CHILIASM AND SOCIAL THEORY
We have seen that in the first generations of the Church's existence the
rapidly approaching end of the world was a doctrine firmly held by
almost all Christians. We have seen how by the fifth century this
doctrine, though doubtless still believed by small numbers of
individuals and isolated groups, was practically dead. We have
endeavored to show some of the more important political, economic,
social, and religious effects of this belief and of its declension. The
changes which took place almost imperceptibly during the course of more
than three centuries in the status of this doctrine make any evaluation
of its influence very difficult. It is, however, probably well within
the truth to say that the transformation of early Christianity from an
eschatological to a socialized movement is, in some respects, one of the
most important changes in its history. The change was actual and
objective rather than formal and theoretical. It profoundly influenced
the practical lives of Christians, but it produced no alteration
whatever in the creeds of the Church. As has been shown in the preceding
chapters it is for these reasons at once more difficult to investigate
and more troublesome to evaluate.
The difficulties of the subject itself, considerable as they are; lack
of adequate source material, doubt as to the authenticity and
reliability of such sources as we have; and ever present theological
prepossession, these difficulties after all do not offer such hindrances
to fruitful investigation as another factor, the present condition of
sociological methodology. The writer is not learned in the various forms
of scientific method, but he doubts whether any other science is, in
this respect, in such a chaotic condition as sociology. It is reasonable
to expect of any science that it will have some general rules for the
investigation of the data in its field, and some general principles for
the interpretation of the results of investigation. Sociology is no
exception in this respect. In fact the number of sociological
'principles,' so called, is almost incredibly great. A mere descriptive
enumeration of them, and a by no means exhaustive one, fills a
considerable volume.[1] But so far as the writer is aware, no effort
has been made to apply these principles or any considerable number of
them, systematically, to the elucidation of any movement, contemporary
or historical. In general each principle has had its own advocates who
have applied it to varying ranges of historical phenomena--generally to
the total or at least considerable, exclusion of other principles.
These sociological principles are not only very numerous--they are of
very various value. No successful classification of them has thus far
been made. It is very possible that in the present state of the science
no successful classification can be made. Yet no study of an historical
movement can, without loss, dispense with the aid given by these general
sociological principles. The writer will, therefore, in the briefest
possible manner, try to show some of the aspects of early Chiliasm as
they appear in the light of a few of these principles.
The list of principles employed is not an exhaustive one. It can not
even claim to be comprehensive of all the principles which might fairly
be said to be important. On the other hand it perhaps includes some
principles which some sociologists would probably consider of minor
importance. There is as yet, unfortunately, no considerable agreement on
this matter among sociologists of different nationalities and schools.
The reason of course, is that the social reality which these principles
endeavor to explain contains facts which are intellectually incompatible
but which nevertheless, do actually exist together.
One of the most important and one of the most convenient methods of
investigating social phenomena is the statistical method. In all cases
of social pathology this method is so valuable as to be almost
indispensable. In other cases its use needs to be more carefully
guarded. In the problem we have considered the use of the statistical
method has been evidently impossible except in the most incidental
manner. We do not know how many Christians expected any particular kind
of Second Advent to take place within any given length of time. If we
had information for each decade to the time of Augustine, of the number
of 'convinced' Chiliasts and the number of 'adherents' who were inclined
toward that belief, together with information as to the number of years
within which each of these groups expected the Second Advent, it is
needless to say that such facts would enable us to judge the movement
with a considerable approach to historical certainty. Even such
incidental and fragmentary information as has come down to us in regard
to the number of Chiliastic believers is most valuable and such use has
been made of it as may be. If the use of the statistical method has not
been more extensive, it is because of lack of data.
Perhaps the most widely known of all sociological principles is that
called Economic Determinism, or the Economic Interpretation of History,
or Historical Materialism. More and more, of recent years, this
principle has been employed by historians. The classic statement of the
doctrine is found in the Communist Manifesto. The Introduction to the
second edition states: "In every historical epoch the prevailing mode of
economic production and exchange and the social organization necessarily
following from it, form the basis upon which is built up, and from which
alone can be explained, the political and intellectual history of that
epoch; that consequently the whole history of mankind (since the
dissolution of primitive tribal society holding land in common
ownership) has been a history of class, struggles, contests between
exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressed classes."[2]
In the application of this principle to our subject we are lead to
expect a genuine, though not necessarily direct, connection between the
declension of eschatological expectations, the increase of socialization
in early Christianity and such broad economic movements as resulted from
the soil exhaustion of Western Europe and the decreased productivity of
compulsory associated labor. In the substitution of serfdom for slavery
and in the growth of monasticism we certainly have two movements which
profoundly affected the Church, and had a considerable part in altering
the attitude of mind which made Chiliastic expectations tenable. It is
probably true that what we have here is considerably more than a mere
coincidence of time, i.e., that Chiliasm declined as serfdom developed
and was dead by the time the patronage system was established on the
great estates. Indeed, in the West at least, Chiliasm was dead before
the country regions were to any measurable degree Christian at all.
