M. Pompeius Macrinus, P. Iuventius Celsus. (A.D. 164 = a.u. 917 = Fourth
of Marcus).
L. Arrius Pudens, M. Gavius Orfitus. (A.D. 165 = a.u. 918 = Fifth of
Marcus).
Q. Servilius Pudens, L. Fufidius Pollio. (A.D. 166 = a.u. 919 = Sixth of
Marcus). L. Aurelius Verus Aug. (III), Quadratus. (A.D. 167 = a.u. 920 =
Seventh of Marcus).
T. Iunius Montanus, L. Vettius Paulus. (A.D. 168 = a.u. 921 = Eighth of
Marcus).
Q. Sosius Priscus, P. Caelius Apollinaris. (A.D. 169 = a.u. 922 = Ninth of
Marcus).
M. Cornelius Cethegus, C. Erucius Clarus. (A.D. 170 = a.u. 923 = Tenth of
Marcus).
L. Septimius Severus (II), L. Alfidius Herennianus. (A.D. 171 = a.u. 924 =
Eleventh of Marcus).
Maximus, Orfitus. (A.D. 172 = a.u. 925 = Twelfth of Marcus).
M. Aurelius Severus (II), T. Claudius Pompeianus. (A.D. 173 = a.u. 926 =
Thirteenth of Marcus).
Gallus, Flaccus. (A.D. 174 = a.u. 927 = Fourteenth of Marcus).
Piso, Iulianus. (A.D. 175 = a.u. 928 = Fifteenth of Marcus).
Pollio (II), Aper (II). (A.D. 176 = a.u. 929 = Sixteenth of Marcus).
L. Aurel. Commodus Aug., Quintilius. (A.D. 177 = a.u. 930 = Seventeenth of
Marcus).
Rufus, Orfitus. (A.D. 178 = a.u. 931 = Eighteenth of Marcus).
Commodus Aug. (II), T. Annius Aurel. Verus (II). (A.D. 179 = a.u. 932 =
Nineteenth of Marcus).
L. Fulvius Bruttius Praesens (II), Sextus Quintilius Condianus. (A.D. 180
= a.u. 933 = Twentieth of Marcus, to March 17th).
[Sidenote: A.D. 161 (a.u. 914)] [Sidenote:--1--] Marcus Antoninus, the
philosopher, upon obtaining the sovereignty at the death of Antoninus, who
adopted him, had immediately taken to share the authority with him the son
of Lucius Commodus, Lucius Verus. He was personally weak in body and he
devoted the greater part of his time to letters. It is told that even when
he was emperor he showed no shame (or hesitation) at going to a teacher
for instruction, but became a pupil of Sextus, the Boeotian philosopher,
[Footnote: "Sextus of Chaeronea, grandson of Plutarch" (Capitolinus,
_Vita M. Antoni Philosophi_, 3, 2).] and did not hesitate to go to hear
the lectures of Hermogenes on rhetoric. He was most inclined to the Stoic
school.
Lucius, on the other hand, was strong and rather young, and better suited
for military enterprises. Therefore, Marcus made him his son-in-law by
marrying him to his daughter Lucilla, and sent him to the Parthian war.
[Sidenote:--2--] For Vologaesus had begun war by assailing on all sides
the Roman camp under Severianus, situated in Elegeia, a place in Armenia;
and he had shot down and destroyed the whole force, leaders and all. He
was now proceeding with numbers that inspired terror against the cities of
Syria. [Sidenote: A.D. 162 (a.u. 915)] Lucius, accordingly, on coming to
Antioch collected a great many soldiers, and with the best commanders
under his supervision took up a position in the city, spending his time in
ordering all arrangements and in gathering the contingent for the war. He
entrusted the armies themselves to Cassius. The latter made a noble stand
against the attack [Sidenote: A.D. 165 (a.u. 918)] of Vologaesus, and
finally the chieftain was deserted by his allies and began to retire; then
Cassius pursued him as far as Seleucia and destroyed it and razed to the
ground the palace of Vologaesus at Ctesiphon. In the course of his return
he lost a great many soldiers through famine and disease, yet he started
off to Syria with the men that were left. Lucius attained glory by these
exploits and felt a just pride in them, yet his extreme good fortune did
him no good. [Sidenote: A.D. 169 (a.u. 922)] For he is said to have
subsequently plotted against his father-in-law Marcus and to have perished
by poison before he could accomplish anything.
* * * * *
Fragments of Dio from Suidas (thought by de Valois to belong to Book
LXXI).
[Martius Verus sends out Thucydides to conduct Sohaemus into Armenia; and
he, in spite of lack of arms, applied himself sturdily to this distant
task with the inherent good sense that he showed in all business falling
to his lot. Marcus had the gift not only of overpowering his antagonists
or anticipating them by swiftness or outwitting them by deceit (on which
qualities generals most rely), but also of persuading them by trustworthy
promises and conciliating them by generous gifts and luring them on by
tempting hopes. He was suave in all that he did or said, and soothed the
vexed and angry feelings of each adversary while greatly raising his
hopes. He knew well the right time for flattery and presents and
entertainment at table. And since in addition to these talents he showed
persistency in endeavor and activity together with speed against his foes,
he made it plain to the barbarians that his friendship was better worth
gaining than his enmity. So when he arrived at the New city, which a
garrison of Romans placed there by Priscus was occupying, and found them
attempting mutiny, he took care, both by word and by deed, to bring them
to a better temper, and he made the city the foremost of Armenia.]
