CHAPTER V.

AMUSEMENTS.

[Illustration]

In the earliest and rudest states of society, war and the chase become

at once the business of life, and, with the needful preparations of

weapons and other requisites, suffice to supply each day with its

full complement of labour and pastime. A very slight rise, however,

in the social scale, creates the desire for some artificial means of

filling up the leisure hours of life; and the modes adopted for this

purpose often form no uncertain criterion of the age in which they

originate. We accordingly find traces of the existence of games both

of chance and skill from a very remote period. Reference has already

been made to spherical and truncated stones, measuring from an inch to

an inch and a half in diameter, which are frequently found in tumuli.

For the former the name of Bead-stones is proposed, and as they are

generally perforated, their use as personal ornaments has been assumed

as probable, notwithstanding their cumbrous size, and the unattractive

appearance of many of them. But as they are also very frequently flat

on one side, there is greater probability of the original purpose of

the latter class, at least, having been for table-stones (Anglo-Saxon,

_tæfelstan_) or draughtsmen, in which case the perforation might

serve to string them together, for carrying about. In Ireland, and

still more frequently in Norway, draughtsmen are found alongside of

the weapons and other relics buried with the warrior. They are made

generally of bone, of a conical or hemispherical shape, and with a

hole in the bottom, designed, as is presumed, to admit of their use on

shipboard. With these it is supposed the northmen beguiled the tedium

of their long voyages; and the estimation in which they are held is

implied in their deposition among the most favourite relics of the

dead. We learn from Tacitus that the Germans were so passionately

addicted to gambling, that they staked not only their property but

their personal liberty. The Romans were themselves scarcely less given

to such excesses. Among the many interesting relics restored to light

from the ruins of Pompeii, not the least valuable as illustrations of

the manners of the first century in Southern Italy, are the cogged

dice of the old Roman gamblers. But besides these games which mingled

the incentive and the excitement of chance and skill, there appears

also to have been in use, from a very early period, others of the

simpler class, still favourites among our rustic population, such as

bowling, nine-pins, and the like; which, under the various names of

skales or kayles, loggats, closh, &c., are frequently mentioned in

ancient statutes, and have been found represented on manuscripts of the

thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The implements of such pastimes

are not such as were likely, in many cases, to be long preserved,

though it is by no means improbable that the spherical stone-balls

frequently found along with ancient relics, and even in the tumuli,

may have been used for some such purpose.[590] One interesting and

well-authenticated example, however, is known of the discovery of

a complete set of the implements for such a game, in the parish of

Balmaclellan, Kirkcudbrightshire. They are thus described by the

well-known antiquary, Mr. Joseph Train: "In the summer of 1834, as the

servants of Mr. Bell of Baryown, were casting peats on Ironmacaunnie

Moor, when cutting near the bottom of the moss, they laid open with

their spades what appeared to be the instruments of an ancient game,

consisting of an oaken ball, eighteen inches in circumference, and

seven wooden pins, each thirteen inches in length, of a conical shape,

with a circular top. These ancient _Reel Pins_, as they are termed by

Strutt, were all standing erect on the hard till, equidistant from

each other, with the exception of two, which pointed towards the ball

that lay about a yard in front, from which it may be inferred they

were overthrown in the course of the game. The ball has been formed of

solid oak, and, from its decayed state, must have remained undisturbed

for centuries, till discovered at a depth of not less than twelve

feet from the original surface. At Pompeii, utensils are often found,

seemingly in the very position in which they were last used. This may

be accounted for by the suddenness of the calamity that befell that

devoted city; but what induced or impelled the ancient gamesters, in

this remote corner of the Glenkens, to leave the instruments of their

amusements in what might be considered the middle of the game? These

relics, which are in my possession, can now only be prized for their

curiosity, the singular position in which they were found, and the

relation they bear to ancient times."[591] The moss in which this

remarkable discovery was made is described as a place where peats have

been cut from time immemorial. It were vain to speculate on the origin

or owners of these homely relics of obsolete pastimes; yet to the

curious fancy, indulging in the reanimation of such long-silent scenes,

they seem suggestive of the sudden intrusion, it may be, of invaders,

the hasty call to arms, the utter desolation of the scene, and then the

slow lapse of unnumbered centuries, during which the moss accumulated

above them so gently that it seems as if the old revellers were to

return and play out their unfinished game.

Amusements of the latter class scarcely admit of much refinement,

and may well be supposed to have exercised fully as much ingenuity

among the ancient players of the Glenkens, as they now do in the

bowling-green or skittle-ground. From them, indeed, modern refinement

has educed the practised art of the billiard-table. In a simpler age

the improvement assumed a more practical form, and gave way to putting

the stone, throwing the hammer, and the like trials of strength, which

appear to have been favourite pastimes among the Scottish Highlanders

from the earliest periods to which their traditions extend.