It is not too much to say that the apologetic used by St. Augustine to
extirpate primitive, Chiliastic belief was only made plausable, or even
possible, by profound changes, of an economic nature, in the early
Church. The central point of Augustine's apologetic is that the Church,
as actually existing at the time, was the promised kingdom of Christ and
the reign of the Saints on earth. Such an explanation would have been
absurd in the days when the Christian Church consisted only of a few,
small companies of sectaries, lost among the lower strata of the
population of the cities on the Mediterranean litoral. But by
Augustine's time the Church was something quite different. It was
enormously wealthy; owning farms, orchards, vineyards, olive yards,
mines, quarries, timberlands, horses, cattle, sheep, goats, slaves and
serfs, to say nothing of the purely ecclesiastical properties like
Churches, schools, bishops' residences and similar structures, and the
land they occupied.
The possession of this great wealth inevitably brought with it social
position, prestige, and political power. The psychical reaction produced
by wealth, rank, and power was naturally unfavorable to the growth of
any lively desire for the termination of the existing order of things.
Indeed it was an active force in displacing and eliminating Chiliasm
from the minds of the hierarchy. On the reverse side we have seen that
the times of persecution, when the property of the Church was
confiscated and the lives and liberty of Christians endangered or lost,
coincided with the recrudescence of Messianic expectations. So that,
whichever way the subject is approached, it would seem that the
contentions of the advocates of the economic interpretation of history
can make out a very good case in the instance of the early Christian
Church and Chiliasm. Without raising economic determinism to the rank of
a dogma and while admitting that it has very real limitations, it would
nevertheless appear from the present study, that the following
contention of one of its leading exponents contains an important degree
of truth. "The relations of men to one another in the matter of making a
living are the main, underlying causes of men's habits of thought and
feeling, their notions of right, propriety, and legality, their
institutions of society and government, their wars and revolutions."[3]
A principle somewhat allied to the doctrine of Economic Determinism, is
that of progress by 'Group Conflict.' Perhaps the most notable exponent
of this principle is the Austrian sociologist, Ludwig Gumplowicz, who
states: "When two distinct (heterogen) groups come together the natural
tendency of each is to exploit the other to use the most general
expression. This indeed is what gives the first impulse to the social
process.[4]
According to this principle we should expect to find the cause of the
transformation of early Christianity in the conflicts of various groups
within the Christian community and in the conflicts between the
Christians as a group, and various other groups in the world of that
time. The truth of this is so obvious that it is a mere waste of words
to point it out. That Christian theology evolved by a series of
conflicts with various pagan theologies on the one side, and with
various groups within the Church on the other side, which were
successively branded as heretical, is the most patent fact in the
theological history. What is true of the theology in general is true of
Chiliasm in particular. It was very largely during the conflicts with a
long series of heretical groups; Gnostics, Ebionites, Alogi, Montanists
and Apolinarians that the blows were given which finally vanquished
Chiliasm. Its elimination, or at least the rapidity of its elimination,
was very measurably due to the fact that it was involved in these group
conflicts, and as it was almost invariably associated with the losing
group, it suffered the natural fate of the vanquished.
While the principle of which Gumplowicz was so able a supporter leads us
to expect changes in the Chiliastic doctrine wherever it appears in
connection with the phenomenon of group conflict, both within and
without the Church, this principle does not, in itself, enable us to
state anything definitely concerning the nature of these changes.
There is, however, another sociological principle which we can call to
our aid--the principle of Imitation. According to M. Tarde: "The
unvarying characteristic of every social fact whatever is that it is
imitative and this characteristic belongs exclusively to social facts.