[* * _Bridging_.--By the Romans the streams and rivers are bridged
with the greatest ease, since the soldiers are always practicing at it,
and it is carried on like any other warlike exercise on the Ister and the
Rhine and the Euphrates. The manner of doing it (which I think not
everybody knows) is as follows. The boats, by means of which the river is
bridged, are flat. They are anchored up stream a little above the spot
where the bridge is to be constructed. When the signal is given, they
first let one ship drift down stream close to the bank that they are
holding. When it has come opposite the spot to be bridged, they throw into
the water a basket filled with stones and fastened with a cord, which
serves as an anchor. Made fast in this way the ship is joined to the bank
by planks and bridgework, which the vessel carries in large quantities,
and immediately a floor is laid to the farther edge. Then they release
another ship at a little distance from this one and another one after that
until they run the bridge to the opposite bank. The boat which is near the
hostile side carries also towers upon it and a gate and archers and
catapults.
As many weapons were hurled at the men engaged in bridging, Cassius
ordered weapons and catapults to be discharged. And when the front rank of
the barbarians fell, the rest gave way.]
[Sidenote: A.D. 172 (a.u. 925)] [Sidenote:--3--] Cassius, however, was
bidden by Marcus to have the superintendence of all Asia. The emperor
himself fought for a long time, in fact almost his whole life, one might
say, with the barbarians in the Ister region, the Iazyges and the
Marcomani, first one and then the other, and he used Pannonia as his
starting point.
The Langobardi and the Obii [Footnote: Or perhaps _Osi_.] to the
number of six thousand crossed the Ister, but the cavalry under Vindex
[Footnote: _M. Macrinius Avitus Catonius Vindex_.] marched out and
the infantry commanded by Candidus got the start of them, so that an utter
rout of the barbarians was instituted. The barbarians, thrown into
consternation by such an outcome of their very first undertaking,
despatched as envoys to the headquarters of Iallius Bassus [Footnote:
_M. Iallius Bassus_.] (administrator of Pannonia) Bellomarius [Footnote:
Or perhaps _Badomarius_.], king of the Marcomani, and ten more, for
they selected one man per nation. The envoys took oaths to cement the
peace and departed homewards.
Many of the Celtae, too, across the Rhine, advanced to the confines of
Italy and inflicted much serious harm upon the Romans. They, in turn, were
followed up by Marcus, who opposed to them the lieutenants Pompeianus and
Pertinax. Pertinax, who later became emperor, greatly distinguished
himself. Among the corpses of the barbarians were found also the bodies of
women in armor.
[Sidenote: A.D. 168(?)] Yet, when a most violent struggle and brilliant
victory had taken place, the emperor nevertheless refused the petition of
the soldiers for money, making this statement: "Whatever excess they
obtain above the customary amount will be wrung from the blood of their
parents and their kinsmen. For respecting the fate of the empire Heaven
alone can decide."--And he ruled them so temperately and firmly that even
in the course of so many and great wars he was impelled neither by
flattery nor by fear to do aught that was unfitting.
[Sidenote: A.D. 172 (a.u. 925)] After conquering them
Marcus received the title of Germanicus. We give the name "Germans" to
those who dwell in the northern regions.
[Sidenote:--4--] The so-called Bucoli began a disturbance in Egypt, and
under the leadership of Isidorus, a priest, [Footnote: Omitting [Greek:
kai].] caused the rest of the Egyptians to revolt. They had first, arrayed
in women's garments, deceived the Roman centurion, making him think that
they were Bucoli women and wanted to give him gold pieces in exchange for
their husbands, and then striking him down when he approached them. His
companion they sacrificed, and after taking a common oath over his
entrails they devoured them. Isidorus surpassed in bribery all his
contemporaries. Next, having conquered the Romans in Egypt in regular
battle they came very near capturing Alexandria, and would have done so,
had not Cassius been sent against them from Syria as directing general. He
succeeded in spoiling the concord that existed among them and sundering
them one from another, for on account of their numbers and desperation he
had not ventured to attack them united. So when they fell into factional
disputes he easily subdued them.
[Sidenote:--5--] Now it was in Marcus's war against the Germans (if
mention ought to be made of these matters), that a captive lad on being
asked some questions by him rejoined: "I can not answer you because of the
cold. So if you want to find out anything, command that a coat be given
me, if you have one."--And a soldier one night, who was doing guard duty
on the Ister, hearing a shout of his fellow-soldiers in captivity on the
other side, at once swam the stream just as he was, released them, and
brought them back.
One prefect of Marcus's was Bassaeus Rufus, a good man on the whole, but
uneducated and boorish, having been brought up in poverty in his early
youth. [Wherefore he had been disinclined to go on the campaign, and what
Marcus said was incomprehensible to him.] Once some one had interrupted
him in the midst of trimming a vine that wound about a tree, and when he
did not come down at the first bidding, the person rebuked him, and said:
"Come down there, prefect." This he said thinking to humiliate him for his
previous haughtiness; yet later Fortune gave him this title to wear.
