But to return to the Chinese. If you engage a servant, he is _secured_

by some one to a certain amount, and all you have to do is to

ascertain whether the security is in a position to pay should the

other decamp with your property, also whether a higher value is likely

to be at his disposition. If yours is a well-arranged household, this

head man engages the other servants and secures them, reprimanding and

discharging them at his pleasure. He, of course, gets a certain amount

of the wages you think you are paying them. This, in China, the land

of it, is called a "squeeze." But it seems perfectly legitimate, as

indeed all squeezes seem legitimate from the Chinese point of view,

only sometimes carried to excess. It is the same in business. It is

not quite the same in official positions, because there the Viceroy of

a province pays so much to get his post, and so do the lesser

officials under him. The theory in China is that superior men will

always act as such, whatever their pay may be. Therefore a Chinese

Viceroy of to-day receives theoretically the living wage of centuries

ago. Practically he receives squeezes from every one with whom he is

brought in contact, and has paid so much down to acquire the post that

unless he holds it for a term of years he is out of pocket. The post

of Taotai, or Governor of Shanghai, is one of the most lucrative in

China. Tsai, who has made friends with all of us Europeans as no

Taotai ever did before--dining out and giving dinner parties, and even

balls--Tsai is known to have paid so much to obtain the post as would

represent all he could hope to get in every way during two years of

office: about £20,000. He was dismissed from his post November, 1898;

but possibly may be able to bribe heavily enough to get it back. Li

Hung-chang and his two particular dependants of former days, the late

Viceroy of Szechuan, degraded because of the anti-foreign riots there,

and Shêng, Chief of Telegraphs and Railways, etc., etc., have all done

this again and again. When English people were laughing over Li's

yellow jacket and peacock feather being taken from him, certain

eunuchs of the Palace were growing rich over the process of getting

them back again. The eunuch in the closest confidence of the Empress

is always said to charge about £1,000 for an interview, and till

lately none could be obtained but through him. When a man has enormous

wealth, and is degraded, every one naturally feels it is a pity

nothing should be got out of him, and he equally naturally is willing

to pay much in order to be reinstated in a position to make more.

Until the officials of China are properly paid, it is unreasonable to

expect them to be honest. And yet some are so even now: not only

Chang-chih-tung, the incorruptible Viceroy of Hupeh and Hunan, who, it

may be noticed, is constantly being invited to Peking, but--_never_

goes. But others in subordinate positions are pointed out by Chinese:

"That is one of the good old school of Chinamen. He takes no bribes,

and is the terror of the other officials."

In family life Chinese solidarity has its inconveniences, but it

altogether prevents that painful spectacle to which people seem to

have hardened their hearts in England, of sending their aged relatives

to the workhouse instead of carefully tending them at home as the

Chinese do, or of one brother or sister surrounded by every luxury,

another haunted by the horror of creditors and with barely the

necessaries of life. If you are to help your brother, you must, of

course, claim a certain amount of authority over his way of life. In

China the father does so; and when he dies, the elder brother sees

after _and_ orders his younger brother about; and the younger brother,

as a rule, submits. In each of those large and beautiful homesteads

in which Chinese live in the country, adding only an additional

graceful roof-curve, another courtyard, as more sons bring home more

young women to be wives in name, but in reality to be the

servants-of-all-work of their mothers, and the mothers of their

children--in each of these harmonious agglomerations of courtyards, it

is the eldest man who directs the family councils. Thus, when a man

dies, the deciding voice is for his eldest brother, not for his eldest

son; than which probably no custom could tend more to conservatism,

for there never comes a time when the voice of youth makes itself

heard with authority.

Not only are all the members of a family thus knit together by mutual

responsibilities, but families are again thus knit. It is the village

elders who are responsible if any crime is committed in the district.

It is they who have to discover and bring back stolen articles; it is

they who have to quiet disturbances and settle disputes about

boundaries. The principle of local self-government has in the course

of centuries been perfected in China, where all that Mr. Ruskin aims

at appears to have been attained centuries ago: village industries,

local self-government, no railways, no machinery, hand labour, and

each village, as far as possible each self-sufficing family, growing

its own silk or cotton, weaving at home its own cloth, eating its own

rice and beans, and Indian corn and pork. Schools are established by

little collections of families, or tutors engaged, as the case may be.

In either case the teacher is poorly paid, but meets with a respect

altogether out of proportion to his salary. It is all very ideal; but

the result is not perfect, human nature being what it is. In many

ways, however, it appears a much happier system than our English

system, and perhaps in consequence the people of China appear very

contented. As a rule in the country each family tills its own bit of

ground, and--where opium has not spread its poisonous influence--has

held the same for centuries. The family tree is well known, and

Chinese will tell you quietly "We are Cantonese," or "We are from

Hunan," and only careful inquiry will elicit that their branch of the

family came thence some three centuries ago.

[Illustration: COUNTRY HOUSE IN YANGTSE GORGES.

_By Mrs. Archibald Little._]

In the towns the guilds represent family life on a larger scale. A man

comes from Kiangsi, let us say, to Chungking, over a thousand miles

away, and having probably spent months on the journey. He has brought

no letters of introduction, but he straightway goes to the guild-house

of his province, with its particularly beautiful green-tiled pagoda

overlooking the river, a pale-pink lantern hanging from the upturned

end of each delightful roof-curve, and there, making due reverence, he

relates how he is So-and-so, the son of So-and-so, and straightway

every one there knows all about him, and can easily ascertain if his

story be correct. Here are friends found for him at once, a free

employment agency, if that is what he is after, or a bureau of

information about the various businesses of the city, their solvency

and the like. Here is a lovely club-house, where he can dine or be

dined, have private and confidential conversations in retired nooks,

or sit with all the men of his province sipping tea and eating cakes,

while a play is performed before them by their own special troupe of

actors, who act after the manner of their province. I do not know who

first started the legend that Chinese plays last for days, if not

weeks. But it is not true, any more than that green tea is rendered

green by being fired in copper pans and is poison to the nerves. Tea

is green by nature, though it may be rendered black by fermentation,

and is always fired in iron pans; and weak green tea as drunk in China

is like balm to the nerves compared to Indian tannin-strong

decoctions. In like manner Chinese plays are really short, though they

make up in noise for what they lack in length.

[Illustration: KIANGSI GUILD-HOUSE IN CHUNGKING.

_By Mrs. Archibald Little._]

If occasion needed, the guild would see after the newcomers funeral,

even give him free burial if the worst came to the worst. And though

we reckon the Chinese people such an irreligious race, and the

guild-houses are naturally only frequented by men, chiefly by

merchants (for the Chinese are a nation of traders), yet in every

guild-house there is a temple. And before every great banquet part of

the ceremony of marshalling the guests to their seats (and a very

stately ceremony it is) is pouring a libation of wine before an altar

in the banqueting-hall, before which also each guest bows in turn as

he passes to the place assigned him.

But probably the custom that has the greatest effect upon Chinese life

is that, just as twelve centuries ago they introduced competitive

examinations, to which we have now in our nineteenth century of

Christianity turned as to a sheet-anchor, so centuries ago the Chinese

resorted to the principle of co-operation. In a Chinese business, be

it large or be it small, pretty well every man in the business has

his share; so that you are sometimes astonished when a merchant

introduces to you as his partners a set of young men, who in England

would be junior clerks. Even the coolie wrappering the tea-boxes says

"_We_ are doing well this year," and works with a will through the

night, knowing he too will have his portion in the increased business

this increased work signifies. The way, indeed, in which Chinese work

through the night is most remarkable. Men will row a boat day and

night for four or five days, knowing that the sum of money gained will

thus be quicker earned, and only pausing one at a time to take a whiff

at a pipe or to eat. They will press wool all through the night to

oblige their employer without a murmur, if only given free meals

whilst doing this additional work. The truth is, the habit of industry

has been so engendered in Chinese as to be second nature, their whole

system tending to encourage it, whilst ours, with our free poor-houses

and licensed public-houses, tends rather in the other direction; our

Trades Unions seem trying all they can to further diminish the

incentives to good work on the part of skilled workmen by denying them

any higher wage than that obtained by the incompetent. Co-operation

after the Chinese model will, it is to be hoped, eventually put this

right again. There is so much we might learn from the Chinese; but we

have never followed the system we press upon Oriental nations, of

sending out clever young students to other countries to see what they

can learn that would be advantageous among our own people. In some

ways China would serve as a warning. But a civilisation, that reached

its acme while William the Norman was conquering England, and that yet

survives intact, must surely have many a lesson to teach.

Besides all this mutual support and responsibility, Chinese customs

are such that, as people often say somewhat sadly, you cannot alter

one without altering all. The people here referred to are not the

twenty-years-in-China-and-not-speak-a-word-of-the-language men, but

Europeans who have tried to study the Chinese sympathetically. As it

is, if you were to alter their houses and make them less draughty and

damp, then all their clothing must be altered. That is again the case

if you try to encourage them to play cricket--for which there is no

sufficient level space in the west of China--or take part in other

sports. But if you were to attempt to alter their clothing before you

had rebuilt their houses, they would all be dying of dysentery or

fever. In like manner, if you attempted to dragoon the Chinese into

greater cleanliness, or into taking certain sanitary precautions, you

would require a police force, which does not exist. But how to obtain

that until you have got this self-respecting, self-governing people to

see any advantage in being dragooned?