This imitation however, is not absolute and the various degrees of
exactness in imitation and the complexes resulting from the various
combinations and oppositions of imitations form the dynamic of
progress."[5]
By the help of this principle we can in a certain measure estimate the
general nature of the changes which took place in early Christianity
during the process of its socialization. The conversion of the Roman
Empire to Christianity is, according to this principle, merely half of
the actual occurrence. The other half might be called the conversion of
Christianity to the Roman Empire. The fact that this second conversion
took place; that the Christian Church became a hierarchic, bureaucratic,
legalistic, monarchical imperialism is evidence enough that the
principle of Imitation operated powerfully in early Christian history.
What is true of the early Church as a whole is true of Chiliasm in
particular. There was no very powerful Second Adventist or other
Chiliastic influence in the heathen world with which the early
Christians were in contact. Their beliefs were, therefore according to
this theory, weakened by dilution; vice versa the pagans were gradually
converted to an enfeebled eschatological belief by imitation of the
Christians, but the net result was a compromise, i.e., a far off and
indefinite eschatology.
The concrete evidence in support of this contention is not abundant
being confined to a few lines in the Sibylline Oracles, Hippolytus,
Lactantius and Augustine. Such as the evidence is, however, it is
entirely on the side of the theory of imitation. It is moreover a very
defensible position that if we were not dealing with such a stereotyped
literary form, the evidence would be much stronger. One arresting
feature of the Chiliastic passages that have come down to us, is their
uniformity. They are repetitions, very often actual, verbal repetitions
of one another. What is of real interest in this connection however, is
not the form of words, used, but the varying degrees of earnestness,
sincerity, and eagerness with which the beliefs, embodied in the form,
were held. This is a thing difficult if not impossible of measurement.
Practically our only means of arriving at the facts is to compare the
relatively slight changes in the _form_ of the Chiliastic tradition.
This has already been done[6] and favors the contention which the theory
of Imitation seeks to maintain. The passage in the Oracles, while
undoubtedly Chiliastic, is doubtfully orthodox and is found in a context
showing the influence of paganism in almost every line. Similarly
Hippolytus and still more Lactantius and Augustine being situated so as
to be peculiarly susceptible to the pagan environment show a marked
tendency to make the Second Advent a far off event. St. Augustine, whose
contact with the contemporary pagan world was more complete at more
points than that of any other Church father, puts the Second Advent out
of all connection with his own generation.
Another sociological principle of considerable importance for our
purpose is that sometimes spoken of as the transfer of the allegiance of
the unproductive laborers. The most prominent upholder of this principle
is probably the Italian economist Achille Loria. According to Loria, the
history of civilization is the history of the struggle for the economic
surplus. The existence of an economic margin above the necessities of
subsistence at once divides society into three classes: exploiters,
unproductive laborers,[7] and productive laborers. "In order to exert
moral suasion enough to pervert the egoism of the oppressed classes, the
cooperation of unproductive laborers is required. The decomposition of
an established system of capitalistic economy carried with it a
progressive diminution of the income from property and consequently
involves a corresponding falling off in the unproductive laborers' share
therein. This in turn dissolves their partnership with capital and puts
an end to their task of psychologically coercing the productive
laborers. The bandage is thus suddenly removed from the eyes of the
oppressed and the systematic perversion of human egoism up to this time
in force, is abruptly brought to an end.
"But scarcely has the inevitable course of events hounded to its grave
the existing order of oppression, when there arises another. Under the
new system of suppression the ancient alliance between capital and
unproductive labor is reestablished and at once inaugurates a new
process better adapted to pervert the egoism of the productive
laborers."[8]
The importance of this principle for the understanding of our subject
cannot easily be overstated. The socialization of early Christianity
proceeded in almost direct ratio to the number of 'unproductive'
laborers coming over to it. If Christianity had had in the First
Century, such an array of theologians, philosophers, apologists,
statesmen, and intellectuals generally, as it had in the Fourth Century,
there can be no reasonable doubt that its triumph would have been much
more rapid and complete. On the other hand had the Pagan cults been able
to show as numerous and as able a body of intellectual defenders in the
Fourth Century as in the First, the success of the Church must have been
much retarded. The declension of the artistic, literary, and general
intellectual level of ancient, pagan civilization during the first three
or four centuries of the Christian era is a fact so well known as to
call for no remark. What is not perhaps, so well recognized is that
during the very time that the pagan world presents an almost incredible
degree of intellectual feebleness and sterility, the actual proportion
of intellectually able men in society was remarkably great. Rome, never,
perhaps in her whole history, had to her credit so many men of
statesman-like ability as at the time her empire was falling to pieces.