[Sidenote:--6--] The emperor, as often as he had leisure from war, held
court and used to order that a most liberal supply of water be measured
out for the speakers. [Footnote: This refers to the contrivance known as
the clepsydra or water-clock, which measured time by the slow dropping of
water from an upper into a lower vessel, somewhat on the plan of the
hour-glass.] He made inquiries and answers of greater length, so that
exact justice was ensured by every possible expedient. When thus engaged
he would often hold court to try the same case for eleven or even twelve
days and sometimes [Sidenote: A.D. 172 (a.u. 926)] at night. He was
industrious and applied himself diligently to all the duties of his
office; and there was nothing which he said or wrote or did that he
regarded a minor matter, but sometimes he would consume whole days on the
finest point, putting into practice his belief that the emperor should do
nothing hurriedly. For he thought that if he should slight even the
smallest detail, it would bring him reproach that would overshadow all his
other achievements. Yet he was so frail in body that at first he could not
endure the cold, but when the soldiers had already come together in
obedience to orders he would retire before speaking a word to them; and he
took but very little food always, and that at night. It was never his
custom to eat during the daytime unless it were some of the drug called
theriac. [Footnote: See Galen, On Antidotes, Book Two, chapter 17, and On
Theriac (to Piso), chapter 2.] This drug he took not so much because he
feared anything as because his stomach and chest were in bad condition.
And it is related that this practice enabled him to endure the disease as
well as other hardships.
[Sidenote: A.D. 172(?) 173(?)] [Sidenote:--7--] The Iazyges were conquered
by the Romans on land at this time and subsequently on the river. By this
I mean not that any naval battle took place, but that the Romans followed
them as they fled over the frozen Ister and fought there as on dry land.
The Iazyges, perceiving that they were being pursued, awaited the foe's
onset, expecting easily to overcome them, since their opponents were not
accustomed to ice. Accordingly, some of the barbarians dashed straight at
them, while others rode around to attack the flanks, for their horses were
trained to run safely even over a surface of this kind. The Romans, seeing
this, were not alarmed, but made a close formation, placing themselves so
as to face all of them at once. The majority laid down their shields and
resting one foot upon them, so that they might slip less, received the
enemy's assault. Some seized bridles, others shields and spear-shafts, and
drew them towards them. Then, becoming involved in close conflict, they
knocked down both men and horses, for on account of their momentum the
enemy could not help slipping. The Romans also slipped down: but in case
one of them fell on his back he dragged his adversary down on top of him
and then by winding his legs about him as in a wrestling match would get
him underneath; and if one fell on his face, he made his opponent fall
before he did, also on his face. The barbarians, being unused to a contest
of this sort, and having lighter equipment, were unable to resist, so that
but few escaped out of a large force.
[Sidenote: A.D. 174 (a.u. 927)] [Sidenote:--8--] So Marcus made the
Marcomani and Iazyges subservient by a series of great struggles and
dangers. A great war against the so-called Quadi also fell to his lot and
it was his good fortune to win an unexpected victory, or rather it was
given him from Heaven. At a time when the Romans had run into danger in
the battle the Heavenly Power most unexpectedly saved them. The Quadi had
surrounded them at an opportune spot and the Romans were fighting
valiantly with their shields locked together: and the barbarians ceased
fighting, expecting to capture their enemies easily by heat and thirst. So
they posted guards all about and hemmed them in to prevent their getting
water anywhere, for the barbarians were far superior in numbers. The
Romans fell into dire distress from their fatigue and wounds and the sun's
heat and their thirst, and for these reasons could neither fight nor march
in any direction but were standing and being scorched in line of battle
and at their several posts, when suddenly numbers of clouds rushed
together and a great rain, certainly of divine origin, came pouring down.
Indeed, there is a story that Arnouphis, an Egyptian wizard, who was a
companion of Marcus, invoked by means of enchantments various deities and
in particular Mercury, god of the air, and by this means attracted the
rain.
[Sidenote:--9--] This is what Dio says about it, but he seems to be
telling an untruth, whether voluntarily or involuntarily; I am more
inclined to think it is voluntarily. It surely must be so, for he was not
ignorant of the fact that one company of the soldiers had the special name
of "The Thunderbolt" (he mentions it in the list along with the rest),
[Footnote: The reference is evidently to Book Fifty-five, chapter 23, but
it should be observed that the names, though very possibly having the same
sense, are not identical. The legion is here called [Greek: keraunobolos]
(=Fulminatrix or Fulminata) but in 55, 23 [Greek: keraunophoros] (=
Fulminifera).] and this was due to no other cause (nor is any other
reported) save that event which gave rise to the title in this very
war,--an event which enabled the Romans to survive on this occasion and
brought destruction upon the barbarians. It was not Arnouphis, the wizard,
for Marcus is not accounted to have taken pleasure in the company of
wizards and charms. But what I have reference to is as follows: Marcus had
a company (and the Roman name for company is "legion") of soldiers from
Melitene. They were all worshipers of Christ. Now it is stated that in
that battle, when Marcus was in a quandary over having been surrounded and
feared the loss of his whole army, the prefect approached him and said
that those called Christians can accomplish anything whatever by their
prayers, and that among them there chanced to be a whole company of this
sect. Marcus, on hearing this, made an appeal to them to pray to their
God. And when they had prayed, the God immediately gave ear, hurling a
thunderbolt upon the enemy and encouraging the Romans with rain. Marcus
was astounded at what happened and honored the Christians by an official
decree, while the legion he named "The Thunderbolt." It is said also that
there is a letter of Marcus extant on this matter. But the Greeks, though
they know that the company was called "Thunderbolt" and bear witness to
the fact themselves, make no statement whatever about the reason for the
appellation.