The solidarity of the Chinese race is one of the reasons it has lasted

so long upon the earth, and its civilisation remained the same. It is

twenty-one centuries since the Emperor Tze Hoang-ti said "Good

government is impossible under a multiplicity of masters," and did

away with the feudal system. It is twelve centuries since the Chinese

found out what Burns only taught us the other day, that "A man's a man

for a' that," and, giving up the idea of rank, began to fill posts by

competitive examinations. Another of their most remarkable methods we

shall probably copy whenever we begin seriously to consider Imperial

Federation. They never send any man to be an official in his own

province. Thus we should have Canadian officials in places of trust

here or in Australia, and Australians in England or Canada. _And to

each province in China so many Government posts, civil and military,

are assigned._ If England had followed this method, there might be the

United States of England now instead of America, for no system is

better calculated to knit closely together the outlying regions of a

great empire, than that in accordance with which every official in

turn has to be examined as to his qualifications for office at the

capital, and to return there to pay his respects to his sovereign

before entering upon each new office.

The contemplation of China is discouraging: to think it got so far so

long ago, and yet has got no farther! The Emperor Hoang-ti, who lived

200 B.C., may be supposed to have foreseen the deadening effect that

government by literary men has upon a nation, for he burnt all their

books except those that treat of practical arts. He was even as

advanced as Mr Auberon Herbert, and warned rulers against the

multiplication of unnecessary laws. Laotze, China's greatest sage,

although too spiritually-minded a man to have gained such a following

as was afterwards obtained by Confucius, again insists that the

spiritual weapons of this world cannot be formed by laws and

regulations: "Prohibitory enactments, and too constant intermeddling

in political and social matters, merely produce the evils they are

intended to avert. The ruler is above all things to practise _wu-wei_,

or inaction."

The Chinese, it seems, experimented in socialism eight centuries ago.

The Emperor Chin-tsung II., at a very early age, and led thereto by

Wu-gan-chi, the compiler of a vast encyclopædia, conceived the idea

that "the State should take the entire management of commerce,

industry, and agriculture into its own hands, with the view of

succouring the working classes and preventing their being ground to

the dust by the rich." To quote again from W. D. Babington's

_Fallacies of Race Theories_: "The poor were to be exempt from

taxation, land was to be assigned to them, and seed-corn provided.

Every one was to have a sufficiency; there were to be no poor and no

over-rich. The literati in vain resisted the innovations, the fallacy

of which they demonstrated from their standpoint. The specious

arguments of the would-be reformer convinced the young Emperor and

gained the favour of the people. Wu-gan-chi triumphed. The vast

province of Shensi was chosen as the theatre for the display of the

great social experiment that was to regenerate mankind. The result was

failure, complete and disastrous. The people, neither driven by want

nor incited by the hope of gain, ceased to labour; and the province

was soon in a fair way to become a desert." Mencius, Confucius'

greatest follower, taught that "the people are the most important

element in the country, and the ruler is the least." Mencius openly

said that if a ruler did not rule for his people's good it was a duty

to resist his authority and depose him.

Whilst other nations have vaguely asked _Quis custodiet custodes?_ the

Chinese invented the College of Censors and the Tribunal of History,

both selected from their most distinguished scholars. It is the duty

of Censors to remonstrate with the Emperor when necessary, as well as

to report to the College, or to the Emperor himself, any breach of

propriety in courts of justice or elsewhere. They have no especial

office but to notice the doings of other officials. The Tribunal of

History is busy recording the events of each Emperor's reign; but no

Emperor has ever seen what is written about him, nor is any history

published till the dynasty of which it treats is at an end. Chinese

history is full of examples of the courage and adherence to truth with

which the members of this tribunal have been inspired.

It is all so beautiful in description, one sighs in thinking it over.

But it must be remembered that it was yet more beautiful, startlingly

beautiful, at the period of the world's history when it was all

originated, and that to this day the Chinese peasant enjoys a degree

of liberty and immunity from Government interference unknown on the

Continent of Europe. There is no passport system; he can travel where

he pleases; he can form and join any kind of association; his Press

was free till the Empress Tze Hsi, probably inspired by Russian

influence, issued her edict against it in 1898; his right of public

meeting and free speech are still unquestioned. Public readers and

trained orators travel about the country instructing the people. The

system of appealing to the people by placarding the walls has been

very far developed in China. There is there complete liberty of

conscience. And at the same time, as all people who know China will

testify, the moral conscience of the people is so educated that an

appeal to it never falls flat, as it often would in England. Try to

stop two men fighting, saying it is wrong to fight, and you will hear

no one say in China, "Oh, let them fight it out!" Appeal to the

teaching of Confucius, and every Chinaman will treat you with respect,

and at least try to appear guided by it. How far in Europe would this

be the case with a citation from the Bible?

The system of education, the crippling of the women by footbinding,

and consequent enfeebling of the race, together with the subsequent

resort to opium-smoking, are the three apparent evil influences that

spoil what otherwise seems so ideal a system of civilisation. Possibly

we should add to this, that the system of Confucius--China's great

teacher--is merely a system of ethics, and that thus for generations

the cultured portion of the nation has tried to do without a religion,

although falling back upon Taoism and Buddhism to meet the needs of

the human heart. That any civilisation should have lasted so long

without a living religion is surprising. But Buddhism has evidently

had an enormous influence upon China, though its temples are crumbling

now, its priests rarely knowing even its first elements. The good that

it could do for China it has done. And now another influence is

needed.

[Illustration: DOWNWARD-BOUND CARGO-BOAT.

_By Mrs. Archibald Little._]

[Illustration: BRIDGE AT SOOCHOW.]

CHAPTER IV.

_BEGINNINGS OF REFORM._

Reform Club.--Chinese Ladies' Public Dinner.--High School

for Girls.--Chinese Lady Doctors insisting on Religious

Liberty.--Reformers' Dinner.--The Emperor at the Head of

the Reform Party.--Revising Examination Papers.--Unaware

of Coming Danger.--Russian Minister's Reported Advice.

On February 12th, 1896, a newspaper correspondent wrote from Peking:

"The Reform Club established a few months ago, which gave such promise

of good things to come, and which has been referred to frequently in

the public prints in China, has burst. It has been denounced by one of

the Censors, and the Society has collapsed at once. The Club has been

searched, the members, some fifty or more Hanlin scholars, have

absconded, and the printers have been imprisoned. Such is the end, for

the present at least, of what promised to be the awakening of China.

It was initiated and supported largely at least by three well-known

foreigners, two of them well-known missionaries, and it met with much

support and encouragement from all classes. Its little _Gazette_ was

latterly enlarged and its name changed. One or more translators were

engaged to translate the best articles from the English newspapers and

magazines, of which some two dozen or more were ordered for the Club.

The members contributed liberally, we understand, towards its

expenses; and if ever there was hope of new life being instilled into

the old dry bones of China, it was certainly confidently looked for

from this young, healthy, and vigorous Society. It has been conducted,

we believe, with great ability; differences among the leaders have

cropped up, but after discussions the affairs of the Club have each

time been placed on a more secure and lasting basis. Foreign dinners

at a native hotel have been part of the programme; and this element is

not to be despised by any means. The Chinese transact nearly all their

important business at the tea-shops and restaurants, and certainly a

good dinner and a glass of champagne help wonderfully to smooth

matters. We regret exceedingly the decease of the Reform Club."

People in general laughed about it a little. There had before been the

short statement: "A Censor has impeached the new Hanlin Reform Club,

and it has been closed by Imperial rescript."

Thomas Huxley once wrote that "with wisdom and uprightness even a

small nation might make its way worthily; no sight in the world is

more saddening and revolting than is offered by men sunk in ignorance

of everything except what other men have written, and seemingly devoid

of moral belief and guidance, yet with their sense of literary beauty

so keen and their power of expression so cultivated that they mistake

their own caterwauling for the music of the spheres."

It was in this strain Europeans in the East meditated. But on

returning to China in the autumn of 1897, I found in Shanghai

evidences of progress and reform on all sides. A Chinese newspaper,

generally spoken of in English as _Chinese Progress_, was being issued

regularly, and newspapers edited by friends of its editor were coming

out in Hunan and even in far-away Szechuan. The Chinese

"Do-not-bind-feet" Society of Canton had opened an office in one of

the principal streets of Shanghai, and was memorialising Viceroys, as

also the Superintendents of Northern and Southern trade. Directly on

arrival I received an invitation to a public dinner in the name of ten

Chinese ladies, of whom I had never heard before. It was to be in the

large dining-hall in a Chinese garden in the Bubbling Well Road, the

fashionable drive of Shanghai, and by degrees I found all my most

intimate friends were invited. We agreed with one another to go,

though wondering a good deal what the real meaning of the invitation

was, and why we were selected. The hall is a very large one, sometimes

used for big balls, with rooms opening off it on either side; and

after the English ladies had laid aside their wraps in a room to the

right--one or two Chinese gentlemen, who had evidently been

superintending the arrangement of the dinner, encouraging them to do

so--we asked where our Chinese hostesses were. They were already

assembled in the rooms opening off the hall to the left, and I still

remember the expression of intense anxiety on the Chinese gentlemen's

faces as they saw us leave them and advance to join their womenkind,

none of whom spoke any English, nor knew anything of English ways and

manners. At first the Chinese ladies did not exactly receive us; but

when we began to go round and bow to each lady in turn, after the

Chinese fashion, one after another stood up and smilingly greeted us.