The explanation is simple. The men of genius and ability were no longer
interested in the political fortunes of the pagan empire. They had gone
over to a new allegiance, and expended in the foundation of the Catholic
Church a degree of intelligence and ability which, had it been placed at
the service of the Empire, might very conceivably have enabled that
Empire to survive to this day.
It is certain that one of the leading causes of the collapse of the
pagan cults was their increasing inability to command the support of the
intellectual leaders in society, and it is no less true that the
increasing success of the Church was to be ascribed to the ever larger
number of men of intellectual gifts who enrolled themselves in her
support. The fact, of course, is that Christianity offered increasingly
an outlet for the expression of abilities and capacities of mind and
soul such as no pagan cult could provide. The most superficial
comparison of the intellectual forces for and against Christianity in
the first century, with the corresponding array in the fourth or fifth
centuries is sufficient to show the enormous progress made by the
process of socialization in the interval.
Our more particular concern is, however, with the eschatological
concepts. A comparison of the supporters and opponents of Chiliasm at
different periods brings into clear view the rate of its decline.
Without repeating what has been dealt with already,[9] it is sufficient
to recall that in the first century Chiliasm had the support of men like
St. Paul and the authors of the Gospels and other New Testament books,
notably Revelation. Indeed, as far as we can judge, every intellectual
leader of the Christian movement for nearly a century supported the
apocolyptic concepts. But as time went on the proportionate number and
ability of its defenders declines. Finally in the person of Origen in
the East and Augustine in the West we find the undisputed intellectual
leaders turning the whole intellectual class against it, and so bringing
about its overthrow.
Still another sociological principle of high importance because of its
pervasiveness and ubiquity is that propounded by Prof. Veblen in what is
perhaps the best known of American works on sociology.[10] This
principle, which may be summed up by the words Conspicuous Honorific
Consumption, is that beliefs and customs, in order to establish
themselves and to survive as socially reputable, must involve their
holders in purely honorific consumption of time and economic goods. This
consumption may be, and in fact very largely is, vicarious. In this case
the functionaries of the vicarious extravagance must be distinguished
from their masters by the introduction of the element of personal
inconvenience into the performance of their functions.
Of the various sociological principles, so far brought to our attention
this one of Conspicuous Honorific Consumption gives us what is probably
the most useful clew to follow for the understanding of the relatively
rapid decline and the immediately subsequent social disrepute of the
eschatological elements in early Christianity. No set of theological
concepts can be easily imagined which are more antagonistic to the canon
of honorific, conspicuous consumption than are the eschatological ones.
But the principle of the reputability of waste is so intercalated into
every form of social usage; it plays so large a part in all moral,
religious, literary, artistic, political, military, and other judgments,
that in a society like that of the Roman Empire where pecuniary
emulation and invidious comparison were the forms taken by the 'instinct
of workmanship'--the propensity for achievement--no set of beliefs or
observances which ran counter to this principle could, in a prolonged
contest, stand the smallest chance of success.
In this respect, early Christianity was the more unequal to the struggle
in so much as it was the strongest in the cities. The trend of affairs
is observable in the Church as early as the appearance of the Epistle of
James. Under urban conditions the law of conspicuous consumption works
with peculiar power and it tended toward the rapid elimination of those
doctrines and observances which operated to keep out of the Church the
wealthy, powerful, and fashionable elements of society. Within a
relatively short time, by the operation of this principle, the
originally respectable doctrine of Millenananism was rendered
disreputable and even heretical. It was an important agency in bringing
into sharp relief the distinction of clergy and laity, while in the
appearance of monasticism we see the working out of this principle among
the strongest (theoretical) opponents.
Had Christianity in the beginning found a considerable proportion of its
adherents among the laboring classes in the rural regions there can be
very little doubt that it would have maintained the purity of its early
doctrines for a much more considerable period of time than was actually
the case. There is no reason to doubt that, in that event, Chiliastic
expectations would have survived in Christian theology far longer than
they did. "Among the working classes in a sedentary community which is
at an agricultural stage of industry in which there is a considerable
subdivision of property and whose laws and customs secure to these
classes a more or less definite share of the product of their industry,
pecuniary emulation tends in a certain measure to such industry and
frugality as serve to weaken in some degree the full force of the
principle of honorific, and more especially of vicariously honorific
wastefulness." That is to say such conditions tend to conservatism in
general and possibly to religious conservatism in particular. But for
this very reason Christianity made its way only very slowly into the
rural regions. In the West, indeed, Chiliasm was already dead
before the Church had won any great headway among the agricultural
population--which was not until the sixth and seventh centuries. Had
Chiliasm been able to hold its own until the conversion of the rural
regions, it would certainly have survived there for generations if not
centuries--even if it had died out in the urban centers.
