MY LORD,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship’s letter of

the 11th instant; to which your great abilities and varied experience, as

well as your affectionate attachment to Harrow as the place of your own

education, give peculiar value and interest.

I am grateful for the opportunity which it affords me of briefly stating

the principles of the Monitorial system as at present established at

Harrow.

I do not, I think, misapprehend the precise point to which your

observations are directed. It is not upon the Monitorial system

itself—upon the commission of a recognized authority to the hands of the

Upper Boys—but upon a particular method of enforcing it, that you comment

in terms of anxiety. The _principle_ is coeval with the

School—established by the Founder. It is the universal rule of Public

Schools:—until lately, when the experience of its salutary effects has

led to a wider extension of it, it was the one distinguishing feature of

a Public as contrasted with a Private School.

But the Monitorial system might exist without this particular method of

enforcing it—the power of inflicting corporal punishment. And this is

the question to which your Lordship has been good enough to call my

attention.

Those who are acquainted with Dr. Arnold’s Life—a book regarded by many

as one of authority upon such a subject—are aware that the right of his

Sixth Form to the use of the cane was one for which he contended with the

greatest earnestness, as indispensable to the efficient working of that

Monitorial system to which he considered that Rugby owed so much of its

well-being under his Head-Mastership. {5} And although many Masters

might shrink from avowing so boldly their approbation of a power liable

to so much abuse and to so much misconstruction, yet I have never heard

it questioned that the same power is exercised, whether by permission or

by acquiescence, in most of the great Public Schools of England, as I

know that it existed at Harrow, actually if not avowedly, for very many

years before I became Master.

But I have no wish to plead authority or prescription in defence of a

practice which, if bad, can at any time be abolished, and for the

toleration of which I do not deny that the Master under whom it exists

may fairly be held responsible.

There can be no doubt that a Master who consulted merely his own ease and

present popularity would at once abolish the power in dispute. The tide

of public feeling is setting strongly in that direction. It would be

easy to aggravate that feeling. Corporal punishment of _any_ kind, by

whomsoever administered, is inconsistent with modern notions of personal

dignity, {7} and modern habits of precocious manliness; it needs nothing

but a few cases of exceptional excess in the _infliction_ of such

punishment to direct against it a storm too violent to be resisted.

If, in the face of this feeling, and amidst so many temptations to yield

to it, a Master still ventures to maintain that, liable as it is to

abuse, open to misrepresentation, and difficult of explanation, the power

of corporal punishment by the Monitors of a Public School is one not

lightly to be abolished, because capable of great good and impossible to

replace by any efficacious substitute; he may fail to convince—it is

probable that he will fail to convince—those who judge of the system from

without, and with no opportunity of calmly balancing its evil against its

good; but at least he may be believed to speak honestly, and listened to

as a disinterested witness.

There are in every Public School certain minor offences, against manners

rather than against morals—faults of turbulence, rudeness, offensive

language, annoyance of others, petty oppression and tyranny, &c.—which,

as Public Schools are at present constituted, lie ordinarily out of the

cognizance of the Masters, and might, so far as _they_ are concerned, be

committed with impunity. {8} Even some _graver_ faults might, with due

precautions against discovery, long escape the eye of a really vigilant

Master.

To meet such cases, there is no doubt a choice of measures.

You may adopt what might with equal propriety be called the foreign

School, or the Private School, system. You may create a body of Ushers;

Masters of a lower order, whose business it shall be to follow Boys into

their hours of recreation and rest, avowedly as spies, coercing freedom

of speech and action, or reporting to their superior what such

observation has gleaned. This is consistent and intelligible. Ruinous

to that which has been regarded as the great glory of an English Public

School—its free developement of character, its social expansiveness, in

short its _liberty_: but yet, in itself, intelligible enough, and in

theory perhaps preferable to the other.

If not this, then the alternative must be some form or other of the

Monitorial principle. Ten, or twenty, or thirty, of those Boys who are

(generally speaking) the elder, at all events the abler, the more

diligent, the more meritorious,—selected by no favour, exempted from none

of the rules and restraints of School, but yet brought by their position

into a more intimate intercourse with their Master, and largely

influenced (if he be what a Master ought to be) by his principles of

judgment and discipline,—are empowered to exercise over their juniors a

legalized and carefully regulated authority, while at the same time they

are left to mix with them on terms of perfect freedom at times and in

places to which no Master’s inspection could by possibility extend.

But this system is capable of at least two modifications.

The Monitors may be desired to act as the Master’s deputies; to observe

for him, and to report to him. They may be charged to see nothing wrong

done, to hear nothing wrong said, without hastening to his presence and

invoking his interposition. They may be taught to regard themselves as

the Master’s spies, informers, and creatures. Such has been made,

sometimes, the theory of their office. They have been solemnly warned of

the responsibility attaching to their office, as the Master’s eyes and

the Master’s ears. No real _power_ was entrusted to them. The terms of

their commission were large, its tone was solemn: but the power to

enforce obedience either did not exist, or existed only on sufferance and

by stealth.