Then those of us who could talked Chinese, and one or two of the

Chinese ladies began to move about, exhibiting the ground-plan of a

proposed school for the higher education of Chinese young ladies. And

thus gradually we began to understand what it was all about. But on

that occasion it was the English ladies who were frivolous, the

Chinese who were serious. For they were so elaborately dressed, so

covered with ornaments, English ladies were always breaking off and

saying, "Oh, do allow me to admire that bracelet!" or "What lovely

embroidery!" whilst the Chinese ladies very earnestly pointed at their

ground-plan, and looked interrogations. It gradually came out that it

was the Manager of the Telegraph Company and his friends who were bent

upon starting this school; that this being a new departure they

thought it well for the ladies interested to confer with the ladies of

other nations accustomed to education; and that, considering who was

likely to be helpful, they had asked a few missionary ladies, and all

the officers and committee of the Tʽien Tsu Hui ("Natural Feet

Society"), thinking that the foreign ladies, who had started that,

must be interested in helping Chinese women.

Presently we were summoned to dinner by an intimation, "Chinese ladies

to the left, foreign ladies to the right!" "Because of the fire," was

added _sotto voce_, for Chinese, in their often triple furs, have

naturally a horror of fires; but we refused to be thus summarily

separated, as we sat down about two hundred women to a dinner served

in the foreign style, with champagne, etc., and were rather alarmed to

find our hostesses allowing their little children to drink as freely

of champagne as of their own light Chinese wines.

[Illustration: MR. KING, MANAGER OF THE CHINESE TELEGRAPH COMPANY AND

FOUNDER OF HIGH SCHOOLS FOR GIRLS.]

That dinner was the beginning of an interchange of civilities between

foreign and Chinese ladies such as had never occurred before. The

daughter of Kang, commonly called the Modern Sage, after the title

given to Confucius, was naturally one of these ladies. She wore Manchu

dress, which puzzled us, as she is Cantonese. Her father had never

allowed her feet to be bound, and she had herself written an article

against binding, which had appeared in a Chinese newspaper; thus she,

like several other Chinese ladies, considered the dress of the

Manchus, who never bind feet, the most convenient. The relations of

Mr. Liang, editor of _Chinese Progress_, were also present. At the

subsequent meetings some of the Chinese ladies pleaded earnestly that

Europeans should take shares in the school. They did not want their

money, they said, but feared that unless there were European

shareholders their Government might seize all the funds. The European

ladies, however, could never quite satisfy themselves as to the

various guarantees necessary. There were, indeed, many difficulties

about starting this new school, as may be seen by the following

letter, written by two Chinese lady doctors, who had been asked in the

first instance to undertake its management. They had been educated in

America, where they had passed all the necessary examinations very

brilliantly; and it was the idea of the lustre they had thus conferred

upon their own nation in a foreign land, that had first led a wealthy

ship-owner, running steamers on the Poyang Lake, to conceive the idea

of a school for girls. It had been warmly taken up by the late tutor

of the ladies of the Imperial Household, who had been dismissed from

his post because of his radical notions, and was thus free to devote

himself to advancing education generally. The Manager of the Telegraph

Company then became the leader, and the prospectus of the school was

published in the _North China Herald_, with the names of the two

Chinese lady doctors as its managers. On which they wrote the

following letter to the editor, which, as I afterwards ascertained,

was _bonâ fide_ written by themselves, not at foreign instigation.

They even refused to accept any corrections, saying if they wrote it

at all it must be their own letter. It is so striking as the

composition of Chinese women, that I am sure I shall be pardoned for

giving it _in extenso_.

"SIR,--In your issue of December 24th appeared a translation of the

prospectus of a school in Shanghai for Chinese girls; and since our

names were given to the public as would-be teachers, we hope you will

permit a word of much-needed explanation. If you, Mr. Editor, give

such welcome to this sign of progress as is expressed in your

editorial, then much more should those of our own people, who may be

prepared to appreciate its possibilities. Yet the joy might not be

without alloy.

"Several months ago the prospectus was brought to us as yet in an

unfinished state, and parts of the first and last clauses referring to

the establishment of Confucianism did not appear. Had these been

there, we should not have allowed our names to go down as teachers. In

making this statement, we realise that we only escape the charge of

'narrow-mindness' by the fact that we decidedly are not foreigners. We

love our native China too much to fail to realise the truth in your

admission 'that a slavish adherence to Confucianism alone has done far

too much to limit and confine the Chinese mind for centuries,' and it

is because we are not hopeful of the result 'when reverence for

Confucianism is to be combined with the study of Western languages and

sciences' that we cannot lend ourselves to the project as it seems to

be drifting. It was with the express understanding that there should

be entire religious liberty, that we consented to take up this work,

and religious liberty would admit all who found moral and spiritual

support in Confucianism to avail themselves of it. The tablets, that

Confucianism cherished, might be set up by its supporters near the

school, but not in the grounds: as might Christian churches be opened,

if friends were found to build them. Such a course would conserve

liberty of conscience.

"Now, according to the prospectus published in that very excellent

Chinese journal _The Progress_, twice a year sacrifices are to be made

in this school to posthumous tablets of Confucius and such worthy

patrons of the school as may be honoured by a place in its pantheon.

Had the statement been made that twice a year days would be set apart

as memorial days to these distinguished personages, upon which

occasions their lives should be reviewed to us in a manner to inspire

young girls by their examples, no one would join more heartily in

paying honour to their memory than ourselves. But the idea of

sacrifice to human beings seems too blind in the light of this

nineteenth century for any participation on our part. We have seen

other countries, and learned of the sages of other lands; and although

it may be only because of prejudice, yet we can truly say that we

honour none as we do our own Confucius. But honour to the best of

human beings is not unmixed blessing when it creates an idol and holds

the eyes of the devotees down to earth. We do not think it the

sentiment that will make the education of women successful or even

safe. The educational institutions for women during the time of the

Three Dynasties were not of the excellent things that Confucius sought

to reestablish. Had he done so, how could he have uttered such words

as these?--'Of all people girls and servants are the most difficult to

behave to. If you are familiar to them, they lose their humility. If

you maintain your reserve, they are discontented' (see _Legge's

Classics_). Alas that we have no record that the Master ever turned

his attention to a remedy for such a sad state of affairs!

"One there was who never spoke in disparaging tone to or of women.

Only His sustaining counsel could give us courage to start out upon

the pathway, slippery as it must needs be in the present stage of

China's civilisation, along which educated women must needs pick their

way. We do not feel that we should be doing our country-women best

service in starting them out with only a Confucian outfit.

"This prospectus is, no doubt, intended to be a working-plan that will

carry the co-operation of the largest number. We realise it is easier

to see its inconsistencies than to unite opposing factions. Doubtless

it embraces a truly progressive element in the land which has

compromised under the proposed cult. The articles at first brought to

us contained two sections aimed against concubinage and girl-slavery.

When we reflect upon these destroyers that have fixed upon the vitals

of Chinese home life, and then read the substitution of the words

referring to Shanghai girls, 'especially in the Settlements,' Mencius'

words recur to us (see _Legge's Classics_): 'Here is a man whose

fourth finger is bent and cannot be stretched out straight.... If

there be any one who can make it straight, he will not think the way

from Tsin to Tsʽoo far to go.... When a man's finger is not like that

of other people, he knows he feels dissatisfied; but if his mind

differs, he feels no dissatisfaction. This is called "Ignorance of the

relative importance of things!"' We fear the day of our Chinese

deliverance is not quite at hand.

"The Spirit that can mould the hearts of men has been abroad and

wrought in the hearts of many, or they would not so ardently desire

something progressive; but we regret to see it quenched even in a

reviving flood of Confucianism. Let us intreat you, friends of China's

progress, to lend your influence to the leaders of our people, that

they strive not to bottle the new wine (spirit) of progress in old

bottles, 'else the bottles break, and the wine runneth out, and the

bottles perish.'

"MARY STONE, of Hupeh,

"IDA KAHN, of Kiangsi.

"KIUKIANG, _December 27th, 1897_."

Somehow, however, all difficulties were surmounted, and in June, 1898,

I had the pleasure of writing the following account of the first high

school for girls opened in China:

"Turning off to the left from the long green avenue but a few minutes

before arriving at the Arsenal, the visitor comes upon the pretty

conglomeration of buildings in which the much-talked-of Chinese young

ladies' school has now actually been opened. There are the usual

Chinese courtyards, with somewhat more than the usual fantastic

Chinese decoration, ornamental tiles making open screens rather than

walls, through which the wind can blow freely, yet at the same time

giving a feeling of privacy; as also writhing dragons and birds and

beasts. It is quite Chinese, and very pretty and æsthetic. But the

windows are foreign, and there is no house in the European settlement

more airy, nor perhaps so clean.

"But the matter of interest is not the building, nor the furniture,

but the teachers and the taught. There they stood, the sixteen young

girls, who are the first promise of the regeneration of China; and

judged as young girls they certainly promised remarkably well. It is

natural to suppose that several of them are the children of parents

of more than ordinary enlightenment. But whether they are or not, they

certainly looked it. Their manners were naturally very superior to

those of the girls one is accustomed to see in Chinese schools. They

were readier to laugh and see a joke. But if some of those girls do

not decidedly distinguish themselves in the years to come, it will be

the fault of their instructors, or I am no physiognomist. They were

busy with reading-books, and the teacher, a nice quiet-looking Chinese

woman, had not the least idea of showing them off, so it was hard to

test them. She said she could not say yet herself which were the

brightest girls. Several had natural feet, and most of the others were

eager to state they had "let out" their feet. None were the least

smartly dressed, but several had very well-dressed hair, and were very

neatly shod. One girl had the Manchu shoe without that objectionable

heel in the middle, that must make walking on it like walking upon

stilts.