In the East, where Christianity made its way among the rural population,
at least in some degree, considerably earlier than was the case in the
West, Chiliasm did get a hold in certain agricultural regions of
Phrygia, Syria, Egypt, and elsewhere, and it was in precisely such
regions, as we have already seen, that it was held most tenaciously and
abandoned most slowly.
Prof. F. H. Giddings of Columbia University is the sponsor of the last
sociological principle which will be mentioned in this connection. His
principle is known as the "Consciousness of Kind." According to Prof.
Giddings: "Consciousness of Kind is that pleasurable state of mind which
includes organic sympathy, the perception of resemblance conscious or
reflective sympathy, affection and the desire for recognition."[11]
"This consciousness is a social and socializing force, sometimes
exceedingly delicate and subtle in its action, sometimes turbulent and
all powerful. Assuming endlessly varied modes of prejudice and of
prepossession, of liking and of disliking, of love and of hate, it tends
always to reconstruct and to dominate every mode of association and
every social grouping."[12]
By means of this very comprehensive principle many otherwise merely
stray and isolated items of information that have come down to use
regarding early Christianity can be given a place and a meaning in the
graduated series of phenomena which mark the transition from the
eschatological to the socialized movement. Such, for instance, are the
exhibitions of consciousness of kind according to differences and
similarities of sex, age, kinship, language, political beliefs,
occupations, rank, locality, wealth, and the like. The very number of
ways in which consciousness of kind exerts influence makes this
principle of very great use when the task is that of forming a general
conclusion from the investigation of sources which are incomplete,
inconclusive and sometimes contradictory.
The different sociological principles mentioned above are intended as
specimens only. The list is not in any sense complete. No attention is
paid to other principles held as coordinates or as correlates of those
referred to. Whole classes of principles, the anthropological and
geographic, for instance, are consciously omitted. The list is in the
highest degree a hit-and-miss selection and the more casual it is, the
better for the purpose in hand. This purpose is to show that any given
series of principles elucidated by students of our contemporary modern
civilization, will be found to have been operating in discernable
fashion in the case of an obscure form of theological speculation in the
first centuries of the Christian era. That Chiliasm was the natural
result of the heredity and environment of the early Christians, or
perhaps better, the natural result of the reaction of inherited elements
in vital contact with the contemporary world, will probably be admitted
readily enough by anyone who has followed the discussion thus far. But
the aim of this thesis, particularly of this last chapter, is something
more than that. Its aim is to uphold the contention that the forces now
operating in society to shape and reshape beliefs and opinions are the
very same in kind as operated in the society of the Roman Empire. In
short, any explanation of early Christian Chiliasm which seeks to bring
in the operation of any social principles which cannot be shown to be
objectively operative in contemporary society is to be viewed with a
certain measure of doubt, if not of suspicion.
It may be taken as a safe assumption that all attempts to obtain a
complete explanation of any historical event in terms of one principle
of one science are foredoomed to failure. The same is true, in less
degree, even if we take all the so far discovered principles of any one
science. In order to give anything like a really comprehensive
explanation of the historical process which forms the subject of this
thesis there would be required the contributions of the principles of
economics, political science, psychology, and the other social sciences.
Such a synthesis of principles is beyond the ability of any one
individual. The application of them all to our subject would be a task
requiring the cooperation of many specialists in many lines for some not
inconsiderable period of time. The writer's task will not perhaps have
been utterly in vain, if he has, even in the slightest measure, helped
to bring home to a single reader, this important fact.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] L. M. Bristol, Social Adaptation, _Harvard Economic Studies_, Vol.
XIV. Cambridge 1915.
[2] Communist Manifesto. Authorized English Translation, Chicago, 1898.
[3] W. J. Ghent, Mass and Class, Chap. 1. New York, 1905.
[4] Grundriss der Sociologie; Moore's Translation, p. 85. Annals Am.
Acad. Pol. Sci. Phil. 1899.