[Sidenote:--10--] Dio goes on to say that when the rain poured down at
first all bent their faces upwards and received it in their mouths. Then
some held their shields and their helmets as pails, and they themselves
took fullmouthed draughts of it and gave their horses to drink. The
barbarians making a charge upon them, they drank and fought at the same
time; and some who were wounded gulped down together the water and the
blood that flowed into their helmets. The most of them had given so much
attention to drinking that they would have suffered some great damage from
the enemy's onset had not a violent hail and numbers of thunderbolts
fallen upon the latter's ranks. In the same spot one might see water and
fire descending from Heaven at the same time: the one side was being
drenched and drinking, the other was being burned with fire and dying. The
fire did not touch the Romans, but if it fell anywhere among them it was
straightway extinguished. On the other hand, the shower did the barbarians
no good, but like oil served rather to feed the flames that fed on them,
and they searched for water while in the midst of rain. Some wounded
themselves in the attempt to put out the fire with blood, and others ran
over to the side of the Romans, convinced that they alone had the saving
water. Marcus finally took pity on them. He was for the seventh time
saluted as imperator by the soldiers. And although he was not wont to
accept any such honor before the senate voted it, [Footnote: Cp. Mommsen,
_Staatsrecht_, 12, p. 123 (or 13, p. 124); also III, p. 1108.]
nevertheless this time he took it under the assumption that it was
bestowed from Heaven, and he sent a despatch to that effect to the
senate.--Moreover Faustina was named "Mother of the Legions."
[Sidenote:--11--] [Marcus [Antoninus] remained in Pannonia in order to
transact business with the embassies of the barbarians. Many came to him
also at this time. Some promised an alliance: they were led by Battarius,
a child twelve years old, and they received money and succeeded in
restraining Tarbus, a neighboring potentate, who had come into Dacia, was
demanding money, and threatening to make war if he should not get it.
Others, like the Quadi, were asking for peace, and they obtained it, the
emperor's purpose being to have them detached from the Marcomani. Another
reason was that they gave horses and cattle, surrendered all the deserters
and the captives at first to the number of thirteen thousand, though later
they promised to restore the remainder as well. However, the right of free
intercourse even at markets was not granted them, the intention being to
prevent the Iazyges and the Marcomani, whom they had sworn not to receive
nor let pass through their country, from either mingling with them or
presenting themselves also in the guise of Quadi,--a plan which would
enable them to reconnoitre the Roman position and to purchase provisions.
Besides these who came to Marcus, many others despatched envoys, some by
tribes and some by nations, offering to surrender themselves. Some of them
were sent on campaigns to other parts of the world, and the captives and
deserters who were fit for it were similarly treated. Others received
land, in Dacia or in Pannonia or in Moesia and Germany or in Italy itself.
A few of them who settled at Ravenna made an uprising and even dared to
take possession of the city: and for this reason he did not again bring
any barbarian into Italy, but made even those who had previously come
there find homes outside.]
Detachments of both Astingi and Lacringi had come to lend assistance to
Marcus.
[Sidenote:--12--] [The Astingi, whose leaders were Raus and Raptus, came
into Dacia to settle, in the hope of receiving both money and land in
return for terms of alliance. As they did not obtain this, they put their
wives and children in the keeping of Clemens, [Footnote: _Sex. Cornelius
Clemens._] with the apparent intention of acquiring the land of the
Costobocci by force of arms; and upon conquering them they injured Dacia
no less. The Lacringi, fearing that Clemens out of dread might lead these
newcomers into the land which they were inhabiting, attacked them off
their guard and won a decisive victory. As a result, the Astingi committed
no further deeds displaying hostility to the Romans, but by making urgent
supplication to Marcus received money from him and asked that land might
be given them if they should harm in some way his temporary enemies. Now
these performed some of their promises. The Cotini made similar
propositions, but upon getting control of Tarrutenius Paternus, secretary
of the emperor's Latin letters, under the pretext of requiring his aid for
a campaign against the Marcomani, they not only failed to take this course
but did him frightful injury and thereby ensured their own destruction
later.]
[Sidenote: A.D. 171 (a.u. 924)] When in one battle the Marcomani were
successful and killed Marcus Vindex, the prefect, he erected three statues
in his memory.
[Sidenote:--13--] [Envoys were also sent to Marcus by the Iazyges,
requesting peace, but they did not obtain any. For Marcus, knowing their
race to be untrustworthy, and, furthermore, because he had been deceived
by the Quadi, wished to annihilate them absolutely. [Footnote: Reading
[Greek: exelein] (Boissevain) in place of the MS. [Greek: exelthein].] The
Quadi had not only made alliances at this time with the Iazyges, but
previously, too, were wont to receive in their own land Marcomanian
fugitives who might be hard pressed, while that tribe was at war with the
Romans. Nor did they do aught else that they had agreed, for they did not
restore all the captives, but only a few, and these were such as they
could not sell nor use for any work as helpers. And whenever they did give
back any of those in good condition, they would keep their relatives at
home in order that the men given up might desert again to join their
friends. They also expelled their king, Furtius, and on their own
responsibility made Ariogaesus king instead. Consequently the emperor did
not confirm him, since he had not been legally installed, nor renew the
treaty of peace, though they promised to return fifty thousand captives if
he would.]
[Sidenote:--14--] [Against Ariogaesus Marcus was so bitter that he issued
a proclamation to the effect that any one who would bring him alive should
receive a thousand gold pieces, and any one who killed him and exhibited
his head, five hundred. Yet in other cases this emperor was always
accustomed to treat even his most stubborn foes humanely; for instance, he
did not kill, but merely sent to Britain Tiridates, a satrap who roused a
tumult in Armenia and the person who slew the king of the Heniochi and
then held the sword in Verus's [Footnote: _P. Martius Verus._] face,
when the latter rebuked him for it. This, then, shows the extent of his
irritation against Ariogaesus at the time. However, when the man was later
captured he did him no harm, but sent him away to Alexandria.]