"The bedrooms were all upstairs, four girls in a room, and nothing

could have looked cleaner and neater than the arrangements: white

mosquito curtains round the bed, a box under each for the girl's

clothes, a stool for her to sit upon; one shining wardrobe amongst the

four; a washstand with rail at the back on which to hang towels, and a

looking-glass in the centre. The teachers had rooms to themselves. The

teacher of sewing was upstairs, with only too exquisitely fine work

all ready to spoil the poor girls' eyes and exercise their patience.

There was another lady, who has been teaching drawing in the Imperial

Palace, painting for the Empress there. Whether she is only on a visit

to recover her health, or is now teaching drawing in this school--they

have a drawing mistress--I did not quite make out. But she is the sort

of woman whom one seems to know, by her clever, thoughtful, extremely

observant face, before ever speaking to her; and when I found she was

from Yunnan, we sat and chatted about 'Mount Omi and Beyond' in quite

a friendly way. One of Miss Heygood's Chinese pupils is to come in on

Monday and begin teaching English, as they think a Chinese teacher

will do for a beginning. Probably she will understand Chinese

difficulties better than any of us could. But it is a question whether

her pronunciation can be quite satisfactory.

"A good deal of the furniture was foreign, and it seemed to be all

foreign in the long reception-room, to be eventually used as a

class-room, where on Wednesday, June 1st, a large company of foreign

ladies sat down to a most excellent Chinese dinner, with knives and

forks for those who wanted, and champagne served freely. The two

previous days gentlemen had been received, and June 2nd was to be

exclusively for Chinese ladies. One of the daughters of Mr. King,

Manager of the Telegraphs, presided at one end of the table at which I

was, and his daughter-in-law sat at the other end. There was another

table in an adjoining room. Mrs. Shen Tun-ho and Mrs. King Lien-shan

had cards printed in English with 'Chinese Girl School Committee' in

the corner. Mrs. Mei Shen-in had on hers, 'Native Director of Chinese

Female School.'

"It is difficult for ladies to decide what guarantee is obtainable

that any money they may contribute will be well used, and not diverted

from the purpose for which it is intended. But if some of the active

business men of Shanghai can make the necessary inquiries on these

heads, certainly what was to be seen on June 1st sufficiently spoke

for the great energy and care displayed by the Ladies' Committee, and

Mr. King, who is understood to be the prime mover in the matter. Every

detail seemed to have been well seen after. Even baths and a bath-room

are provided. Each girl is only to pay six shillings a month; and this

being so, it is not to be wondered at that already another house is

being secured, and there are promises of sufficient girl pupils

already to fill it. There is also talk of opening another girls'

school."

And now in 1899 I hear that already a third school for girls has been

started by Mr. King, whose energy in the matter is the more to be

admired when it is considered that he is so deaf all communication

with him has to be carried on in writing. But, alas for China! Mr.

Timothy Richard, the inspiring secretary of the Society for the

Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge, has had to take over the

schools and put in a European manager, to save them from the Empress

Tze Hsi's grasping fingers.

[Illustration: WÊN TING-SHIH, THE REFORMER, LATE TUTOR TO THE LADIES

OF THE IMPERIAL HOUSEHOLD.

_Lent by Rev. Gilbert Reid._]

But a few days after the ladies' dinner--a very merry one--we were

invited by three Chinese gentlemen to meet the Mr. Wên before

mentioned as late tutor to the ladies of the Imperial Household. There

were only four other Europeans, and a little party of Chinese men, all

members of the Reform party. It is perhaps as well not to give their

names, two of that little company being at this moment under sentence

of death themselves, together with all their relations. When last

heard of they were hiding, but some of their relations had been

seized. The dinner was a very sad one. They had evidently invited

Europeans as a drowning man catches at a straw, to see if they could

devise anything to save the Chinese people. But to each suggestion

made they said it was impossible. There was nothing--nothing to be

done at Peking. Corruption prevailed over everything there. There was

nothing--nothing to be done with the various Viceroys. There was

nothing to be done by an appeal to the people. The only thing was to

go on writing and writing, translating from foreign languages, and

thus gradually educating the people in what might be useful to them.

The memory of that dinner cannot easily pass from those present. Some

of us walked away together too sad for words, and all that evening a

great cloud of depression rested over us. For we felt we had witnessed

despair; and when a Chinaman, usually so impassive, gives way, it

makes the more impression.

But then happened the astonishing, as always occurs in China; and when

next heard of, the Emperor of China himself, the youthful Kwang-shü,

was at the head of the Progress party. All that has been told of

Kwang-shü has always been very interesting and pleasing. Chinese

people all speak well of him, and say he wishes for his country's

good. But then they shrug their shoulders, for they have always

maintained he has no power. At one time he was said to be studying

English, at another reading Shakespeare in translation. On the

occasion of the Empress Tze Hsi's sixtieth birthday all Christian

women in China were invited to subscribe for a handsome copy of the

New Testament, which was eventually presented to her in a silver

casket beautifully chased with a fine relief of bamboo-trees. The

Chinese version was specially revised for this presentation, in which

Christian Chinese women took the greatest interest. No sooner had the

book been presented than the Emperor sent an eunuch round to ask for a

copy of the same volume. There was not as yet any copy of quite the

same version, and the one sent was in the course of a few hours

returned with several comments, understood to be in the Emperors own

handwriting, pointing out the differences, and asking that the same

version might be sent to him. He at the same time applied for copies

of the other books prepared by Europeans for the instruction of

Chinese.

In 1894 he took one of those sudden steps that a little recall some

actions of the German Emperor, and signified his intention to look

over each essay and poem himself, and place the competitors at the

Peking examination according to their excellence. It may be imagined

what was the astonishment and consternation of the examining board of

high Ministers of State, who had just examined them, and marked out

the standing of each man according to their own inclinations. There

were two hundred and eight competitors, and it took the Emperor three

whole days to look over the papers. At the end of that time the list

was turned nearly upside-down, for three men placed amongst the last

by the examining board were now marked out by the Emperor as among

the six entitled to the highest honours. Amongst the competitors was

the lately returned Minister to the United States, Spain, and Peru. He

had a brevet button of the second rank; and having lately received the

post of Senior Deputy Supervisor of Instruction to the Heir Apparent,

he had to present himself as a competitor--notwithstanding his years

and previous services abroad. In the list of the examining board he

stood amongst the first thirty, and was recommended to a higher post

of honour. In the Emperor's list he was placed in the third class; and

in the decree classifying the essayists, in which the Emperor stated

definitely that he had done so after himself looking over each paper,

this ex-Minister was ordered to take off his brevet second-rank

button, being degraded from the post of Deputy Supervisor to that of

Junior Secretary of the Supervisorate. There were many other changes

made of the same nature.

Naturally such an action did not tend to establish the youthful

Emperor in the good graces of the more corrupt of his counsellors. But

it showed energy and initiative, uncommon in Chinamen, also a desire

to do his duty and right wrongs. It is certainly unfortunate for

himself that he did not from the outset set to work to make to himself

friends of the mammon of unrighteousness. But brought up from his

earliest years as an Emperor, it is not unnatural that he should have

expected all people to bow down before his will as soon as he asserted

it. And it is a little unreasonable to expect from a young man, palace

born and bred, who never even once had taken a country walk or ride,

or enjoyed liberty of any kind, the character of a Bismarck or a

Napoleon. That his advisers were equally unaware of the dangers

awaiting him is shown by their having taken no precautions even to

save themselves. It was indeed Kwang-shü who advised Kang to fly from

Peking, not Kang who advised Kwang-shü to be careful. And that the

plot that dethroned the young Emperor was kept carefully secret is

also shown by the British Minister, a man of experience, and who has

travelled about the world, and is of course amply provided with all

the necessary means for obtaining information, being actually absent

from Peking at the time, which naturally he never would have been had

he known the crisis was imminent. The German and American Ministers

were also absent, and, more remarkable still, Sir Robert Hart,

Inspector-General of Chinese Imperial Customs. The moment was indeed

probably chosen in consequence by the Empress.

Surrounded by temptations--his aunt and adopted mother is openly

accused of having tried to teach him to take delight in cards and

wine, and it is one of her duties both to select a wife for him and to

surround him with concubines--the young man seems to show rather the

disposition of an anchorite. All testimonies agree that he is not of a

vigorous physique: indeed, bred and nurtured as he has been, how could

he be? In health, as in many other ways, he always recalls to me our

own Prince Leopold, the late Duke of Albany.

It is greatly to be regretted that when that very amiable,

gentle-looking young man, now Czar of Russia, was in China, he and the

young Emperor of China did not meet. Both apparently have aspirations,

both are weighted by a weight of empire no one man can sustain

single-handed, both surrounded by powerful, unscrupulous men, who will

not hesitate to wield their well-intentioned and apparently sincere

nominal rulers to their own advantage, as also possibly to the

destruction of those nominal sovereigns.