In complete contrast to these are the amusements indicated by the

bone draughtsmen or bead-stones of the tumuli. They are appropriately

classed by Strutt in his "Sports and Pastimes," under the general

title of "Sedentary Games;" and he furnishes much curious information

regarding medieval pastimes, of which traces may be detected in the

remoter periods into which we are inquiring. The construction of

regular draughtsmen and chessmen is in itself an evidence of increased

taste for such amusements. The ancients employed stones, shells, or

nuts as counters, and also, there is reason to think, as tablemen,

in games of this nature. Hence the Greek name ψηφοι, and the Roman

_calculi_ and _scrupuli_; from whence _scrupus_, a table-man, or

chessman. The Scandinavian terms are of similar import; and among

the ancient Northern games which have survived as popular pastimes

in Iceland and Lapland, we find the very same which figure among

the illuminations of medieval manuscripts, and have influenced the

grotesque decorations of our early ecclesiastical architecture. "Of

such games," says a writer in the Report of the Royal Society of

Northern Antiquaries, "we find that our Pagan ancestors were acquainted

with at least three different sorts, namely, _hnefatafl_, fist-play,

_i.e._, hand-play;[592] _hnottafl_, nut-play; and _skáktafl_, chess.

_Hnottafl_ signifies properly a game played with nuts, or pieces shaped

like nuts. A _húni_--_i.e._, a bear, or bear's cub--was anciently the

principal personage in it; but in Iceland, where the fox is the only

beast of prey, this animal eventually superseded the bear, and the game

then came to be denominated _refskál_. The other pieces represented

sheep, or lambs, pursued by Reynard. In the variety of this game, which

still forms one of the favourite diversions of the Laplanders, the

fox continues to play his part, with this difference, that he there

pursues geese instead of lambs; as in the _Gänsespiel_ of the Germans,

the _Fox and geese_ of the English, the _Ganzespeel_ of the Dutch,

the _Jeu d'oie_ of the French, &c. In Denmark a dog usually takes the

place of the fox, and hares of the geese; and hence the game is there

called _Hund og hare_, or hound and hare." According to the Irish

chroniclers, Cahir Mor, who died A.D. 177, left, among other legacies

to his son, both chessboards (_fichell_) and chessmen (_muintir_;)

and the Welsh laws of Howel Dha, (_circa_ A.D. 943,) refer to some

species of game played with pieces of different colours, (_werin_,) on

a table-board, (_tawlbwrdd_.) In Bishop Percy's "Translation of Runic

Poetry," a Northern hero says,--"I am master of nine accomplishments.

I play at chess; I know how to engrave Runic characters," &c.; and in

a curious Anglo-Saxon poem, translated for the first time into English

by Mr. J. M. Kemble in his paper on Anglo-Saxon Runes, this stanza

occurs:--

Chessman is ever

Play and laughter

To the proud, where

Warriors sit

In the beer-hall

Blithe together.

It is not necessary to assume that all, or indeed any of these

allusions necessarily apply to the game of chess, but only to one

of the old table-games, played with pieces, many of which will more

readily account for the "play and laughter" in the warrior's hall than

that skilful and complicated game. These, as well as so many other of

the primitive arts and rites of the North, were in all probability

brought with the earlier nomades from the eastern cradle-land of our

race; for more than one representation of such table-games has been

discovered among the pictorial decorations of the Egyptian temples. Dr.

Brunton has figured two of these at Medinat Haboo, in his _Excerpta

Hieroglyphica_, in one of which (_Plate_ XIII.) the table and pieces

are partly obliterated, but in the other (_Plate_ XI.) it is observable

that the pieces are all alike, resembling the most common modern form

of chess-pawns. The players are also in both cases moving their pieces

at the same time; so that the Egyptian game evidently bore very slight

resemblance to chess, and may with more probability be sought for among

the early table-games of the north of Europe.

The great antiquity of the game of chess has been long since

established on indisputable evidence. For its invention and earliest

form the best authorities agree in looking to India, whither the

simpler table-games of Egypt may have passed before the migration of

the Teutonic races from Asia, and been returned from thence to Europe

in their later and more complicated forms. In the ninth century,

while yet the Northmen were only known along the British coasts as

the dreaded marauding Vikings, Ragnar Lodbrog is reputed to have

visited the Hellespont, and the intercourse between the Scandinavians

and the Greeks of the Lower Empire, is an accredited feature of well

authenticated history. But pilgrimages to Rome, and the passing and

repassing of the clergy from Britain to the Continent, were matters

of common occurrence at an earlier date; so that there can be no

difficulty as to the means by which the game might be introduced from

Asia to the north of Europe. Into this curious question Sir Frederick

Madden has entered with great learning and ability, collecting the

numerous observations of previous writers, and illustrating them from

his own copious stores.[593] It will suffice for our present purpose

to notice the remarkable illustrations of the implements of this game

which have been discovered in Scotland, surpassing in number and value

any specimens of ancient chessmen known to exist, if we except the set

still preserved in the Cabinet of Antiquities in the Bibliothèque du

Roi at Paris, and which there is satisfactory evidence for believing

may be the very chessmen presented to Charlemagne by the Empress Irene,

or her successor Nicephorus.