[Sidenote: A.D. 174(?) 175(?)] When Pertinax in
consideration of his brave exploits obtained the consulship, there were
nevertheless some who showed displeasure at the fact that he was of
obscure family, and quoted the line from tragedy:
"Such things the wretched war brings in its train." [Footnote: From
Euripides, The Suppliants, verse 119.]
They did not know that he should yet be sovereign.
[Sidenote: A.D. 176(?)] [Sidenote:--15--] [At the request of the
Marcomani, as expressed by their envoys and in view of the fact that they
had followed all the injunctions laid upon them, even if sullenly and
hesitatingly, he released to them one half of the adjoining territory, so
that they could settle for a distance of about thirty-eight stades
[Footnote: Or five miles.] from the Ister, and established the places and
the days for their meeting together (these had not been previously
determined), and he exchanged hostages with them.]
[Sidenote: A.D. 175 (a.u. 928)] [Sidenote:--16--] [The Iazyges, also, when
they had experienced reverses, came to an agreement, Zanticus himself
appearing as suppliant before Antoninus. Previously they had imprisoned
Banadaspus, their second king, for making proposals to him. Now, however,
all the foremost men came in company with Zanticus and made the same
compact as that accepted by the Quadi and the Marcomani, except in so far
as they were required [Footnote: Reading [Greek: aemellon] (Boissevain).]
to dwell twice as far away from the Ister as those tribes. It was his wish
to root them out utterly. That they were still strong at this time and
could have done the Romans great harm is evident from the fact that they
gave back one hundred thousand captives out of a body in which many had
been sold, many were dead, and many had run away and been recaptured. They
supplied Antoninus at once with a cavalry force of eight thousand allies,
fifty-five hundred of whom he sent to Britain.]
[Sidenote:--17--] [The revolt of Cassius and Syria forced Marcus
Antoninus, even contrary to his wishes, to come to terms with the Iazyges.
He was so upset at the news that he did not even communicate to the senate
the basis of the reconciliation made with them, as he was wont to do in
all other cases.]
[Sidenote: A.D. 179-180]
[Sidenote:--18--] [The Iazyges sent an embassy and asked to be released
from some of the agreements they had made, and a certain leniency was
shown them, to prevent their being entirely alienated. Yet neither they
nor the Buri were willing to join the Roman alliance until they received
pledges from Marcus that he would without fail prosecute the war to the
uttermost. They were afraid that he might make a treaty with the Quadi, as
before, and leave enemies dwelling at their doors.]
[Sidenote:--19--] [Marcus gave audience to such persons as came in the
capacity of envoys from outside nations, but all were not received on the
same footing. This varied according as the individual states were worthy
to receive citizenship, or freedom from taxes, or perpetual or temporary
exemption from tribute, or to enjoy permanent support. And when the
Iazyges proved themselves most useful to him, he released them from many
of the restrictions imposed upon them,--indeed, from all, save from the
arrangements made in regard to their gatherings and mutual intercourse,
and the provisions that they should _not_ use boats of their own and
_should_ keep away from the islands in the Ister. And he permitted
them to go through Dacia and have dealings with the Rhoxolani as often as
the governor of Dacia would give them permission.]
[Sidenote:--20--] [The Quadi and the Marcomani sent envoys to Marcus,
saying that the two myriads of soldiers that were in the forts would not
allow [Footnote: Supplying, with Reiske, [Greek: epetrepon.]] them to
pasture or till the soil or do anything else with freedom, but kept
receiving many deserters from them and captives of theirs; yet the
soldiers themselves were enduring no great hardships, inasmuch as they had
bath-houses and all necessary provisions in abundance. The Quadi,
consequently, would not endure the watch kept on them from fortifications
and undertook to withdraw _en masse_ to the territory of the
Semnones. But Antoninus learned beforehand of their intention and by
barring the roads thither prevented them. This showed that he desired not
to acquire their territory, but to punish the members of the tribe.]
[Sidenote:--21--] [And the Naristi, having encountered hardships, deserted
to the number of three thousand at once and received land in our
territory.]
[Sidenote:--22--] Upon the rebellion of Cassius in Syria, Marcus, in great
alarm, summoned his son Commodus from Rome, since he was now able to enter
the ranks of the iuvenes. Now Cassius, who was a Syrian from Cyrrhus, had
shown himself an excellent man and the sort of person one would desire to
have as emperor: only he was a son of one Heliodorus, [Footnote: _C.
Avidius Heliodorus_ (cp. Book Sixty-nine, chapter 3).] who had been
delighted to secure the governorship of Egypt as a result of his
oratorical skill. But in this uprising he made a terrible mistake, and it
was all due to his having been deceived by Faustina. The latter, who was a
daughter of Antoninus Pius, seeing that her husband had fallen ill, and
expecting that he might die at any moment, was afraid that the imperial
office might revert to some outsider and she be left in private life; for
Commodus was both young and rather callow, besides. So she secretly
induced Cassius to make preparations to the end that if anything should
happen to Antoninus he might take both her and the sovereignty.
