CHAPTER LXXXV

THE ACADEMIC RABBITS

There are, of course, a large number of individual professors in

institutions of higher learning who take their stand for what they

believe to be the truth, and risk their jobs and chances of promotion. I

have mentioned the existence of eight “renommir professoren.” At

Wellesley is Vida Scudder, who “gets by” because she is a devout

Episcopalian; also Professor Ellen Hayes, who “gets by” because she is

old, and because she teaches astronomy. These reasons are not my

guesses, but were the statements of the president of the college, when

she was asked at a women’s club in Denver why she kept a notorious

Socialist and labor agitator on her faculty.

Professor Hayes got this reputation by running for office on the

Socialist party ticket; I visited her on my trip, and heard some funny

stories. Here is one of the sweetest and most lovable old ladies you

ever met, who is not mealy-mouthed about her belief in the right and

destiny of the workers to control the world’s industry for their own

benefit. She deliberately lives in a working-class neighborhood—with

rather comical results. Her neighbors are in awe of her, because she is

a college professor, and a little afraid of her, because of her bad

reputation; the one way she might get to know them, through the church,

is not available, because Professor Hayes is a scientist.

On the other side of the continent is Guido Marx of Stanford, who

shamelessly avows his sympathy with the co-operative movement, and

likewise with faculty control of universities. Professor Marx, it is

amusing to notice, teaches mechanical engineering, a subject almost as

safe as the stars. If there is a single professor in the United States

who teaches political economy and admits himself a Socialist, that

professor is a needle which I have been unable to find in our academic

hay-stack.

Of course there are many radicals who conceal their views, and

judiciously try to open the minds of their students without putting any

label upon themselves. I have told in “The Profits of Religion” about

Jowett at Oxford, who got by with the Apostles’ Creed whenever he had to

recite it in public, by inserting the words “used to” between the words

“I believe,” saying the inserted words under his breath, thus: “I _used

to_ believe in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.” I encountered

several college professors who have equally ingenious devices for

salving their consciences in their unhappy situation. I might terrify

the plutocratic world by stating that I know two presidents of small

colleges in the United States, who in their own homes and among their

trusted friends are real “reds.” One of them, a young man recently

appointed, was asked by his assembled trustees: “What are your views on

property questions?” He answered, with an easy smile: “I fear I am far

too conservative for a man of thirty-seven”—and he got by with that! The

other one is head of a woman’s college, and was asked by her trustees:

“Are you a Socialist?” She said to me: “I could answer no with a

perfectly good conscience, for I had just made up my mind that I am a

convert to the Soviet form of political and industrial organization!”

Of course, it is perfectly possible to teach modern ideas without the

labels, and to open the minds of your students by seeing that they hear

both sides of every case. If you avoid the extremely crucial questions,

such as the I. W. W. and Russia, you can get by with this in the

majority of institutions, especially if you eschew outside activities

and never get into the newspapers. Many professors are doing this,

others have tried and slipped up, and have sacrificed promotion and

security. Many professors are rovers in the academic world, staying in

one place for two or three years, and when they are not able to stand it

any more, moving on. There is an infinite variety of degrees and

shadings in such cases; conditions differ with institutions, and with

subjects taught, and with individual teachers. Some “get away” with what

others dare not attempt. Some spoil their chances by bad manners or bad

judgment; and, of course, many others are accused of doing this. You

will seldom find a fight over a question of academic freedom where there

are not other factors present or alleged, personal weaknesses or

eccentricities. It is always easy to find defects in the characters and

temperaments of persons whose ideas are offensive to us.

Likewise, of course, it is easy to find excuses for seeking the safest

way, and holding on to our jobs. The psychoanalysts have a useful word

for mental processes of this sort—they are “rationalizations”; and the

masters of our educational system have provided an elaborate set of

“rationalizations” for college professors who wish to avoid the painful

duty of being heroes. They will be loyal to the institution and to their

colleagues. They will be scholars and not propagandists. They will be

judicious, instead of being “emotionally unbalanced, like Scott

Nearing.” They will argue that their specialty is one of unusual

importance, and they are privileged beings, set apart to work at that.

Or they will plead that social evolution takes a long time, and that

every man’s first duty is to look out for his wife and children. These,

too, are phrases which I heard over and over again, and they reveal the

psychology of the academic rabbits. You will perhaps be interested to

meet one of these rabbits, so here is part of a letter written by a

professor in a large college in New York City:

I do not believe that there is a single group of “special privilege.”