There is a curious tale told that a late Russian Minister at Peking

acquired a great influence over the Chinese Emperor by speaking to him

after this style: "There are but few countries now that are regulated

in accordance with the principles of decorum. In England and Germany

it is true there are emperors, but in England it is six-tenths the

people's will and only four-tenths the sovereign's. In Germany it is

rather better: there it is six-tenths the Emperor and four-tenths the

people. As to France and America--dreadful--dreadful! Only China and

Russia are properly constituted countries, where the Emperor governs

and the people obey, according to the will of Heaven. What friends,

then, ought not these two countries to be, and how terrible for Russia

it would be if China were to fall, for then she would stand alone, the

one properly constituted empire in the world! Equally, how dreadful it

would be for China if Russia were to fall away! As for us, we cannot

feel easy about China. We remember that after all your Imperial

Majesty's is an alien dynasty, governing over a people of another

race, the Chinese, and your capital is so near the frontier you could

easily be pushed over the border. Your Imperial Majesty should really

take precautions to establish yourself more safely. Now, all positions

of high honour are in the hands of Chinese, who might easily band

together and depose the reigning dynasty. As each high position falls

vacant, Chinese should be replaced by Manchus; then alone would you be

safely established on the throne of your ancestors, and Russia could

feel safe, knowing China to be so."

Thus and much more. Such conversations can be easily overheard and

repeated by the crowds of attendants always present at interviews in

China. It was repeated to me in June, 1898. I did not know if

correctly or not. I do not know now. But for the last year high post

after high post has been conferred upon Manchus, than which no policy

could be more unwise, for it is calculated to exasperate the Chinese;

nor have the Manchus, who have long ago lost their manliness, living

as pensioners of the Court, any longer the capacity for government.

CHAPTER V.

_THE COUP D'ÉTAT._

Kang Yü-wei.--_China Mail's_ Interview.--Beheading of

Reformers.--Relatives sentenced to Death.--Kang's

Indictment of Empress.--Empress's Reprisals.--Emperor's

Attempt at Escape.--Cantonese Gratitude to Great

Britain.--List of Emperor's Attempted Reforms.--Men now

in Power.--Lord Salisbury's Policy in China.

In considering the recent bolt from the blue, as it seemed to the

outside world, at Peking, it is necessary to say a few words more

about the Reform leaders. Kang Yü-wei, commonly called the Modern

Sage, is a Cantonese. He has brought out a new edition of the ancient

Classics, which he contends have been so glossed over by numbers of

commentators as to have lost their original significance. In especial

he says the personality of God was originally clearly stated in them,

that it is the commentators who have hidden this, and that only by a

return to the belief in a living God can China once more take her

proper place among the nations. He also insists upon the brotherhood

of man. Missionaries, who know him, dwell upon his learning and

enthusiasm. The only British Consul I have heard speak of him, dwelt

rather upon his want of practicality, and described him as a

visionary of about forty and impracticable. He saw him, however, at

the most agitating moment of his career, during his flight from

Peking. When it is considered that he is a man of not large means, who

has no official post, who must have devoted his time mainly to study

to have passed the examinations he has and revised the Classics, and

that at this comparatively early age he is the undoubted leader of the

army of youthful literati of China, a man in whom those I have spoken

with seem to have unbounded confidence, it is clear that this account

of him must be a little overdrawn. Probably he is not a practical man.

But that he has evidently an extraordinary gift for winning and

guiding adherents cannot be denied. A representative of the _China

Mail_ describes him as "an intelligent-looking Chinese of medium

height, but not of unusually striking appearance. For a native who

does not speak any Western language, Kang has imbibed a wonderful

amount of ideas" [this is only a rather amusing instance of European

superciliousness], and the impression he left upon his interviewer was

that he has a firmer grasp of the situation than the majority of his

compatriots. It may be considered that some of his views are those of

a visionary, but there can be no doubt of his earnestness; and it must

be borne in mind that there never yet was a reformer in any country

whose views were not at first believed to be outside the range of

practical politics. For those who are interested in the present crisis

in China, it is better to give the _China Mail's_ interview with Kang

Yü-wei, to be followed by his own open letter to the papers.

"Before proceeding with the interview, Kang wished to thank the

British people for the kind protection they had afforded him, and for

the interest the English people were taking in the advancement of the

political and social status of China and the emancipation of the

Emperor. He also wished to explain that the reason why he had not

consented to an interview before was that he was very much distressed

upon learning that his brother had been decapitated and that the

Emperor was reported to be murdered. The excitement and anxiety of the

past fortnight had unnerved him, and he was disinclined to see any one

or to discuss the events which had led up to his flight from Peking.

"After this preliminary statement, Kang Yü-wei proceeded with his

story.

"'You all know,' he said, 'that the Empress-Dowager is not educated,

that she is very conservative, that she has been very reluctant to

give the Emperor any real power in managing the affairs of the empire.

In the year 1887 it was decided to set aside thirty million taels for

the creation of a navy. After the battleships _Tingyuen_, _Weiyuen_,

_Chihyuen_, _Chênyuen_, and _Kingyuen_ had been ordered, and after

providing for their payment, the Empress-Dowager appropriated the

balance of the money for the repair of the Eho Park Gardens. Later on,

when it was decided to set aside or raise thirty million taels for the

construction of railways, she misappropriated a large portion of the

money. The first intention had been to construct the railway to

Moukden, but it was never carried farther than Shanhai-kuan, the

remainder of the money being used for the decoration of the Imperial

Gardens. Every sensible man knows that railways and a navy are

essential for the well-being of a country. But in spite of the advice

of one or two of her counsellors the Empress-Dowager refused to carry

on these schemes, and thought only of her personal gratification. She

has been steadily opposed to the introduction of Western civilisation.

She has never seen many outside people--only a few eunuchs in the

Palace and a few Ministers of State who have access to her.'

"'Through whom does she conduct the affairs of State?'

"'Before the Japanese War Li Hung-chang was the man she had most

confidence in. After the war Li Hung-chang was discarded, and she

seemed to repose most confidence in Prince Kung and Jung Lu. As a

rule, however, she retains absolute control in her own hands. There is

a sham eunuch in the Palace, who has practically more power than any

of the Ministers. Li Luen-yên is the sham eunuch's name. He is a

native of Chihli. Nothing could be done without first bribing him. All

the Viceroys have got their official positions through bribing this

man, who is immensely wealthy. Li Hung-chang is not to be compared

with him. Before she handed over the reins of government to the

Emperor, a year or two ago, the Empress-Dowager used to see many

Ministers, but since then she has only seen eunuchs and officials

belonging to the inner department. I have seen her myself. She is of

medium height and commanding presence, rather imperious in manner. She

has a dark, sallow complexion, long almond eyes, high nose, is fairly

intelligent-looking, and has expressive eyes.'

"In answer to a query, 'Who inspired the new policy at Peking?' Kang

replied: 'About two years ago two officials, Chang Lin and Wang

Ming-luan, sent a memorial to the Emperor advising him to take the

power into his own hands, stating that the Empress-Dowager was only

the concubine of his uncle, the Emperor Hien Fêng; therefore according

to Chinese law she could not be recognised as the proper

Empress-Dowager. The result of this memorial was that the two

officials were dismissed for ever. They were Vice-Presidents of

Boards, one being a Manchu and the other a Soochow man. The Emperor

recognises that the Empress-Dowager is not his real mother. Since the

Emperor began to display an interest in affairs of State, the

Empress-Dowager has been scheming his deposition. She used to play

cards with him, and gave him intoxicating drinks, in order to prevent

him from attending to State affairs. For the greater part of the last

two years the Emperor has been practically a figure-head against his

own wishes. After the occupation of Kiaochou by the Germans, the

Emperor was very furious, and said to the Empress-Dowager, "Unless I

have the power, I will not take my seat as Emperor; I will abdicate."

The result was that the Empress-Dowager gave in to him to a certain

extent, telling him that he could do as he liked; but although she

said this with her lips her heart was different.'

"'How do you know this?' asked the interviewer. 'Did you hear it

yourself?'"

"Kang's reply was: 'No, I heard it from other officials.'

"'Who recommended you to the notice of the Emperor?'

"'I was recommended to the Emperor by Kao Hsi-tsêng, one of the

Censors, a native of Hupeh. Then Wêng Tung-ho, the Emperor's tutor,

who is supposed to be one of the most conservative officials in

China, but is not actually so, devoted some attention to me, and Li

Tuan-fên, President of the Board of Rites. These officials wished to

introduce me to the Emperor, to give me some responsible office, and

to put me beside the Emperor as his adviser. The Emperor ordered me to

hold a conference with the Ministers of the Tsung-li Yamen. On January

3rd last the conference took place. All the members of the Yamen were

present; I was received with all respect as their guest. The

conference lasted about three hours.

"'I had to say that everything in China must be reformed and follow

Western civilisation.'

"'How were your suggestions received?'

"'They did not say openly. I could see that the majority of them were

against reform. The Viceroy Jung Lu made the remark, "Why should we

change the manners and customs of our ancestors?" To this I replied:

"Our ancestors never had a Tsung-li Yamen [Board to deal with

foreigners and foreign affairs]. Is not this a change?" The first

thing I suggested was that China should have a properly constituted

judicial system--that a foreigner should be engaged to work conjointly

with myself and some others to revise the laws and the Government

administrative departments. That I hold to be the most important

change. This must be the basis on which all other changes and reforms

must rest. The construction of railways, the creation of a navy, the

revision of the educational system, every other reform will follow;

but unless we can change the laws and administration all other

changes will be next to useless. Unfortunately, the Emperor has been

pushing on the other reforms before preparing the way for them. That

has contributed to bring about the present crisis.