[Sidenote:--23--] Now while he was in this frame of mind, a message came
that Marcus was dead (in such circumstances reports always make matters
worse than they really are) and immediately, without waiting to confirm
the rumor, he laid claim to the empire on the ground that it had been
bestowed upon him by the soldiers at this time quartered in Pannonia. And
in spite of the fact that before long he learned the truth, nevertheless,
since he had once made a move, he would not change his attitude but
speedily won over the whole district bounded by the Taurus, and was making
preparations to maintain his ascendancy by war. Marcus, on being informed
of his uprising by Verus, the governor of Cappadocia, for a time concealed
it; but, as the soldiers were being mightily disturbed by the reports and
were doing a deal of talking, he called them together and read an address
of the following nature:
[Sidenote:--24--] "Fellow-soldiers, I have not come before you to express
indignation, nor yet in a spirit of lamentation. Why rage against Fate,
that is all-powerful? But perchance it is needful to bewail the lot of
those who are undeservedly unfortunate, a lot which is now mine. Is it not
afflicting for us to meet war after war? Is it not absurd to be involved
in civil conflict? Are not both these conditions surpassed in affliction
and in absurdity by the proof before us that there is naught to be trusted
among mankind, since I have been plotted against by my dearest friend and
have been thrust into a conflict against my will, though I have committed
no crime nor even error? What virtue, what friendship shall henceforth be
deemed secure after this experience of mine? Has not faith, has not hope
perished? If the danger were mine alone, I should give the matter no
heed,--I was not born to be immortal,--but since there has been a public
secession (or rather obsession) and war is fastening its clutches upon all
of us alike, I should desire, were it possible, to invite Cassius here and
argue the case with him in your presence or in the presence of the senate;
and I would gladly, without a contest, withdraw from my office in his
favor, if this seemed to be for the public advantage. For it is on behalf
of the public that I continue to toil and undergo dangers and have spent
so much time yonder outside of Italy, during mature manhood and now in old
age and weakness, though I can not take food without pain nor get sleep
free from anxiety.
[Sidenote:--25--] "But since Cassius would never be willing to agree to
this (for how could he trust me after having shown himself so
untrustworthy towards me?), you, at least, fellow-soldiers, ought to be of
good cheer. Cilicians, Syrians, Jews and Egyptians have never proved your
superiors nor shall so prove, even if they assemble in numbers ten times
your own, whereas they are now by the same proportion inferior. Nor yet
would Cassius himself now appear worthy of any particular consideration,
however much he may seem to possess the qualities of generalship, however
many successes he may seem to have gained. An eagle is not formidable at
the head of an army of daws, nor a lion commanding fawns; and it was not
Cassius, but you, that brought to an end the Arabian or the famous
Parthian War. Again, even though he is renowned as a result of his
achievements against the Parthians, yet you have Verus, who has won more
victories than he and has acquired more territory in a not less, but more
distinguished manner.--But probably he has already changed his mind, on
hearing that I am alive, for surely he has done this on no other
assumption than that I was dead. And if he resists still further, yet when
he learns that we are approaching, he will surely hesitate both out of
fear of you and out of respect for me.
[Sidenote:--26--] "There is only one thing I fear, fellow-soldiers (you
shall be told the whole truth), and that is that he may either kill
himself because ashamed to come into our presence, or some one else upon
learning that I shall come and am setting out against him may do it. Then
should I be deprived of a great prize both of war and of victory, and of a
magnitude such as no human being ever yet obtained. What is this? Why, to
forgive a man that has done you an injury, to remain a friend to one who
has transgressed friendship, to continue faithful to one who has broken
faith. Perhaps this seems strange to you, but you ought not to disbelieve
it. For all goodness has not yet perished from among mankind, but there is
still in us a remnant of the ancient virtue. And if any one does
disbelieve it, that renders the more ardent my desire that men may see
accomplished what no one would believe could come to pass. That would be
one profit I could derive from present ills, if I could settle the affair
well and show to all mankind that there is a right way to handle even
civil wars."
[Sidenote:--27--] This is what Marcus both said to the soldiers and wrote
to the senate, in no place abusing Cassius, save he constantly termed him
ungrateful. Nor, indeed, did Cassius ever utter or write anything of a
nature insulting to Marcus.
Marcus at the time he was preparing for the war against Cassius would
accept no barbarian alliance although he found a concourse of foreign
nations offering their services; for he said that the barbarians ought not
to know about troubles arising between Romans.
While Marcus was making preparations for the civil war, many victories
over various barbarians were reported at one and the same time with the
death of Cassius. The latter while walking had encountered Antonius, a
centurion, who gave him a sudden wound in the neck, though the blow was
not entirely effective. And Antonius, borne away by the impetus of his
horse, left the deed incomplete, so that his victim nearly escaped; but
meantime the decurion had finished what was left to do. They cut off his
head and set out to meet the emperor.
Marcus Antoninus [was so much grieved at the destruction
of Cassius that he would not even endure to see the severed head, but
before the murderers drew near gave orders that it should be buried.]
Thus was this pretender slain after a dream of
sovereignty lasting three months and six days, and his son was murdered
somewhere else. And Marcus upon reaching the provinces that had joined in
Cassius's uprising treated them all very kindly and put no one, either
obscure or prominent, to death.
[Sidenote:--28--] [The same man would not slay nor imprison nor did he put
under any guard any one of the senators associated with Cassius. He did
not so much as bring them before his own court, but merely sent them
before the senate, nominally under some other complaint, and appointed
them a fixed day on which to have their case heard. Of the rest he brought
to justice a very few, who had not only cooperated with Cassius to the
extent of some overt action but were personally guilty of some crime. A
proof of this is that he did not murder nor deprive of his property
Flavius Calvisius, the governor of Egypt, but merely confined him on an
island. The records made about his case Marcus caused to be burned, in
order that no reproach might attach to him from them. Furthermore he
released all his relatives.]