In the spring of 1831, the inroads effected by the sea undermined and

carried away a considerable portion of a sandbank in the parish of

Uig, Isle of Lewis, and uncovered a small subterranean stone building

like an oven, at some depth below the surface. The exposure of this

singular structure having excited the curiosity, or more probably the

cupidity, of a peasant who chanced to be working in the neighbourhood,

he proceeded to break into it, when he was astonished to see what he

concluded to be an assemblage of elves or gnomes upon whose mysteries

he had unconsciously intruded. The superstitious Highlander flung

down his spade, and fled home in dismay; but incited by the bolder

curiosity of his wife he was at length induced to return to the spot,

and bring away with him the singular little ivory figures, which had

not unnaturally appeared to him the pigmy sprites of Celtic folk-lore.

They consisted in all of at least ninety-two pieces, including fourteen

tablemen or draughtsmen, eight of which are kings, eight queens,

thirteen bishops, fifteen knights, and twelve figures of footmen, to

which Sir Frederick Madden gives the name of warders.[594] These have

been so carefully and minutely illustrated in the valuable remarks in

the Archæologia, that a slight description will now suffice.

They form altogether portions of eight or more sets, none of which,

however, appear to be complete. They vary considerably in size, the

largest being four and one-eighth inches in height, while the smallest

measures fully an inch less; but the smaller sets are, upon the whole,

more carefully and elaborately carved. The annexed illustration

represents one of the smaller kings, now in the collection of Mr.

Sharp. In point of costume it closely resembles the example engraved

in the Archæologia, as well as the others of the set, though differing

somewhat in the fashion of the beard. The king is represented as an

old bearded man, with long hair falling in plaits over his shoulders,

and a low trefoil crown on his head. He is seated on a chair with

a high back, richly carved with intricate tracery and ornaments,

corresponding, for the most part, to the style of decoration with which

we are familiar on the Romanesque work of the twelfth century, and

holds a short sword with both hands across his knees, as if in the act

of drawing it.

[Illustration]

The queens are crowned and throned in like manner. They are represented

seated in a contemplative posture, resting the head upon the hand;

and two of them hold drinking horns in their left hands. The most

striking portion of their costume, represented in the accompanying

engraving from one of those in Mr. Sharp's collection, is a species

of hood depending from the back of the head, and spreading over the

shoulders.[595]

[Illustration]

Of the bishops some are seated in chairs similar to those occupied

by the kings and queens, while others are in a standing posture.

Sir F. Madden remarks, "all of the sitting figures and four of the

standing ones wear the chasuble, dalmatic, stole, and tunic of the form

anciently prescribed, and corresponding with representations of much

greater antiquity. The remainder have a cope instead of a chasuble,

but omit the stole and dalmatic. The mitres are very low, and in some

instances quite plain, but have the double band or _infulæ_ attached

behind. The hair is cut short round the head. They hold a crosier with

one or with both hands; and in the former instances, the other hand

holds a book or is raised in the attitude of benediction."

The knights afford perhaps the most characteristic examples of the

costume of the period. They are mounted on horseback, armed with a

heavy spear, and a long kite-shaped shield. Beneath the shield appears

the sword, attached to the waist by a belt. The helmets are mostly of

a conical shape, in addition to which several have nasals projecting

in front, and round flaps protecting the ears and neck. The horses

are caparisoned in high saddles, stirrups, and bridles, and with long

saddlecloths, fringed with ornamental borders, reaching to the ground.

The footmen or warders bear the same kite-shaped shields as the

horsemen, and are armed with swords and head-pieces of iron of

different forms. The costume otherwise worn by them has obviously been

made subservient to the convenience of the carver, as in the long

saddlecloths of the horsemen, and consists, for the most part, of an

ample flowing robe, reaching to the ground and concealing the feet.

Numerous variations occur in the details of these remarkable carvings,

and the utmost variety of design characterizes the ornamentation of

the chairs on which the kings, queens, and bishops are seated. Their

dresses also vary in ornamental detail, and each of the shields, both

of the knights and warders, is decorated with some peculiar device or

interlaced pattern, some of which approach very nearly to the heraldic

blazonry of a later period, and no doubt indicate the first accidental

rudiments of medieval cognizances.

The various details of costume and ornament indicated in this brief

description, furnish the chief evidence by which we may hope to assign

the period and place of manufacture of these interesting works of early

art. This question has already been discussed with much learning and

ability by Sir Frederick Madden, who remarks, "I shall now proceed to

develop the result of my inquiries in respect to the place where and

the period when these chessmen were in all probability manufactured. I

shall draw my inferences from three separate subjects of consideration;