Now it appears to me that a Monitorial system of this nature is either

nugatory, or worse. If the Monitors thus commissioned have the ordinary

feelings of the sons of Gentlemen, they will virtually repudiate such an

office. They will say, I was not sent here to be an Usher—a Master’s

spy, a Master’s informer. They have too much self-respect, too nice a

sense of honour, to live amongst their Schoolfellows on terms of

unguarded equality, and then use the knowledge thus gained as a means of

drawing down upon them the arm of authority and of punishment. The

result will be, as it always has been wherever such a view has been taken

of Monitorial duty, that the Monitors will not act for the purposes for

which they were commissioned, but only for the maintenance of a selfish

dignity which looks for its support to other means than those recognized

by the system.

It astonishes me that those who regard submission to a corporal

punishment as a degradation inconsistent with honour and self-respect,

should look with toleration upon that _antagonist_ system under which

their sons might be called upon, as the reward of ability and diligence,

to assume the office of a delegated spy.

The alternative—as I believe, the _only_ alternative—is that form of

Monitorial discipline which it has been my endeavour to carry into

vigorous operation at Harrow during the last nine years.

I have taught the Monitors to regard their authority as emanating indeed

from mine, and responsible to mine, but yet (with the limitation

naturally arising from these two considerations) independent and free in

its ordinary exercise. They are charged with the enforcement of an

internal discipline, the object of which is the good order, the

honourable conduct, the gentlemanlike tone, of the Houses and of the

School. In these matters I desire that they should act for themselves;

knowing well how doubly, how tenfold, valuable is that discipline which

springs from within the body, in comparison with that which is imposed

upon it from above. It is only on the discovery of grave and moral

offences, such as would be poisonous to the whole society, and such as

they may reasonably be expected to regard as discreditable and

disgraceful even more than they are illegal, that I expect them to

communicate to me officially the faults of which they may take notice.

In certain cases, it may be optional whether an offence should be

regarded as one against manners or against morals; and in these instances

it will depend upon the accident of the prior discovery, whether it be

taken up by the Monitors or by myself.

It follows as a matter of necessity that the Monitors should possess some

means of exercising and asserting their authority.

Hence arises the old custom of _fagging_. It is a memento of Monitorial

authority; a standing memorial of the subjection of the younger to the

elder for higher purposes than any merely personal distinction. It is

the daily assertion, in a form which makes it palpable and felt, of a

power which has been instituted for the good not of the superior but of

the inferior in the relation.

This is the _ordinary_ assertion of Monitorial power. But there must

also be some method of punishing disobedience, insubordination,

turbulence, or other transgression. To give the Monitors no executive

power beyond that of reporting and complaining, would be to leave them

practically defenceless. Such a power would possess no influence with a

community of Boys. It would be trifled with and trampled upon. Great

and long must be the provocation which would overcome the natural

repugnance of an honourable Boy to lodging a complaint with a Master

against a Schoolfellow: and what would be the redress when it came? Such

a remedy would be, in the popular feeling of a Public School, far worse

than none.

Shall the power entrusted to the Monitors be that of “setting

punishments” (as it is technically called)—that is, of imposing tasks of

_writing_? Such has been the prerogative formally conferred upon the

Monitors of Harrow: but it is easy to see how speedily such a right, if

widely exercised, would come into collision with ordinary School duties;

how impossible it would be for it to coexist with the _similar_ power of

the _Masters_, or even with the performance of the regular work and

exercises of the several Forms.

Or shall the right of punishing be made to depend upon the physical power

of the individual Monitor? Shall an older and stronger Monitor be at

liberty to enforce his authority by blows, while a weaker and younger is

left defenceless? Such a rule would be, in effect, an awkward and

inconsistent return to a state of things which it is the one object of

the Monitorial government to counteract—a system of brute force. Under

_any_ constitution of a School, the stronger can protect himself against

the aggression of the weaker: it is the object of the Public School

system to substitute for the brute force of the stronger the legalized

power of the better and the abler. Unless therefore the power entrusted

to the Monitor be something different in kind from that of physical

strength, the whole system falls to the ground by losing its essential

characteristic.

And it appears to me that, as soon as the power of the Monitors is

transferred from the ground of strength to that of right; as soon as it

is made, in its place, as the power of the Masters in theirs, a

recognized and constitutional principle; at that moment all feeling of

degradation in submitting to it is done away: there is degradation,

because there is cowardice, in submitting tamely to the kicks or cuffs of

an equal or an inferior, but there is none in rendering to a Master—nor

need there be in rendering to a constituted authority of a lower

rank—that submission even to personal correction which may be one of the

conditions of the society in which you are placed.

By a custom, existing certainly long before my own acquaintance with

Harrow, traceable for many years into the past history of the School, the

common method of enforcing Monitorial authority has been the use of the

cane. A power not formally committed to the Monitors, not (in the

strictest sense) delegated by the Master, but still exercised without

interference or censure within the limits prescribed by humanity or by

the fear of penal consequences in case of its excess.