[Sidenote: A.D. 176 (a.u. 929)] [Sidenote:--29--] About this same time
Faustina died, either of the gout from which she had suffered or from less
natural causes and to avoid being convicted of her compact with
Cassius.--Moreover, Marcus destroyed the documents [found in the chests of
Pudens], [Footnote: Reimar suggested that perhaps Pudens was secretary of
the Greek letters of Cassius, as Manlius (Book Seventy-two, chapter 7) was
of his Latin letters.] not even reading them, in order that he might not
learn even a name of any of the conspirators who had written something
against him and that he might not [therefore] be reluctantly forced to
hate any one. Another account is that Verus, who was sent ahead into
Syria, of which he had secured the governorship, found them among the
effects of Cassius and put them out of the way, saying that this course
would most probably be agreeable to the emperor, but even if he should be
angry, it would be better that he [Verus] himself should perish than many
others. Marcus was so averse to slaughter that he saw to it that the
gladiators in Rome contended without danger, like athletes; for he never
permitted any of them to have any sharp iron, but they fought with blunt
weapons, rounded off at the ends. [And so far was he from countenancing
any slaughter that though at the request of the populace he ordered to be
brought in a lion trained to eat men, he would not look at the beast nor
emancipate its teacher, in spite of the long-continued and urgent demands
of the people. Instead, he commanded proclamation to be made that the man
had done nothing to deserve freedom.]
[Sidenote:--30--] In his great grief over the death of Faustina he wrote
to the senate that no one of those who had cooperated with Cassius was
dead, as if in this fact alone he could find some consolation for
Faustina's loss. "May it never happen," he continued, "that any one of you
is slain during [Footnote: Reading [Greek: ep emou] (Dindorf).] my
lifetime either by my vote or by your own." Finally he said: "If I do not
obtain this request, I shall hasten on to death." So pure and excellent
and godfearing did he show himself throughout his career. [Nothing could
force him to do anything inconsistent with his character, neither the
wickedness of daring attempts nor the expectation of similar events to
follow as the result of pardon. To such an extent did he refrain from
inventing any imaginary conspiracy and concocting any tragedy that had not
taken place, that he released even those who most openly rose against him
and took arms against him and against his son, whether they were generals
or heads of tribes or kings, and he put none of them to death either by
his own action or by that of the senate or by any other arrangement
whatever. Wherefore I actually believe that if he had captured Cassius
himself alive, he would certainly have saved him from injury.] For he
conferred benefits upon many who had been murderers,--so far as lay in
their power,--of himself and his son.
[Sidenote:--31--] A law was at this time passed that no one should be
governor in the province from which he had originally come, because the
revolt of Cassius had occurred during his administration of Syria, which
included his native district. It was voted by the senate that silver
images of Marcus and Faustina should be set up in the temple of Venus and
Roma, and that an altar should be erected whereon all the maidens married
in the city and their bridegrooms should offer sacrifice; also that a
golden image of Faustina should be carried in a chair to the theatre on
each occasion that the emperor should be a spectator, and that it should
be placed in the seat well forward, where she herself was wont to take her
place when alive, and that the women of chief influence should all sit
round about it.
[Sidenote:--32--] Marcus went to Athens, where after being initiated into
the mysteries he bestowed honors upon the Athenians and gave teachers to
all men in Athens, for every species of knowledge, these teachers to
receive an annual salary. On his return to Rome he made an address to the
people; and while he was saying, among other things, that he had been
absent many years, they cried out: "Eight!" and indicated this also with
their hands, in order that they might receive an equal number of gold
pieces for a banquet. He smiled and himself uttered the word "Eight."
After that he distributed to them two hundred denarii apiece, more than
they had ever received before.--In addition to doing this, he forgave all
persons all their debts to the imperial and to the public treasury for a
space of forty-six years, outside of the sixteen granted by Hadrian. And
all the documents relating to these debts he ordered burned in the Forum.
[Sidenote: A.D. 177 (a.u. 930)]--He gave money to many cities, one of them
being Smyrna, that had suffered terribly by an earthquake; he also
assigned the duty of building up this place to an ex-praetor of senatorial
rank. Therefore I am surprised at the censures even now passed upon him to
the effect that he was not a man of large calibre. For, whereas in
ordinary matters he was really quite frugal, he never demurred at a single
necessary expenditure (though, as I have said, [Footnote: The reference
here made by Dio may very possibly be to a passage reproduced by Zonaras
(XII, 1), regarding the authenticity of which Boissevain is nevertheless
somewhat doubtful. For the sake of completeness a translation is here
given ([Greek: oumaen [Lacuna] ebiasato]):
"Yet he was not thereby induced to secure money from the subject
nations. On one occasion, indeed, with wars impending, he had come short
for funds and still did not devise any new tax nor endure to ask money
from any one. Instead, he exposed in the Forum all the heirlooms of the
palace, even down to this or that piece of finery belonging to his wife,
and solicited their purchase by any person so disposed. This brought him
a store of coin, which he distributed to the soldiers. By success in the
war he gained many times the amount in question, and he issued a
proclamation to the effect than any one so disposed among the purchasers
of the imperial property might return the article purchased and receive
its value. Some did so, but the majority declined. And nobody was
compelled to restore any object thus acquired."]
he hurt no one by levies), and he necessarily laid out very large sums
beyond the ordinary requirements.
[Sidenote:--33--] The Scythian imbroglio, which needed his attention,
caused him to give his son a wife, Crispina, sooner than he actually
wished. The Quintilii could not end the war, although there were two of
them and they possessed prudence, courage, and considerable experience.
Consequently the rulers themselves were forced to take the field.