the material of which they are made, the costume in which they appear,

and the historical passages to be found in the ancient writings of

Scandinavia; and from each I shall endeavour to prove that these

pieces were executed about the middle of the twelfth century, by the

same extraordinary race of people who, at an earlier period of time,

under the general name of _Northmen_, overran the greater part of

Europe." Against the conclusions carefully arrived at by following out

this proposed course of reasoning, with the exception of the period

to which they are assigned, I venture, in all deference, to enter a

demurrer. It has been so long the fashion to assign every indication

of early art and civilisation found in Scotland to these Scandinavian

invaders,--though, as I trust has already been shewn, in many cases

without evidence and upon false premises,--that it becomes the Scottish

archæologist to receive such conclusions with caution, even when

advanced by high authorities and supported by evidence. The farther we

pursue this investigation into the history of primitive native art we

find the less reason to assign to it a foreign origin, or to adopt the

improbable theory that the rude Scandinavian rovers brought with them

from the Pagan North new elements of civilisation and refinement to

replace the Christian arts which they eradicated at the point of the

sword. Singer justly remarks on the characteristic difference between

the Greek and Scandinavian traditions of the mythic artist, Dædalus or

Weland, that the Greeks ascribed to theirs: "Plastic works, and above

all images of the gods, while the Scandinavians attributed to their

workman principally weapons of a superior temper. It is that the Greeks

were a people alive to the beauty of mythologic representations. The

Scandinavians, on the contrary, valued nothing but good swords, with

which they conquered that which the rude climate of the North denied

them."[596] Doubtless, by the middle of the twelfth century a very

great change had taken place, but then we trace it not in the invention

of a northern Christian art, but in the tardy adoption of what was

already common to the ecclesiology and arts of Christendom.

As to the material of the Lewis chessmen, the mere fact of their being

made of the tusks of the _Rostungr_ or Walrus--the "huel-bone" of

Chaucer--can no more prove their Scandinavian origin, than that of

the still older set of Charlemagne being of ivory[597] (presuming

this to mean the elephant's tusk) affords any evidence of Indian

manufacture. By the middle of the twelfth century, the Northmen had

traded as well as warred with Scotland for nearly three centuries, and

were at that late period, as Mr. Worsaae remarks, "the central point

for an extensive commerce between the east and the northern parts

of Europe."[598] The author of the _Kongs-Skugg-sio_, or Speculum

Regale, composed, as Einersen concludes, between the years 1154-1164,

but certainly before the close of the century, takes particular

notice of the Rostungr, and mentions also the circumstance of its

teeth and hide being used as articles of commerce. Such indeed almost

of necessity follows from the evidence of the frequent voyages of

the Scandinavians in pursuit of these animals, at a time when they

had abandoned the old predatory habits of the Vikings for a regular

government and peaceful intercourse with other nations. The nature

of their settlements on the Scottish islands and mainland, and their

alliances and intermarriage with the aboriginal race, may also suffice,

if further proof be needed, to shew that the walrus ivory could be no

great rarity in Scotland, when it formed a special article of commerce

with the Northmen. We accordingly find distinct evidence of its native

use: "Ivory dirk-hilts, elegantly turned or wrought by the hand, were

manufactured in various parts of the Highlands and isles. Of these

specimens still remain at Fingask and Glengary,"[599] and a curious

large sword, evidently of early date, preserved at Hawthornden, near

Edinburgh, has the hilt made of the narwhal's tusk. The argument of

Scandinavian origin from the material is therefore of no value, and

the varied devices on the chairs and other highly decorated portions

of the Lewis chessmen are equally little indicative of Northern art.

They are the same details as are familiar to us on the Romanesque work

of the twelfth century, never yet traced to a Northern source. In

St. Magnus Cathedral we have a most valuable specimen of Romanesque

style, executed in obedience to the piety of a Scandinavian jarl of

the Scottish Isles, but so far from finding in it any trace of a style

peculiar to the Northmen, its oldest portions are characterized by

the usual features of the fully developed style, manifestly derived

from Southern models, and betraying in these the later date of its

foundation than the examples of the same class which still remain at

Durham and Dunfermline. No Scandinavian ecclesiologist, I believe,

doubts the foreign origin of the few examples of the earlier styles

of medieval ecclesiastical architecture still remaining in Norway

and Sweden; and the evidence already adduced tends to suggest the

conclusion that whatever military and naval skill the natives of

Scotland might acquire from their intercourse with the Northmen, they

were much more likely to impart than to receive a superior knowledge in

the arts of the sculptor and the carver. Christianity was introduced

into Scotland and Ireland some centuries before its acceptance by

the Scandinavians, yet the primitive Christian monuments of Denmark

or Norway will, as works of art, bear no comparison with those which

preceded them in Scotland.