"'The following morning Prince Kung and Wêng Tung-ho reported the

conference to the Emperor. Prince Kung was against me, although I have

heard it said that he admired my abilities, and thought me clever and

able. But he said of me: "He is talking nonsense; he speaks about

changing the ways of our ancestors!" Wêng Tung-ho gave my proposals

his support.

"'The outcome of the conference was that I was ordered by the Emperor

to submit my proposals to him in the form of a memorial. The gist of

my memorial was as follows. I told the Emperor that all the customs

and ways and manners of his ancestors must be renewed. Nothing could

be usefully followed so far as Chinese history was concerned. I

advised the Emperor to follow in the footsteps of Japan, or in the

footsteps of Peter the Great. As a preliminary step I advised the

Emperor to command all his Ministers of State and all the high

officials in Peking to go before the places where they worshipped the

gods, and also to the Ancestral Halls, there to make an oath that they

were determined to introduce reforms. My second suggestion was to have

the laws and administration revised; my third, that he should open a

Communication or Despatch Department, through which any one would be

able to memorialise the Throne. To illustrate what I considered

lacking in the Chinese system, I pointed out to the Emperor that the

Ministers of the Grand Council were the tongue, the Viceroys and

Governors of Provinces the hands and feet, the Censors the eyes, and

the Emperor the brain. I said: "You have no heart, no motive power, no

proper law, no means of finding out the desires and opinions of your

people. The responsibility is too widely diffused; you cannot carry

things through effectively. When you want to know anything, you refer

to your Ministers and Viceroys, who represent the tongue and feet; but

these are not thinking organs--they can only act upon orders given

them." I advised the Emperor to select young, intelligent men, well

imbued with Western ideas, to assist in the regeneration of the

empire, irrespective of their position, whether they were lowly born

or of high degree; that they should confer with the Emperor every day

and discuss the measures for reform, first devoting their energies to

a revision of the laws and administration. The old officials must be

dispensed with. I advised him to appoint twelve new Departments:--(1)

Law Department; (2) Treasury; (3) Education (engaging foreign

teachers); (4) Legislative Department; (5) Agriculture; (6) Commercial

Department; (7) Mechanical Department; (8) Railway Department; (9)

Postal; (10) Mining; (11) Army; (12) Navy,--all the twelve Departments

to be modelled on Western lines, and foreigners to be engaged to

advise and assist. Throughout the provinces, in every two prefectures,

I suggested the establishment of a sort of Legislative Council, whose

chief duty would be to give effect to the instructions of the twelve

Departments, to police the country, to introduce sanitary measures, to

construct roads, to induce the people to cultivate the land under

modern methods, and to spread commerce. Each of these Councils should

have a President, appointed by the Emperor himself, irrespective of

birth, degree, or position; and each President should have the liberty

to memorialise the Emperor direct, in the same manner as Viceroys and

Governors of the Provinces, to whom he was not to be subject. In

effect these Presidents were to have the same social rank as the

Viceroys. The President was also to have the power to recommend a man

to go to each district to co-operate with the gentry and merchant

classes in giving effect to the new reforms. My memorial also showed

how funds were to be raised. I pointed out the enormous loss of

revenue that occurred yearly. Taking the magistracy of Nanhai (which

is my native district), I informed the Emperor that the total revenue

derived from that district was $240,000 per year, but the actual

amount going into the Imperial Purse was only something over $20,000.

I recommended a complete change of the system, under which the whole

of the revenues of the country would go into the Imperial Purse.

Comparing China with India, and adducing from the experience of India

the financial resources of China, I told the Emperor that from

ordinary taxes the sum of four hundred million taels could be raised

annually, and if the _likin_ were abolished and a tariff properly

adjusted, banknotes issued, stamp duty established, and other

financial reforms adopted, at least another three hundred million

taels could be raised, making in all seven hundred million taels. With

this money in hand it would be an easy thing to get a navy to protect

our coast and to establish naval colleges for the training of

officers. State railways could also be constructed and other necessary

reforms effected.

"'I was told that the Emperor was highly pleased, and said that he had

never seen a better memorial nor such a good system as I proposed. He

recommended the memorial to the consideration of the Tsung-li Yamen

for report. Prince Kung, Jung Lu, and Hsü Ying-kuei were against it;

but the Emperor pressed for a reply, which was never given in detail.

All the Ministers would report was that the memorial was so sweeping,

that it practically meant the abolition of the present great

Ministers, and therefore they did not like to report upon it

themselves. You will have seen in the newspapers that the Emperor had

already adopted many of the recommendations contained in my memorial.

"'I also sent to the Emperor two books written by myself, one entitled

_The Reform of Japan_ and the other _The Reform of Russia by Peter the

Great_. Subsequently I sent another memorial, advising the Emperor to

be determined and not to dally with the proposals for reform.

"'To this memorial the Emperor replied with an Edict. On June 16th I

was granted an audience with the Emperor. It lasted for two hours. I

was received at 5 a.m. in the Jênshow Throne-hall. Port Arthur and

Talienwan had just been taken over by Russia, and the Emperor wore an

anxious, careworn expression. The Emperor was thin, but apparently in

good health. He has a straight nose, round forehead, pleasant eyes, is

clean-shaven, and has a pale complexion. He is of medium height. His

hands are long and thin. He looked very intelligent, and had a kindly

expression, altogether uncommon amongst the Manchus or even amongst

the Chinese. He wore the usual official dress, but instead of the

large square of embroidery on the breast worn by the high officials

the embroidery in his case was round, encircling a dragon, and there

were two smaller embroideries on his shoulders. He wore the usual

official cap. He was led in by eunuchs, and took his seat on a dais on

a large yellow cushion, with his feet folded beneath him. He sent his

attendants away, and we were left alone; but all the time we were

conversing his eyes were watching the windows, as if to see that no

one was eavesdropping. There was a long table in front of him with two

large candlesticks. I knelt at one of the corners of the table, and

not on the cushions in front of the table which are reserved for the

high officials. I remained kneeling during the whole of the audience.

We conversed in the Mandarin dialect.

"'The Emperor said to me: "Your books are very useful and very

instructive."

"'I practically repeated what I said in my memorial about the weakness

of China being owing to the lack of progress.

"'The Emperor said: "Yes, all these Conservative Ministers have ruined

me."

"'I said to him, "China is very weak now, but it is not yet too late

to amend." I gave him the example of France after the Franco-Prussian

War. In that case the indemnity was much greater than China has paid

to Japan. The territory lost was greater, because France had lost two

provinces and China had only lost one (Formosa). I asked him how it

was that France had been able to recuperate so rapidly, whereas China

had done practically nothing during the three years since the close of

the war.

"'The Emperor listened very attentively, and asked me to give the

reason.

"'I replied that the reason was that M. Thiers issued proclamations to

the people of France advising the abolition of corrupt methods and

asking their co-operation for the rehabilitation of the country, at

once instituting reforms which would enable the country to recover the

ground it had lost. The outcome was that the whole population of

France was as one man working for one single object. Hence its quick

recovery. In China, however, we have still the old Conservative

Ministers, who put every obstruction in the way of reform; and I told

the Emperor that that was the main reason why the country was now in

its present sad condition, worse off than it was three years ago, at

the close of the China-Japan War.

"'I asked him to look at the difficulties Japan had to overcome before

she could reform on modern lines. There the military or feudal party

had more power than our present Conservative Ministers, but the Mikado

adopted the proper course by selecting young and intelligent men,

junior officials, some of whom he set to work out the reforms in the

country, whilst others went abroad to learn foreign methods, and

returned to make Japan the powerful country which it is to-day. I

repeated to him what Peter the Great did to make Russia powerful,

saying, "You, the Emperor, I would ask you to remove yourself from the

seclusion in which you live. Come boldly forward and employ young and

intelligent officials. Follow in the footsteps of the three rulers of

whom I have spoken to you, and you will find that the reforms will be

more easily carried out than you at present imagine. In case China is

unable to produce a sufficient number of intelligent men to give

effect to the reforms you initiate, I strongly advocate the employment

of foreigners, particularly Englishmen and Americans."

[Illustration: HEAD EUNUCH OF THE EMPRESS-DOWAGER.

_Lent by Rev. Gilbert Reid._]

[Illustration: KIAOCHOU, SEIZED BY GERMANY.]

"'I said to him: "You must cut your coat according to your cloth,' and

advised him to approach the matter carefully and deliberately. To

illustrate what I meant, I pointed out that if he wished to build a

palace he must obtain plans, then buy the bricks to build the palace

according to design. "You may be told that China has reformed during

the last few years. In my opinion nothing has been reformed. China has

simply done what I have advised you not to do. She has been buying

bricks to build a house before deciding on the plan or design; she is

attempting to make a big coat out of an insufficient quantity of

cloth." I told the Emperor: "Your present Government is just like a

building with a leaky roof; the joists are rotten and have been eaten

by white ants. It is absolutely dangerous to remain longer in the

building. Not only must you take off the roof, but you must take down

the whole building, and even raze the foundation. How could you expect

your present old Ministers to reform? They have never had any Western

education. They have never studied anything thoroughly about Western

civilisation, and they could not study now if you asked them. They

have no energy left. To instruct them to carry out reforms is like

asking your cook to become your tailor, your tailor to become your

cook, or your barber to become your chair-coolie and your chair-coolie

to shave you. The result of that would be that you would not get a

good coat, you would get nothing good to eat, your head would be

hacked. Your Majesty is careful to select a proper tailor, a proper

cook, a proper barber, and a proper chair-coolie. But in the

administration of your empire, which is far more important, you do not

take so much care as in your own personal affairs."