This custom, I repeat, I found established; ignored, it may be, by

previous Masters, but not unknown. The question with me was, Is this

custom, which I find in force, injurious in its use, or only in its

abuse? If the former, it must be, not disavowed only, but destroyed. If

the latter, it must be, not only connived at, but turned to account. It

must be made conducive to the real welfare of the School. And a Monitor

who avails himself of this prescriptive right, in support of good order

and good discipline, must feel that he is safe in doing so, provided he

stops short of inflicting injury. He must feel that he can depend upon

the Master to stand by him, before the School and before the Public, so

long as no wanton or tyrannical use of this power can be proved against

him.

It is urged indeed that this Monitorial power is illegal in a higher than

any School sense of that term,—that it contradicts the law of the land.

“_Delegatus non potest delegare_.” The Parent delegates his power to

the Master: the Master has no right to delegate that power to the

Monitor. Now I will not enter into the question how far the Master is

correctly described as the Parent’s delegate. Doubtless the act which

consigns to him the individual Boy is the act of the individual Parent.

But the Master of a Public School is not made so by that act, nor by any

number of such acts: his office is conferred upon him by an independent

authority, and is exercised under conditions irrespective of the parental

will. Otherwise the Parent who created, might in each case limit, the

right: he might prescribe to the Master the studies to be pursued and the

punishments to be inflicted; he might depute his own functions thus far

and no further. But, even allowing the justice of the appellation, it

would scarcely be desired, I suppose, to admit _all_ the consequences

involved in this principle, and assert that the Master has no right to

delegate any portion of his office, but that alone, unaided by coadjutors

or subordinates, he must teach in person every Boy entrusted to him, hear

every lesson, and impose every punishment. The fact surely is, that the

system of a Public School is essentially peculiar and exceptional; and

that, when that system is fairly established, and its rules publicly

notorious, a Parent uses his own discretion in selecting the School for

his son, and having done so he subjects him to its discipline _as

established_, retaining only the power of withdrawing him when he will.

But, on the other hand, it is no less necessary, for the sake alike of

the Monitors and of the School, that such _checks_ shall be imposed upon

the exercise of this power as shall make its abuse either absolutely

impossible or at least a very rare exception.

With this view, it is one rule of the system, that any Boy has a right of

appeal from the individual Monitor (however high his station) to the

assembled body; who are bound to enter into the merits of the case, and

come to a formal decision upon it. My experience thus far has led me to

believe that ten young men, acting under such responsibilities, are not

likely either to come to an unjust decision or to execute their sentence

with undue severity.

But if, after all, this hope is in any case disappointed; if (which in

such an event is the most probable supposition) an individual Monitor has

outrun his powers, by not allowing this appeal to the collective body, or

by not waiting for its result, or by executing punishment himself in

undue excitement or passion; then the duty is cast upon me, of

interposing my authority to redress the injustice, by the degradation of

the offending Monitor, or by a measure of punishment yet more severe.

This, happily, is a case of rare, most rare, occurrence. The general

testimony, alike of Boys and of their Parents, will rather be this—that,

while the School has enjoyed, on the whole, under the Monitorial system,

a very real exemption from the miseries of that tyranny of brute force

which it is designed more especially to preclude, it is perfectly easy,

on the other hand, for any Boy to pass through his Harrow life without

once incurring the risk of Monitorial punishment, while the salutary

dread of it has done much to keep him orderly and tractable, and to save

him in no slight degree from the sight and hearing of evil. {21}

And, while this is so, however unpopular may be the avowal, I know that

my duty is clear: to watch the operation of the system, to guard it from

abuse, to influence and animate (so far as I may be able) those who are

to take part in it—if necessary, to coerce and to punish its abuse; but,

none the less, to adhere to it manfully, and to take my full share of its

obloquy.

It may be found impossible long to withstand such impressions as those to

which your Lordship has adverted. To persons unacquainted with its

practical operation the Monitorial system must always appear

objectionable; a cumbrous and uncertain substitute for zeal and vigilance

on the part of the Master. The time may come when public opinion will

imperatively require the introduction of an opposite principle; of which

it shall be the object to confine and preclude the expression of evil by

the unceasing espionage of an increased staff of subordinate Masters.

The experiment may be tried; I hope not at Harrow—certainly not by me. I

see many difficulties, some evils, in the present system; some

advantages, many plausibilities, in its opposite: and yet I believe the

one to be practically ennobling and elevating—the other essentially

narrowing, enfeebling, and enervating. I well foresee the results of the

change, come when it may. I know how pleasing, yet how brief, will be

the lull consequent upon the establishment of a rule of equality and

fraternity; how warm perhaps, for the moment, the congratulations of some

who have trembled for their sons’ safety under the present (so called)

reign of terror; on the other hand, how gradual, yet how sure, the growth

of those meaner and more cowardly vices which a Monitorial system has

coerced where it could not eradicate; and how impossible the return to

that principle of graduated ranks and organized internal subordination,

which, amidst some real and many imaginary defects, has been found by

experience to be inferior to no other system in the formation of the

character of an English Christian Gentleman.

A Letter to the Viscount Palmerston, M.P. &c. &c. &c. on the Monitorial System of Harrow School · 第 2 / 5 题