[Illustration]

To the costume of the twelfth century we must therefore look for the

only safe guide to the origin of the Lewis chessmen. Those of the kings

and queens are of little value for this purpose, and those of the

bishops, though minutest of all, of none. It is to the military costume

of which the knights and footmen afford such curious examples that we

must have recourse for some solution of the question. But these also

are mostly of Southern and not of Scandinavian origin. Both the shield

and the pointed helmet are what would usually be styled Norman. We find

the kite-shaped shield represented in the Bayeux tapestry; a curious

example of it is engraved on a candlestick of the twelfth century, now

in the collection at Goodrich Court;[600] and a still more conclusive

instance is the remarkable group of warriors, each with nasal, spear,

and kite-shaped shield, sculptured on the lintel of the doorway of

Fordington Church, Dorchester, _circa_ 1160.[601] Sir S. R. Meyrick

conjectures that the Normans derived this shield from Sicily. There

is, at any rate, good evidence for believing that while it was in use

in Britain early in the twelfth century, the Northmen retained their

round shield till a later period. Judging from Mr. Worsaae's valuable

treatise, as well as from the "Guide to Northern Antiquities," the

round shield appears to be alone known among the defensive arms of the

latest Pagan period, which closes little more than a century prior to

the probable date of the Lewis chessmen. But Sir F. Madden has referred

to an authority the bearing of which on this point has escaped him,

although it seems conclusive. The passage is that in Giraldus, (quoted

from a MS. temp. John,) in which he describes the descent of the

Norwegians under Hasculph or Asgal, to attack the city of Dublin, then

defended by Miles de Cogan, about the year 1172, as follows: "A navibus

igitur certatim erumpentibus, duce Johanne ... viri bellicosi Danico

more undique ferro vestiti, alii loricis longis, alii laminis ferreis

arte consutis, _clipeis quoque rotundis et rubris_, circulariter ferro

munitis, homines tam animis ferrei quam armis, ordinatis turmis, ad

portam orientalem muros invadunt." Such shields, formed of wood bound

with iron, and with an iron umbo in the centre, are still preserved

in Norway, and correspond not only to the requisitions of the old

Gulathings-law, cap. 309, circa 1180, but even to a later one--circa

1270. Into the minuter details of _wambeys_, _gambeson_, _panzar_, &c.,

referred to in the Archæologia, it is needless to enter, because most

of them are wanting on the chessmen, or can at best only be guessed

at. Were the swords and shields removed from the warders, along with

their beards, so little would any one dream of detecting such traces

of medieval armour in their costume, that even their sex might be in

doubt, and some of their conical helmets and gambesons might serve

equally well for the scapulars and tunics of gentle nuns.[602] Of

the horsemen also little positive can be made out of anything but

the helmet and shield; and of the former scarcely two are alike on

knights or warders, the difference in some of them amounting to a total

dissimilarity in form and fashion. Perhaps the most remarkable feature

in the knight-pieces is the small size of the horses, so characteristic

of the old Scottish breed. But it is even matter of doubt if the Norse

warriors of the twelfth century ever fought on horseback. If they did

so at that period, it was a novelty borrowed, like their new faith and

arts, from the nations of the south.

A figure of a mounted warrior, apparently bearing a close resemblance

to the chess knights, with a peaked helmet, carrying a spear, and with

a long saddle cloth pendant from his horse, is sculptured in relief,

amid knotwork and floriated ornaments, on an early monumental slab in

the Relig Oran at Iona. A claymore of antique form occupies the centre

of the slab, but the shield is concealed by the position of the figure.

It is not, however, to the sculptured monuments either of Scotland or

of Norway and Denmark that we must look for identifying the costume

of these figures with any contemporary examples. Fortunately the same

class of evidence has been preserved, on perhaps still more trustworthy

authority, not in marble but in wax, in the royal and baronial seals

attached to early charters. From these we learn that prior to the date

of the Norwegians assailing Miles de Cogan, armed with their "shields,

round and red," both the peaked helmet and nasal, and the kite-shaped

shield, were the usual defensive armour of the Scottish baron. On the

seal, for example, appended to the charter of Robert de Lundres, c.

A.D. 1165, conveying a carucate of land in Roxburghshire to the Abbey

of Melros, the knight is represented on horseback in full armour, with

a flattened helmet with nasal and a kite-shaped shield.[603] So also

in the seals of Uchtred, son of Osulf: William son of John: Philip de

Valoniis, chamberlain of Scotland, c. A.D. 1176; and on that of Richard

de Morville, constable of Scotland, appended to a charter A.D. 1176:

all among the charters of the Abbey of Melros, about the middle of the

twelfth century, we find the kite-shaped shield, the nasal, and the

peaked helmet; while in the very beautiful seal of Patrick de Dunbar,

c. A.D. 1200, the nasal appears attached to a round chapel-de-fer,

very similar to those worn by some of the Lewis warders.[604] Such

examples might be greatly multiplied, but these are sufficient to shew

the entire correspondence of the chessmen found in Lewis, both with

the contemporary native costume and with other productions of Scottish

art of the twelfth century, while it still remains to be shewn that

such resemblance is traceable in any single undoubted Scandinavian work

of the same period. The intimate intercourse between the Scandinavian

and native races of the north of Scotland, and their offensive and

defensive alliances already referred to, would indeed render it

probable that in the twelfth century no great difference existed in

their weapons or defensive armour. Yet we find no traces in the arms

or armour of the Scottish Highlanders, with whom alone such close

alliances were formed, of anything resembling those in question. In the

Lothians, or Saxonia, as it is sometimes styled even in the Pictish

Chronicle, it was entirely different. Before the close of the eleventh

century, a mingled Saxon and Norman population occupied the old kingdom

of Northumbria, a Saxon queen shared the Scottish throne, and exercised

a most important influence in changing the manners of the people,

and in modifying and reforming their ecclesiastical system. To this

period, therefore, and from this source it is that we must look for the

introduction of the military costume of the South, as well as of the

minutiæ of clerical attire, which may be presumed to have previously

been as little in conformity with the Roman model as the other parts of

the system.