"'To this the Emperor replied: "I am very sorry; I have practically no

power to remove any high Ministers. The Empress-Dowager wants to

reserve this power in her own hands.'

"'I said: "If your Majesty has no power to remove Ministers, what you

can do is to employ young and intelligent officials about you. That

would be a step better than nothing."

"'The Emperor said: "I know it perfectly well that all the Ministers

have paid no proper attention to Western ideas and do not care to

study the progress of the world."

"'I said to the Emperor: "Perhaps it is their wish to get a knowledge

of Western ideas, but they have too much to do under the present

system, and they are much too old. Their energy is gone. Even if they

are willing they cannot do it. The chief education of China in the

study of the Classics is useless, and the first thing the Emperor must

do is to abolish these examinations and establish a system of

education on the lines of Western countries." I asked the Emperor:

"Can you do away with this kind of examination?"

"'The Emperor said: "I have realised that whatever is learned in

Western countries is useful, but whatever is learned in China is

practically useless, and I will carry out your recommendations"; which

he did. I advised the Emperor to send his own relations to travel in

foreign countries in order to learn from them, and that he might be

surrounded by men who had experience of the world. In conclusion, I

said: "There are many other things I should like to say, but I can

memorialise you from time to time." I advised him strongly to cement

his relations with foreign countries.

"'The Emperor replied that the foreign countries nowadays were not

like the insignificant states of former times. They appeared to be

highly civilised countries, and it was a pity his own Ministers did

not realise that as he did. A good deal of the trouble seemed to arise

from their failure to recognise this fact.

"'In December last I had advised his Majesty to form an alliance with

Great Britain. Before parting I said to him: "You have given

decorations to Li Hung-chang and Chang Yin-huan. That is a Western

act. Why do not you put in your Edicts that you intend to introduce

Western customs?"

"'The Emperor only smiled.

"'From June until I left Peking, I have sent many memorials to the

Emperor, but have never had another audience. I was allowed to

memorialise him direct. This is the first time in the present dynasty

that an individual in my position has been allowed to memorialise the

Throne direct.'

"In answer to a question, Kang stated that Chang Yin-huan was not

associated with him in the proposed reforms. He was pleased with the

programme of the Reformers, but he did not take any active part in

promoting the reforms. All the men arrested were junior officials in

the various secretariats in Peking, all interested in reform.

"Asked when the first symptoms of trouble appeared, Kang stated that

the signs of opposition were raised when the Emperor issued his Edict

dismissing two Presidents and four Vice-Presidents. One of these

Presidents is a relative of the Empress-Dowager--Huai Ta-pu, President

of the Board of Rites. On the following day Li Hung-chang and Ching

Hsin were removed from the Tsung-li Yamen. These dismissed officials

went in a body and knelt before the Empress-Dowager and asked for her

assistance, saying that if she allowed the Emperor to go on in this

way the whole of the old officials would soon be dismissed. Then these

officials went to Tientsin and saw Jung Lu, who may be said to be the

best friend of the Empress-Dowager. Rumours got about that the Emperor

intended to dispose of the Empress-Dowager, and she then determined

that Jung Lu should take the first step. That was on or about

September 14th or 15th. On September 17th an open Edict was issued by

the Emperor, asking why Kang Yü-wei was still in Peking and did not

proceed to Shanghai at once to attend to the establishment of the

official organ. 'That was a hint to me to go away. An Edict of this

sort is generally issued to a Viceroy or a Chief General, and not to

men of my rank. The morning I saw this Edict I was highly astonished.

On that evening a special private message was sent to me by the

Emperor. The message was sent in writing. Part of it appeared in the

_China Mail_ last night. I happened to be out, and did not receive the

message till the morning of September 18th.

"'On the morning of the 18th I received two special messages from the

Emperor, one dated September 16th and the other September 17th. The

first one read:

"'"We know that the empire is in very troublous times. Unless we adopt

Western methods it is impossible to save our empire; unless we remove

the old-fashioned Conservative Ministers and put in their stead young

and intelligent men, possessed of a knowledge of Western affairs, it

is impossible to carry out the reforms we had intended. But the

Empress-Dowager does not agree with me: I have repeatedly advised her

Majesty, but she becomes enraged. Now I am afraid I shall not be able

to protect my throne. You are hereby commanded to consult your

colleagues and see what assistance you can give to save me. I am very

anxious and distressed. I am anxiously waiting for your assistance.

Respect this."

"'The second message was as follows: "I have commanded you to

superintend the establishment of the official organ. It is strongly

against my wish. I have very great sorrow in my heart, which cannot be

described with pen and ink. You must proceed at once outside (abroad),

and devise means to save me without a moment's delay. I am deeply

affected with your loyalty and faithfulness. Please take great care of

your health and body. I hope that before long you will be able to

assist me again in reorganising my empire, and to put everything upon

a proper basis. This is my earnest wish."

"'After I received these letters, I had a meeting with my colleagues

as to the best thing to be done. I saw Mr. Timothy Richard, the

English missionary, and asked him to see the British Minister at once.

Unfortunately Sir Claude Macdonald was at Pehtaiho. Then I sent to the

American Legation, but was told that the American Minister had gone to

the Western Hills. If Sir Claude Macdonald had been at the British

Legation, I believe measures could have been devised to avoid this

crisis.

"'In the city everything was quiet. There was no sign of an impending

crisis. Nobody anticipated trouble; nobody was in fear of his life. On

the 19th I heard from my friends that the position was getting more

serious. Up to this time I had remained in my quarters in the Canton

Club. At four o'clock on the morning of the 20th I left the city,

passing through the gates, leaving all my baggage behind in the care

of my brother. I retained a compartment in the railway carriage, and

travelled direct to Tangku by rail. At Tientsin I boarded the

Indo-China steamer _Lienshing_ and asked for a cabin. When the people

on board saw I had so little baggage they said: "You must go and get a

ticket at the office before we can allow you to come on board." I went

back to Tientsin again and went into an hotel--not an hotel of my own

countrymen, but the hotel of another province. I had been advised to

shave my moustache off and to change my dress, but I left myself to

fate. I stayed overnight at Tientsin, and early in the morning went on

board the _Chungking_. I had to go as an ordinary Chinese passenger,

because I was afraid if I asked for a cabin I should again be refused

a passage on account of the absence of baggage. Mr. Timothy Richard

offered me an asylum at his house, but as I had received instructions

from the Emperor to proceed abroad I thought it best to leave the

capital. I got no letter from the British Legation; I had no

communication with the British Legation. The steamer called at Chefoo,

where nothing unusual happened. When I arrived at Woosung, the British

Consul was kind enough to offer me a place of safety on board H.M.S.

_Esk_. I believe Mr. Richard must have gone to the Legation at Peking,

and that instructions were given to the British Consul to be on the

look-out for me. I was surprised at this, but I am very grateful to

Messrs. Brenan and Bourne (British Consuls) and to the captain of the

ship for the kindness they showed to me during my stay at Woosung.'

"'What do you intend to do?'

"'The Emperor has instructed me to go abroad and procure assistance

for him. My intention is to approach England in the first instance.

England is well known to be the most just nation in the world. England

has twice saved Turkey, once at the sacrifice of twenty thousand men

and a large sum of money, and I think England will come to the

assistance of the Emperor of China now. While I was in Shanghai, I

requested the British Consul to wire to the Foreign Office at home

asking for this assistance to his Majesty. Personally, I think it is

to England's interest to take this opportunity to support the Emperor

and the party of progress, for by so doing they will be helping the

people of China as well, and the people of China will consider England

as their best and truest friend. If England does not take steps now, I

am afraid that when the Siberian Railway is finished Russian influence

will predominate throughout the whole of China. If England succeeds in

replacing the Emperor on the throne, I have no hesitation in saying

that the Emperor and the Reform leaders will not forget her kindness.

When I left Peking, the Emperor was still in good health.'

"Before leaving Kang was asked if he had anything further to add to

the interview--anything he had forgotten.

"He replied: 'I should like it to be stated that when I saw the

Emperor I said I did not go to Peking for money or position. I simply

went there to try to do my best to save the four hundred millions of

China. I told him I would not take any high position until I had been

instrumental in carrying through the proposals for reform I had made

to him; then I would accept anything his Majesty was pleased to give

me. Had he given me position then, it would simply have created

jealousy among the old Ministers; besides, I did not feel that I had

done anything to warrant such elevation. The Emperor was good enough

to send me two thousand taels as a special reward--a thing, I believe,

which has never been done in the history of the present dynasty.'

"The interview concluded with a request on the part of Kang to urge

the English people to take steps for the protection of the relatives

of Liang, who had been arrested by the officials in the district of

Canton. These relatives, we understand, consist of his foster-mother,

aunt, uncle, brother, and his nephew and two others."

[Illustration: BRITISH AND CHINESE FLAGS, JUNE 15TH, 1898: TOWN OF

WEI-HAI-WEI IN DISTANCE.