The human race is made up of people who are looking after their own

interests first—some with energy and ability, some with weakness and

folly, but not with less singleness of purpose. All such groups, in so

far as they have ability enough, want to control education and all

other group activities in their interest. This is perfectly

natural.... Of course the big book corporations work for the promotion

of their friends just as you and I do. If they put bad people into the

schools and colleges it is the fault of the employing agencies.

Before I conclude this chapter I ought to mention one hopeful incident

which happened at Lafayette College, a religious institution located at

Easton, Pennsylvania. The president of this institution, MacCracken, is

a product of the University of Jabbergrab; he was professor of politics

there for twelve years, and has five honorary degrees. He has as the

grand duke of his trustees the president of the Hazleton National Bank

and the Hazleton Iron Works; and as first assistant he has Mr. Fred

Morgan Kirby, president of the Woolworth stores, also of a bank and a

railroad; a high-up interlocking director in railroads, lumber,

insurance, gas and electricity. Mr. Kirby decided that he did not like

modern ideas, so he gave a hundred thousand dollars to Lafayette, to

furnish a salary of seven thousand a year for the teaching of “civil

rights”; very carefully laying down his definition—“those absolute

rights of persons, such as ... the right to acquire and enjoy property

as regulated and protected by law.” Also he declared his purpose:

That the fallacies of Socialism and kindred theories and practises

which tend to hamper and discourage and throttle individual effort,

and individual energy, may be exposed and avoided ... with a firm

belief that the protection of the civil rights of individuals has

contributed greatly to the advancement of the nation and that the

encroachments, and threatened encroachments on these rights will

imperil the country, and destroy the prosperity and happiness of our

people, I, Fred Morgan Kirby, give to Lafayette College, etc.

These are high-sounding legal phrases, and we shall understand the

situation better if we put them into plain business English, as follows:

I, Fred Morgan Kirby, having become owner of a chain of hundreds of

stores throughout the United States, and wishing to have my

descendants own these stores forever, seek to provide that the

wage-slaves who work in these stores shall never organize, but shall

come to be hired as individuals under the competitive-wage system. To

this end I wish to hire a man to teach in a college that any

proposition to have the Woolworth stores owned by the public, or

democratically run by the people who work in the stores, will imperil

the country and destroy the prosperity and happiness of America.

Mr. Kirby thought that seven thousand a year ought to buy a real high-up

professor of political science, and his college president invited a

young professor of a leading university, who asks me to omit his name in

telling the story. This professor boldly asked for an opportunity to

discuss the question with Mr. Kirby himself, so they sat down to

luncheon, the grand duke and his university president and this young

supposed-to-be rabbit. The supposed-to-be rabbit suggested that it might

not be quite fair to lay down to a man of science exactly what he should

teach forever after; which surprised Mr. Kirby, and rather hurt his

feelings. He said that when he hired a salesman, he told him what to say

and how to say it. Mr. Kirby is a nice, amiable old business gentleman,

and he asked, plaintively: “Why can’t I employ a college professor to

sell my opinions?” The professor, who is a lawyer, said that he should

be very glad to become Mr. Kirby’s attorney if invited. He would give up

teaching work and advocate Mr. Kirby’s ideas—only the fee which Mr.

Kirby offered was insufficient for a lawyer, and he would regard that

merely as a retaining fee. Then the professor turned to President

MacCracken, asking him if he did not think that possibly the terms of

the bequest might have a tendency to control the opinions of the

professor who accepted the chair. President MacCracken answered naively

that he had never thought of that. Such a dear, innocent college

president—he had given an honorary degree to A. Mitchell Palmer only a

year before this!

The deal with this professor did not go through, and—here is the

significant part of the story—President MacCracken asked one university

after another to recommend a man for that chair, and not one would do

it; not one economist of standing could be found who would accept seven

thousand dollars a year to become the salesman of Mr. Kirby’s ideas! In

the end they had to take an obscure lawyer from Washington, whom no one

had ever heard of before, or has ever heard of since. That is

encouraging—except for the poor students at Lafayette, who are

innocently swallowing Mr. Kirby’s poison!

The Goose-step: A Study of American Education · 第 85 / 93 章