Founding on the supposed discovery of the Lewis chessmen within

tide-mark, and exposed to the sea on the shores of Lewis, it has

been suggested that they "formed part of the stock of an Icelandic

_kaup-mann_ or merchant, who carried these articles to the Hebrides

or Ireland for the sake of traffic; and the ship in which they were

conveyed being wrecked, these figures were swept by the waves on

shore, and buried beneath the sandbank."[605] This supposition,

however, was formed under imperfect information of the circumstances

attending the discovery, as they were found in a stone building,

which, from the general description furnished of it, there appears

reason to assume, must have been a Scottish Weem, and in the vicinity

of a considerable ruin. There is greater probability in the earlier

conjecture, that the carving of these ancient chessmen may have

helped to relieve the monotony of cloistral seclusion. The minuteness

of detail in the ecclesiastical costume is much more explicable on

such a supposition than by a theory which would ascribe either to an

Icelandic _kaup-mann_, or Norse carver of the twelfth century, such a

knowledge of Episcopal chasuble, dalmatic, stole, cope, and tunic, as

is traceable in the bishops of the Lewis chessmen.

[Illustration]

Danish antiquaries have naturally been little inclined to dispute

the idea of a Scandinavian origin assigned on such high authority to

the beautiful specimens of carved chessmen found in Scotland. A keen

spirit of nationality has been enlisted with the happiest effects in

the cause of Northern Archæology, and however honestly bent on the

discovery of truth, it was scarcely to be looked for that the Danish

archæologist should search too curiously into the evidence by which

such valuable relics were handed over to him. They are, accordingly,

referred to in the Report of the Northern Antiquaries for 1836, under

the title of Scandinavian Chessmen, and at length figure in the "Guide

to Northern Archæology," among articles from the Christian Period,

without its even being hinted that they were discovered, not in

Denmark but in Scotland. The subject is treated more at large in the

interesting paper on "Some Ancient Scandinavian Chessmen," included

in the Report of the Northern Antiquaries to its British and American

Members, in which several specimens found in Scandinavia are described

and engraved. One of these, a female figure on horseback, supposed to

be a queen-piece, (also figured in the Guide to Northern Archæology,

p. 75,) is in the private collection of Professor Sjöborg. On it

the writer remarks,--"The serpentine ornament upon it resembles, it

will be observed, those on several of the chessmen found at Lewis.

The mantle, too, or veil, hanging down the shoulders of the figure,

is another point of similitude between them." A comparison of the

engraving in Lord Ellesmere's translation of the Guide to Northern

Archæology, with the Lewis chessmen in the British Museum, will suffice

to shew how easily men are persuaded of what they wish to believe. The

character both of horse and rider essentially differ; the costumes in

no way resemble each other more than all female dresses necessarily

do; while the horses differ as much as is well possible. In the Lewis

knights their horses' manes are cut short and stand up, while the

hair hangs down over their foreheads. In the Scandinavian example the

mane is long, and the forehead uncovered; and what is no less worthy

of note, the horse, both in this and the following examples, differs

from the former in being of full size, as tested by the comparative

proportions of the rider. The horse-furniture is equally dissimilar:

but a still greater and more important disagreement is in the style of

art. A very great resemblance may be traced between the square forms

and most characteristic details of the Lewis horses' heads, and the

contemporary sculptures of Dalmeny Church, Linlithgowshire, where a

series of similar heads occur in the corbel-table of the Apse. Such

a comparison affords the best test of style, the peculiarities of

which are more easily illustrated than described. No such resemblance

could possibly be suggested by Professor Sjöborg's chesspiece; and the

similarity which the Danish antiquaries discover in its serpentine

ornament to those of the Lewis carvings, is little more satisfactory.

The difference in style is no less obvious in two carved groups from

the Christiansborg Collection at Copenhagen, (tab. vi. figs. 1, 2,)

representing, the one a king and the other a queen on horseback, and

surrounded each by four attendants. They are also formed of the tooth

of the _Rostungr_ or walrus, and are believed to be the king and queen

pieces of a set of chessmen. It is sufficient to say of them that

they bear equally little resemblance to the Lewis figures in arms,

armour, costume, or ornamental details. In Scotland it is otherwise.