[5] G. Tarde, Social Laws, p. 41. New York, 1899. The Laws of Imitation,
p. 22. New York, 1903.
[6] See Chap. I.
[7] i.e., The so-called, Intellectuals.
[8] Economic Foundations of Society, pp. 51 seq. New York, 1889.
[9] Cf. Chap. I.
[10] The Theory of the Leisure Class. New York, 1899.
[11] Inductive Sociology, p. 99, New York, 1901.
[12] Descriptive and Historical Sociology, p. 275, New York, 1906.
Transcriber's notes:
The following is a list of changes made to the original.
The first line is the original line, the second the corrected one.
In all of them the catastrophy is more or less immediately
In all of them the catastrophe is more or less immediately
and final judgement which in the preceding form of belief were
and final judgment which in the preceding form of belief were
is to be preceeded by tremendous portents of the most terrible sort.
is to be preceded by tremendous portents of the most terrible sort.
Thebiad. In fact a large number of Jewish Apocalyses which the
Thebiad. In fact a large number of Jewish Apocalypses which the
He maintains that in the Mellennium, death will be abolished
He maintains that in the Millennium, death will be abolished
Apolinaris was indeed the most Judaising Christian in his Chiliasm
Apollinaris was indeed the most Judaizing Christian in his Chiliasm
indignantly denounces as 'figments,' 'mere old wives fables' and
indignantly denounces as 'figments,' 'mere old wives' fables' and
'doctrines of Jews.'[19] Although Apolinarianism was condemned
'doctrines of Jews.'[19] Although Apollinarianism was condemned
of note in the west. It is aboundantly evident however, from the
of note in the west. It is abundantly evident however, from the
and incongruities as the pagan myths which proviked so many
and incongruities as the pagan myths which provoked so many
Chiliasts--are held to be insoluable as to the time of their appearance;
Chiliasts--are held to be insoluble as to the time of their appearance;
dead, and yet to be born. The entity was eternal, indestructable,
dead, and yet to be born. The entity was eternal, indestructible,
the otherwise unintelligible success of that saint in combatting
the otherwise unintelligible success of that saint in combating
expression to this accomplished fact and it is no derrogation of his
expression to this accomplished fact and it is no derogation of his
words restriction in matrimony whether Chilastic or monastic is due
words restriction in matrimony whether Chiliastic or monastic is due
of the movement, were influenced more by Chilastic concepts than
of the movement, were influenced more by Chiliastic concepts than
[3] Cf. Parables in I Enoch XXXVII-IXXI.
[3] Cf. Parables in I Enoch XXXVII-LXXI.
[4] Cf. Apocalypse of Baurch; 4 Ezra, 4 Maccabees.
[4] Cf. Apocalypse of Baruch; 4 Ezra, 4 Maccabees.
Fourth: What may be distinguished as the specifically Christain
Fourth: What may be distinguished as the specifically Christian
the pupose of giving him a vest and an overcoat in addition to what
the purpose of giving him a vest and an overcoat in addition to what
and rightly discharged his service to Him.[13]
and rightly discharged his service to Him."[13]
The inconsistent and irreconciliable nature of the evidence about
The inconsistent and irreconcilable nature of the evidence about
references to interest, which may perhpas be due to the fact that in
references to interest, which may perhaps be due to the fact that in
condeming interest as such. In the minds of the early Christians the
condemning interest as such. In the minds of the early Christians the
prediliction of certain types of pecuniary interest for that reformer's
predilection of certain types of pecuniary interest for that reformer's
system of eccliastical polity. The Roman law did indeed fix a
system of ecclesiastical polity. The Roman law did indeed fix a
or act up to all thay they believe. Imagine a man acting on the
or act up to all that they believe. Imagine a man acting on the
institution they were perfectly familar and in universal observance
institution they were perfectly familiar and in universal observance
It was immoral to invest money in the consrtuction company that
It was immoral to invest money in the construction company that
economic and matters--and on other matters also. The difference in a
economic matters--and on other matters also. The difference in a
As soon as Christain doctrines became widespread enough to
As soon as Christian doctrines became widespread enough to
villange or serfdom. But this change cut off the economic margin
villeinage or serfdom. But this change cut off the economic margin
that of Bibical exegesis. In the well known sermon or essay on:
that of Biblical exegesis. In the well known sermon or essay on:
pyhsical possessions, but spiritual qualities of greed and avarice.
