,081 15 6-1/2|

| 1773 |387,143|48,392 17 6 |200,065|147,045 13 6|20,472 7 3-1/2|

| 1774 |461,407|57,675 17 6 |282,317|197,621 18 0|21,611 10 3-1/4|

| 1775 |465,611|58,201 9 4-1/2|281,379|196,965 13 0|24,234 16 9-1/2|

| 1776 |676,485|84,560 12 6 |290,215|203,150 10 0|30,371 16 8-1/2|

| 1777 |731,819|91,477 8 9 |381,330|266,931 0 0|45,411 3 7 |

| 1778 |741,426|92,678 6 3 |378,077|264,653 18 0|52,675 1 11 |

+----------------------------------------------------------------------+

APPENDIX.--No. III.

An account of the Quantity of Linen Cloth exported out of Ireland to Great

Britain and Plantations, prior to the year 1743.

+-----------------------------------------------+

| Years | Linen Cloth exported to |

| Ending | Great Britain. Plantations. |

|the 25th |-------------------------------------|

|of March.| Yards. | Yards. |

|---------|----------------|--------------------|

| 1705 | 739,278 | 19,742 |

| 1706 | 1,325,771 | 62,727 |

| 1707 | 1,847,564 | 81,037 |

| 1708 | 343,359 | 29,606 |

| 1709 | 1,539,250 | 113,939 |

| 1710 | 1,528,185 | 136,844 |

| 1711 | 1,131,629 | 89,262 |

| 1712 | 1,320,968 | 43,011 |

| 1713 | 1,721,003 | 86,357 |

| 1714 | 2,071,814 | 91,916 |

| 1715 | 2,000,581 | 133,752 |

| 1716 | 1,968,568 | 195,825 |

| 1717 | 2,260,243 | 151,240 |

| 1718 | 2,120,075 | 113,790 |

| 1719 | 2,235,357 | 117,288 |

| 1720 | 2,560,113 | 69,579 |

| 1721 | 2,398,103 | 95,488 |

| 1722 | 3,036,431 | 127,934 |

| 1723 | 4,060,402 | 112,952 |

| 1724 | 3,767,063 | 94,816 |

| 1725 | 3,755,430 | 70,052 |

| 1726 | 4,231,676 | 117,213 |

| 1727 | 4,596,089 | 151,977 |

| 1728 | 4,517,152 | 140,049 |

| 1729 | 3,701,485 | 183,363 |

| 1730 | 3,821,188 | 218,220 |

| 1731 | 3,591,316 | 137,039 |

| 1733 | 4,621,127 | 129,244 |

| 1734 | 5,194,241 | 213,250 |

| 1735 | 6,508,748 | 202,759 |

| 1736 | 6,168,333 | 262,242 |

| 1737 | 5,758,408 | 309,827 |

| 1738 | 4,897,169 | 232,947 |

| 1739 | 5,737,834 | 197,671 |

| 1740 | 6,403,569 | 183,471 |

| 1741 | 6,760,025 | 394,374 |

| 1742 | 6,793,009 | 244,546 |

+-----------------------------------------------+

POSTSCRIPT.

Since these papers were sent to the press, the Commons of Ireland have, in

their address to his Majesty, resolved, unanimously, "that it is not by

temporary expedients, but by a free trade alone that this nation is now to

be saved from impending ruin." And the Lords have in their address

unanimously entered into a resolution of the same import.

INDEX.

A.

Abercrombie, Lord, in Ireland and in Egypt, lxxx-lxxxii

Abraham Hutchinson, lxxxv

Absentees, remittances to, 76

Acts of Parliament quoted:

" Edward III., 17th, 34th, and 50th of, 110

" Edward IV., 3rd of, 4th of, 111

" Henry VII., 10th of, 112

" (English), Henry VIII., 13th and 28th of, &c., 116

" Elizabeth, 87, 116

" James I., 8

" Charles II., 87

" of Settlement and Explanation, 131

" 12th, 57

" 13th and 14th of, 115

" 17th and 18th of, 20

" 20th and 22nd of, 106

" 22nd and 23rd of, 119

" William and Mary, first of, 57

" William III., 7th and 8th of, 57

" (English) Acts of 1697, 59

" (Irish) Acts of 1695, 10th and 11th of, 20, 88, 91, 105

" for encouraging Tillage, 38 note

" for Bounties on Land, Carriage and Coal Supply to Dublin, lxx, 39

" 3rd and 4th of Anne, 108

" 10th, 11th, and 22nd of Anne, 96

" 1st of George II, 122

" 4th and 6th of, 120

" (English), 32nd of George II, 54, note

" (1750), taxing Irish Exports, 92

" George III., 10th of, 93-96

" 18th of, 96

" Imposing Duty on Woollen Goods, 67

" Loan, 1759, 40

Address of English Parliament to William III., 62-65

Admiral Hawke, xv

Aldborough, Petition of, 85

Aldred Mr., of Oxford, xlv

Advance, in Linen Trade, 51

Alexander the Great, xxxiv

Alexandria, Lord Hutchinson of, lxxxvi

Alnager, Office and Fees of, x and 155, note

America, Robertson's History of, xiii

" Wool and Linen Trades transferred to, by Irish Emigrants, 147

Anderson, Dr., quoted, 72, note

Andrews, Provost, xxxi

Anthologia Hibernica, lxxxvi

Archbishop Craddock, xxxiv, note

Archbishop Fowler, lxvi

Archbishop King quoted, 10

Archbishop Laud quoted, xxv

Arms of Militia given to Volunteers, xiv, note

Army Augmentation, 40, 44, 48

Asia, Africa, and America, closed against Ireland, 90

B.

Baird, Sir David, his Expedition from India to Egypt, lxxxii

Ballinamuck, Battle of, French defeated at, lxxxi

Banks in Dublin failed, 35-40

Bankruptcy Law not known here in 1755, 35, note

Barlow, Mr., T.C.D., Exercising the Veto, xxv, note

Barre, Colonel Isaac, his description of Hutchinson, lx, &c., and note

Batchelor, the, xii

_Baratariana_, meaning of name, xiii

" Written by, xiii

The Commercial Restraints of Ireland · 第 13 / 18 段