Examples have been found there admitting of comparison with the Lewis

chessmen. Pennant engraves one discovered in the ruins of Dunstaffnage

Castle, Argyleshire, the ancient royal abode of the Dalriadic kings. It

represents a king seated in a chair of square form, holding a book in

the left hand. The costume differs from the kings of the Lewis sets,

and obviously belongs to a somewhat later period; but the general

arrangement of the figures correspond, and there can be no doubt that

the latter is the king-piece of a similar set of chessmen. It is

still preserved at Dunstaffnage, where it was examined by Pennant in

1772.[606]

Another of the chesspieces referred to is in the Museum of the Scottish

Antiquaries, and furnishes a most beautiful example of the skill of

the early carvers. It is also wrought from the walrus ivory, and may

be presumed to have formed a warder or rook-piece of the set. It

represents two mailed knights, armed with sword and shield, and may

be ascribed to the early part of the thirteenth century. The shields

are shorter than in the Lewis figures, and the devices afford an

interesting means of comparison. Several of the ornamental patterns

wrought on the shields of the former bear such close resemblance to

heraldic distinctions that they admit of intelligible description

according to rules of blazonry, yet they are all evidently mere

arbitrary ornaments and not bearings; whereas on one of the shields

of the latter knight we have a curious and very early example of

_dimidiation_ in heraldry,--a _fleur-de-lys_ dimidiated on a diapered

field,--a figure little likely to be chosen for mere ornament. The

history of this interesting relic is unknown. It was presented to

the Society by Lord Macdonald in 1782, as _the handle of a Highland

dirk_. From his extensive possessions in the Isle of Skye, it is

not improbable that it may have been found there, where the frequent

discovery of relics of different periods attests the ancient presence

of a population skilled in the useful and ornamental arts. It measures

three and five-eighth inches in height, and is fully equal, in point of

workmanship, to any of the Lewis figures, though certainly exhibiting

no characteristics which should suggest any doubt of its native

workmanship.

[Illustration: Chesspiece, Scottish Antiquarian Museum.]

The annexed woodcut exhibits another chesspiece, apparently of a still

later date, preserved in the collection formed by Sir John Clerk at

Penicuick House. Attached to it is a parchment label in the handwriting

of the old Scottish Antiquary, which thus describes it: "An ancient

piece of sculpture on the tooth of a whale. It was found by Jo. Adair,

geographer, in the north of Scotland, anno 1682. All the figures are

remarkable." John Adair, geographer for Scotland, was appointed by the

Lords of the Scottish Privy-Council, in 1682, to make a survey of the

whole kingdom, and maps of the different shires. This he effected, and

published the first part of his work, but, unfortunately, obstacles

arising apparently from the tardy advances of the necessary funds,

prevented the second part--including his voyage round the Western Isles

and an account of the Roman wall--from ever appearing, and his papers,

it is to be feared, no longer exist.[607] It was, no doubt, while he

was engaged on this survey, that the interesting relic was discovered

which is figured here. It has evidently formed a queen-piece, though

consisting in all of seven figures. The queen is represented crowned,

and seated on her throne, with a lap-dog on her knee, and apparently a

book in her right hand. On her left is a knight in full armour, with

drawn sword, and from whose costume we can have little hesitation in

assigning the work to the early part of the fourteenth century. On the

right hand of the throne stands a trouvere or minstrel playing on the

crowde, an ancient musical instrument somewhat resembling the violin.

Behind are four female figures, holding each other by the hand, and the

one next to the minstrel bearing a palm-branch. This curious chesspiece

is of great value; as adding another link to the chain of chronological

evidence by which we trace the continuous native production of these

costly relics of ancient pastime in our own country.

[Illustration: Queen-piece, Penicuick House.]

Mr. Albert Way has described two other very curious chessmen, both

knight-pieces. One of these, which is preserved in the Ashmolean

Museum, is also believed to be made of the walrus tooth, and is

interesting as an example of military costume, apparently belonging to

the early part of the reign of Henry III. The other figure is carved in

ivory, and furnishes a very minute and characteristic illustration of

the military costume and horse-armour in use during the reign of Edward

III.[608] But a much more remarkable relic of the same class, believed

to be a queen-piece, is figured and described in the Archæological

Journal.[609] It was found, about twenty years since, in the ruins of

Kirkstall Abbey, and is said to bear some resemblance to another of

inferior workmanship, discovered along with several chesspieces at

Woodperry, Oxfordshire. One of these, a bishop, is also engraved in the

Archæological Journal.[610] The form of the Kirkstall piece is further

illustrated by the illuminations of a German MS. of the fourteenth

century,[611] where Otho, Marquis of Brandenbourg, who died in 1298, is

represented playing at chess with a lady, and with such a piece before

him on the board. The details of this queen-piece are very peculiar.

The four-leaved flower and triangular foliation would suggest a date

not earlier than the close of the thirteenth century; nor is there

anything irreconcilable with this in the very singular figures which

they accompany. A parallel may be found to the most remarkable of them

in the sculptural details which the exuberant fancy of that period

lavished on cathedrals and shrines, without, we may suspect, always

troubling themselves for the meanings which modern symbolists insist on

deducing from them.