physical possessions, but spiritual qualities of greed and avarice.
that shall with difficulty enter into the kingdom," is to be apprehended
that shall with difficulty enter into the kingdom, is to be apprehended
the reward of which is salvation." "Sell thy possessions." What is
the reward of which is salvation." "Sell thy possessions. What is
expositions of Christian Scripture, penning the most powerful apologitic
expositions of Christian Scripture, penning the most powerful apologetic
honors upon the lowliest drugery;[37] they turned princes into plowmen
honors upon the lowliest drudgery;[37] they turned princes into plowmen
institutions of society can indeed be changed. But they can be changed--or
institutions of society can indeed be changed. But they can be changed--on
lack theoritical justification tend to accumulate such justification
lack theoretical justification tend to accumulate such justification
the spread of Chriatian theology by liberating it from the burden
the spread of Christian theology by liberating it from the burden
influence is economic. Christianity by teaching the virtues of honesty
influence is economic. Christianity by teaching the virtues of honesty,
Penticost and immediately afterwards was due primarily to the fact
Pentecost and immediately afterwards was due primarily to the fact
began to develope doctrines and practices even slightly at
began to develop doctrines and practices even slightly at
motive, the threatened loss of livlihood, entering along with anger
motive, the threatened loss of livelihood, entering along with anger
of the crowds only after agitation diliberately stirred up by interested
of the crowds only after agitation deliberately stirred up by interested
also the villages and country places and yet it sees possible to stop it and
also the villages and country places and yet it seems possible to stop it and
teaching many not to sacrifice or to worship the gods. Speaking
teaching many not to sacrifice or to worship the gods." Speaking
pagan public. Most noticable of all is the indifference of the mob
pagan public. Most noticeable of all is the indifference of the mob
clamor and blows and draggings and roberies and stonings and
clamor and blows and draggings and robberies and stonings and
more through permeation of the public mind by Christianity. There
more thorough permeation of the public mind by Christianity. There
very extent and throughness and duration of the persecution
very extent and thoroughness and duration of the persecution
belongs in the reign of Septimus Severns instead of that of Marcus
belongs in the reign of Septimus Severus instead of that of Marcus
circumstances more or less in obeyance. On the whole it was undoubtedly
circumstances more or less in abeyance. On the whole it was undoubtedly
more violent at the end of the period tham at the beginning.
more violent at the end of the period than at the beginning.
Serverus, 202 A.D. In the account given by Eusebius of the martydom
Severus, 202 A.D. In the account given by Eusebius of the martyrdom
case it was not the product of any spontanious popular movement.
case it was not the product of any spontaneous popular movement.
They were not called forth by any imperial edict--they preceeded the
They were not called forth by any imperial edict--they preceded the
governmental, legal precess would ever, or could ever, take on.
governmental, legal process would ever, or could ever, take on.
persecution among us did not begin with the royal decree but proceeded
persecution among us did not begin with the royal decree but preceded
accumlated sentiment and social unrest must of necessity discharge
accumulated sentiment and social unrest must of necessity discharge
perhaps be going beyong the evidence to say that in this interval,
perhaps be going beyond the evidence to say that in this interval,
away from them and drove the Jews out of the city, permiting the
away from them and drove the Jews out of the city, permitting the
being reconciled to the bishop. Some of them therefore hurrried
being reconciled to the bishop. Some of them therefore hurried
people in a struggle over the most obstruse and recondite metaphysical
people in a struggle over the most abstruse and recondite metaphysical
to the Christians mob movement against the pagans and to the
to the Christians' mob movement against the pagans and to the
experience. (b) Operation as an isolating device (c) Revolt against
experience. (b) Operation as an isolating device. (c) Revolt against
were free from its defects as an instrument of hierarchial ambition.
were free from its defects as an instrument of hierarchical ambition.
town of Phrygia was to become the capitol of the world wide kingdom
town of Phrygia was to become the capital of the world wide kingdom
produced no alternation whatever in the creeds of the Church. As
produced no alteration whatever in the creeds of the Church. As
ever possible, by profound changes, of an economic nature, in the
even possible, by profound changes, of an economic nature, in the
of men to ane another in the matter of making a living are the main,
of men to one another in the matter of making a living are the main,
associated with the loosing group, it suffered the natural fate of the
associated with the losing group, it suffered the natural fate of the
But scarcely has the inevitable course of events hounded to its
"But scarcely has the inevitable course of events hounded to its