[Sidenote: A.D. 178 (a.u. 931)] Marcus also asked the senate for money
from the public treasury, not because it had not been placed in the
sovereign's authority, but because Marcus was wont to declare that this
and everything else belonged to the senate and the people. "We," said he
(speaking to the senate), "are so far from having anything of our own that
we even live in a house of yours." He set out, therefore, after these
remarks, and after hurling the bloody spear, that lay in the temple of
Bellona, into hostile territory. (I heard this from men who accompanied
him). [Sidenote: A.D. 179] Paternus was given a large detachment and sent
to the scene of fighting. The barbarians held out the entire day, but were
all cut down by the Romans. And Marcus was for the tenth time saluted as
imperator.
[Sidenote: A.D. 180 (a.u. 933)] Had he lived longer, he
would have subdued the whole region: as it was, he passed away on the
seventeenth of March, not from the effects of the sickness that he had at
the time, but by the connivance of his physicians, as I have heard on good
evidence, who wanted to do a favor to Commodus.
[Sidenote:--34--] When at the point of death he commended his son to the
protection of the soldiers (for he did not wish his death to appear to be
his fault); and to the military tribunes, who asked him for the watchword,
he said: "Go to the rising sun: I am already setting." After he was dead
he obtained many marks of honor and was set up in gold within the
senate-house itself.
So this was the manner of Marcus's demise, [who besides all other virtues
was so godfearing that even on the dies nefasti he sacrificed at home; and
he ruled better than any that had ever been in power. To be sure, he could
not display many feats of physical prowess; yet in his own person he made
a very strong body out of a very weak one.] Most of his life he passed in
the service of beneficence, and therefore he erected on the Capitol a
temple to that goddess and called her by a most peculiar name, which had
never before been current. [Footnote: What this name was no one knows.
Sylburgius conjectured that it might be _Aequanimitas_.] He himself
refrained from all offences, [and committed no faults voluntarily:] but
the offences of others, particularly those of his wife, he endured, and
neither investigated them nor punished them. In case any person did
anything good, he would praise him and use him for the service in which he
excelled, but about others he did not trouble himself, [saying: "It is
impossible for one to create such men as one wishes to have, but it is
proper to employ those in existence for that in which each of them may be
useful to the commonwealth."] That all his actions were prompted not by
pretence but by real virtue is strikingly clear. He lived fifty-eight
years, ten months, and twenty-two days, and of this time he had spent
considerable as assistant to the previous Antoninus and had himself been
emperor nineteen years and eleven days, yet from first to last he remained
the same and changed not a particle. So truly was he a good man, without
any pretence about him. [Sidenote:--35--] He was vastly helped by his
education being an expert in rhetoric and in philosophical argument. In
the one he had Cornelius Fronto and Claudius Herodes for teachers, and in
the other, Junius Rusticus and Apollonius of Nicomedea, [Footnote: Since
Apollonius was really from Chalcedon, an error may here charged to Dio's
or some one else's account.] both of whom followed Zeno's school. As a
result, great numbers pretended to engage in philosophy, in order that
they might be enriched by the emperor.
After all, however, he owed his great attainments chiefly to his natural
disposition; for even before he enjoyed the society of those men he was
unflinchingly set upon virtue. While still a boy he delighted all his
relations, who were numerous and influential and wealthy, and was loved by
all of them. This, most of all, led Hadrian to adopt him into his family,
and Marcus, for his part, did not grow haughty [but, though young and a
Caesar he dutifully played the part of servant to Antoninus through all
the latter's reign and ungrudgingly did honor to the other men of
eminence. Before going to see his father he used to greet the most worthy
men in the house near the Tiber where he lived, and in the very apartment
where he slept; and all this time, instead of wearing the attire allowed
by his rank, he went dressed as a private citizen. He visited many who
were sick and invariably met his teachers at the proper time. Dark
garments were what he wore on going out when not in his father's company,
and he never used the attendant for himself alone. Upon being appointed
leader of the knights he entered the Forum with the rest, although he was
Caesar. This shows how excellent was his own natural disposition, though
it was aided to the greatest degree by education.] He was always steeped
in Greek and Latin rhetorical and philosophical learning [though he had
reached man's estate and had hopes of becoming emperor].
[Sidenote:--36--] Before he was made Caesar he had a dream in which he
seemed to have shoulders and hands of ivory and to use them in all
respects as he did his real limbs.
As a result of his great labors and studies he was extremely frail in
body, yet from the very start he enjoyed such good health that he used to
fight in armor and on a hunt struck down wild boars while on horseback.
[And not only in his early youth but even later he wrote most of his
letters to his intimate friends with his own hand.] However, he did not
meet the good fortune that he deserved, for he was not strong [in body]
and was involved in the greatest variety of troubles throughout
practically the whole period that he was ruler. But I am sure I admire him
all the more for this very reason, that amid unusual and extraordinary
happenings he both himself survived and preserved the empire. One thing in
particular contributed to his lack of happiness,--the fact that after
rearing and educating his son in the best possible way he was monstrously
disappointed in him. This matter must now form the subject of our
discourse, for our history now descends from a kingdom of gold to one of
iron and rust, [Footnote: Reading [Greek: chatiomenaen] (Dindorf,
following Reiske).] as affairs did for the Romans of that day.
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
73
About Commodus Augustus (chapter 1).
How Commodus made terms of peace with the Marcomani, the Quadi, and the
Buri (chapters 2, 3).
Intrigues of Pompeianus against Commodus (chapter 4).
About the killing of the Quintilii (chapters 5-7).
About the war in Britain, and the captain, Ulpius Marcellus (chapter 8).