One other Scottish example of a chesspiece may be mentioned. It is

a small mutilated ivory figure, apparently of a king, in classic

costume, and with a drawn sword in his hand, found a few years since

among the ruins of North-Berwick Abbey. But it belongs to a much

more recent period than any of those previously referred to, and

is inferior to them as a work of art. Were it not, indeed, for the

Scandinavian origin so generally assigned to nearly all the early

examples of British chessmen, their manifest classification among the

productions of Christian art would have rendered it more consistent

with an orderly system of chronology to treat of them along with late

medieval antiquities. The "Collection of Inventories of the Royal

Wardrobe and Jewel House," among its many curious items, furnishes

this interesting notice of the tables and chessmen of James IV., and

possibly of older Scottish kings:--"Ane pair of tabillis of silvir,

ourgilt with gold, indentit with jasp and cristallyne, with table men

and chess men of jasp and cristallyne."[612] The entry sufficiently

shews the familiarity of the Scottish court with the use both of table

and chessmen at the date of its record, in the reign of James V., A.D.

1539. But evidence is hardly needed to prove the knowledge of a pastime

which was then a favourite in every European court. The tables and

chessmen are entered among the royal jewels, and unfortunately their

costly materials, which admitted of such a classification, render it

vain to hope that they may still be in existence, like the older but

more homely chessmen of Charlemagne.

FOOTNOTES:

[590] _Ante_, p. 139.

[591] Hist. of Galloway, vol. ii. App. p. 67. New Stat. Acc.,

Kirkcudbrightshire, vol. iv. p. 103.

[592] This game still survives among the juvenile sports of Scotland,

played with cherry stones, or _paips_, _Ang._ pips, and called

_nieves_, _i.e._, fists, from their being held in the closed hand. Some

of these games with _paips_ may perhaps claim a classic origin. Ovid

alludes to one played with nuts,--_Nux Elegia_, ver. 72. Hence the

phrase _nuces relinquere_, to put away childish things; to become a man.

[593] Archæologia, vol. xxiv. p. 203.

[594] The account in the text differs as to the number of pieces,

as well as in some other and more important points, from that given

in the Archæologia, (vol. xxiv. p. 212.) Sir F. Madden, however,

only describes those which were acquired by the Trustees of the

British Museum. Charles Kirkpatrick Sharp, Esq., to whom I owe these

particulars, possesses eleven pieces, consisting of two kings, three

queens, three bishops, one knight, and two warders. Ten of these he

selected from the whole, previous to their possessor, Mr. Roderick

Ririe, offering them to the Trustees. The remaining one was afterwards

obtained from a person residing in Lewis. Sir F. Madden is also

mistaken in speaking of their having been long subject to the action of

salt-water. They were found at some distance from the shore; a sudden

and very considerable inroad having been made by the sea. A minute

of the Society of Scottish Antiquaries, referring to the exhibition

of these chessmen, 11th April 1831, describes them as "found buried

fifteen feet under a bank of sand." Mr. Sharp has in his possession the

original receipt given to Mr. Ririe by the jeweller in Edinburgh, with

whom they were deposited, which describes them as "fifty-eight figures,

thirty-four pieces, and a buckle of ivory or bone."

[595] The queen figure, of which a back view is given in the engraving

in order to shew the peculiar form of the head-dress, holds in the left

hand a horn similar to that which one of the queen figures now in the

British Museum bears. In cutting this figure the carver has exposed the

core of the tooth, and the side of the chair here seen is formed of

another piece of ivory attached to it with pins of the same material.

This is so neatly done that Mr. Sharp's attention was called to it for

the first time when I was drawing the piece.

[596] Singer's Wayland Smith, p. lxxiii.

[597] "L'Empereur et Roy de France, Sainct Charlemagne, a donné, au

Thresor de Sainct Denys un jeu d'eschets, avec le tablier, _le tout

d'yvoire_."--Hist. Abbey of St. Denis, 1625.

[598] Primeval Antiquities of Denmark, p. 148.

[599] Stuart's Costume of the Clans, Introd. p. xxxiv.

[600] Archæologia, vol. xxiii. Plate XXVIII. p. 317.

[601] Glossary of Architecture, fifth edit. vol. ii. Plate LXXIII.

[602] _Vide_, in addition to figure shewn here, Archæol. vol. xxiv. Pl.

XLVIII. figs. 3, 4.

[603] Liber Sancti de Melros, p. 76, No. 88.

[604] _Vide_ Laing's Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Scottish Seals.

Nos. 283, 593, 825, 828, 843. Edin. 1850.

[605] Archæologia, vol. xxviii. p. 290.

[606] It was exhibited at a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries of

Scotland, by the late Captain Campbell of Inistore, in 1833, but I

have been unsuccessful in several attempts since to ascertain in whose

custody it now is, in order to obtain access to it for the purpose of

making a drawing from the original.

[607] _Vide_ Papers relative to the Geographical Description, &c. of

Scotland, by John Adair, F.R.S., 1686-1723. Bannatyne Miscellany, vol.

ii. p. 347.

[608] Archæol. Journal, vol. iii. pp. 243, 244.

[609] Archæol. Journal, vol. vi. p. 170.

[610] Archæol. Journal, vol. iii. p. 121.

[611] Bibl. Du Roi, No. 7266. Ibid. vol. vi.

[612] Collection of Inventories, p. 49.

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