_By Mr. Stratford Dugdale._]

This interview was on October 7th. It was on September 22nd that

Kang's six colleagues had been summarily beheaded in Peking. Three

were members of the Hanlin College, the highest body in China--namely,

Lin Hsio, Yang, and Lin Kuang-ti. One was a Censor--Yang. The others

were Kang's younger brother, and Tan Tze-tung, son of the ex-Governor

of Hupeh. It is Tan who went to his death saying, "They may kill my

body, but my spirit will live in the lives of others," and again, "My

country will yet be freed from the tyrants that now enthral her in

their grasp of ignorance and corruption."

A newspaper correspondent wrote from Hupeh: "Nothing but sympathy is

felt for poor old Tan, our ex-Governor, the father of Tan Tze-tung,

who was beheaded in Peking. It is said that for a long time the news

of his son's death was kept from him, and was finally told him by our

Viceroy, Chang-chih-tung himself, when the latter went on board his

ship to bid him farewell on his departure from Wuchang." And again, a

few days later: "Our late Governor, H.E. Tan, is reported dead. The

native story is that he took the execution of his son at Peking and

his own degradation so much to heart, that he committed suicide on his

way home."

It is related that none of the victims conducted themselves otherwise

than as heroes, excepting only the Censor, who was so utterly

astounded at the fate befalling him as to plead with his executioners.

He had never known Kang, said he had taken part in no plot, and wept

bitterly as he was hurried through the streets. It is related also

that all were given decent burial with the exception of Kang's own

young brother, whose body no man dared touch.

Kang Yü-wei's ancestral home is in the small village of Fangchun,

right opposite the walls of Canton City, and separated from it by the

Pearl River. Late on the night of September 23rd the quiet village

was all excitement at the sudden disappearance of all the members of

Kang's clan, leaving no trace of their whereabouts. Explanations came,

however, the next morning, when a force of runners from the district

magistrate made their appearance in the village, and, surrounding the

old Kang homestead, began searching for the inmates. Only four persons

were found in the place, consisting of farm-hands, and these were

taken across the river into the city by the runners for want of more

important prisoners.

Kang's uncle, who kept a large grain shop in Canton, had a narrow

escape from arrest, the warning to get away arriving only a few

minutes before the police made their appearance, while his employés

also got away in the nick of time. The premises were then sealed up,

as also was the ancestral hall of the Kang clan in their native

village of Fangchun. A flourishing school established by Kang in the

old city temple of Canton was also sealed by the local authorities,

but fortunately for the twenty-odd scholars there they received

warning and escaped before the _yamen_ runners made their appearance.

Mr. Liang, the editor of _Chinese Progress_, was warned by Kang in

time to fly himself, but four of his relatives had been captured. It

was under the agitation of all these events that Kang Yü-wei wrote the

following letter, which only one Chinese newspaper had the courage to

publish. Perhaps, considering what has followed, it is kinder to

suppress its name.

AN OPEN LETTER FROM KANG YÜ-WEI.

"RESPECTED SENIORS,--

"The overpowering calamity which fell from Heaven on the fatal 5th day

of the 8th moon (20th September), bringing such unexpected and fearful

changes over the empire by the usurpation of the Imperial power by the

antitype of those vile and licentious ancient Empresses Lü and Wu,

followed by the deposition and imprisonment of our true Sovereign,

causing thereby heaven and earth to change places and obliterating the

lights of the sun and moon from his Majesty's loyal subjects, have, I

know, filled with universal indignation the hearts of the people.

"Our youthful Emperor's intelligence and enthusiasm made him bend his

energies to inaugurate new measures of reform for the country, to be

put into practice in due time one after the other, and all who owed

his Majesty loyalty and allegiance learning this raised our hands to

our heads with pleasure and danced with joy. The False One [or

Usurper] attempted to introduce avarice and licentiousness into the

Palace, in order to tempt our Sovereign to destruction; but his

Majesty spurned them with scorn, and these evils were unable to defile

the Palace atmosphere. Then one or two traitors of the Conservative

element, finding their objects prevented, threw themselves prostrate

around the Usurper and besought her to resume the reins of power.

(_Note._--Owing to the cashiering of Huai Ta-pu, President of the

Board of Rites, and his colleagues, Huai and Jung Lu were at the

bottom of the whole plot.) The False One then, contrary to all rights

of heaven and earth, seized the reins of power and issued a forged

edict calling for physicians for his Majesty, thereby foreshadowing

that the Emperor would be poisoned. To-day, therefore, we know not

whether his Majesty be alive or dead. This indeed is that which makes

gods and men indignant and feel that heaven and earth will never

pardon nor allow such to triumph long.

"This Usurper, when she came into power in former years, poisoned the

Eastern Empress-Consort of Hien Fêng; she murdered with poisoned wine

the Empress of Tung Chih; and by her acts made the late Emperor Hien

Fêng die of spleen and indignation. And now she has dared to depose

and imprison our true Sovereign. Her crime is great and extreme in its

wickedness. There has never been a worse deed. Although the writer,

your humble servant, and Lin, Yang, Tan, and Liu [four of the six

martyrs] all received his Majesty's commands in his last extremity,

we, alas! have not the power and strength of Hsü Chin-yi [who restored

the Emperor Tsung-chung to the throne after deposing the Empress Wu

Tsêh-tien of the Tʽang Dynasty], but can only emulate the example of

Shên Pao-sü in weeping. [This was a minister of Tsʽu (Hunan), who over

two thousand years ago went weeping to beseech the powerful King of

Chin (Shensi) to avenge the deposition of his master the King of Tsʽu,

and by his importunity succeeded in carrying his point.]

"I, therefore, now send you copies of his Majesty's two secret edicts

to me, and crave your assistance in publishing them to the whole world

either in the Chinese or foreign newspapers. This will, I earnestly

trust, bring strong arms to our Sovereign's rescue. His Majesty has

always accepted the fiat of his ancestors in recognising the mother

who bore him as his own mother, and not an Imperial concubine as his

mother. The False One in relation to the Emperor Tung Chih was the

latter's mother; but as regards his Majesty Kwang-shü, our Sovereign,

she is but a former Emperor's concubine-relict [Hien Fêng's].

According to the tenets of the _Spring and Autumn Records_ (written by

Confucius), although Queen Wên Chiang was the mother of King Chuang of

Lu, yet that did not save her from being imprisoned by her own son on

account of her licentious conduct; much more in the present case,

then, should punishment be administered to one who was but merely a

Palace concubine. What right had this woman to depose our bright and

sagacious Emperor? If this could be clearly set forth in the Chinese

and foreign newspapers and be published to the world, I verily believe

that from Peking to Yunnan and the sixteen ancient divisions of China

some hero must surely arise to avenge our Sovereign. With my humble

compliments,

"(Signed) KANG YÜ-WEI."

[Illustration: FERRY AT ICHANG.

_By Mrs. Archibald Little._]

It is hardly necessary to comment upon the extreme pathos of the

letters of this young man of twenty-seven, for twenty-three years

nominal Emperor of China, but now, at the first attempt to take the

power into his own hands, summarily deposed. It is believed that it

was his attempt to summon soldiery to his aid that led to the

Empress's _coup d'état_. Some say the Reform party were advising that

the Empress-Dowager should be asked to retire to a palace in the

country.

"The following is the list of the proposed 'Council of Ten' who were

to have assembled daily in the Maoching Throne-hall to advise the

Emperor on reform measures, as given by the _Sinwênpao_:

"1. Li Tuan-fên (President of the Board of Rites to be President of

the Council).

"2. Hsü Chih-ching (Senior Reader of the Hanlin Academy, and at the

time of his disgrace acting Vice-President of the Board of Rites).

"3. Kang Yü-wei (Junior Secretary of the Board of Works and a

Secretary of the Tsung-li Yamen).

"4. Yang Shen-hsiu (Censor of the Kiangnan Circuit).

"5. Sung Peh-lu (Censor of the Shantung Circuit).

"6. Hsü Jên-chu (Literary Chancellor of Hunan).

"7. Chang Yuan-chi (Hanlin Compiler).

"8. Liang Chi-chao (M.A., ex-editor of _Chinese Progress_).

"9. Kang Kuang-jên (M.A., and younger brother of Kang Yü-wei).

"10. Hsü Jên-ching (Hanlin Bachelor, son of Hsü Chih-ching and brother

of Hsü Jên-chu).

"With reference to the punishments meted out to the above-noted ten:

(1) Li Tuan-fên was cashiered and banished to Kashgaria for ever; (2)

Hsü Chih-ching, imprisoned in the dungeons of the Board of Punishments

for life; (3) Kang Yü-wei, proscribed and ordered to be sliced to

pieces at moment of capture; his family to suffer death, together

with his uncles, aunts, and cousins, and their ancestral graves to be

razed; (4) Vang Shen-hsiu, one of the Martyred Six; (5) Sung Peh-lu,

disappeared the day he was cashiered and dismissed for ever--September

23rd--but is reported to have been captured afterwards while

travelling overland for the South; (6) Hsü Jên-chu, cashiered and

dismissed for ever; (7) Chang Yuan-chi, a man of great wealth, also

cashiered and dismissed for ever; (8) Liang Chi-chao, proscribed and

now a refugee in Japan; (9) Kang Kuang-jên, one of the Martyred Six;

and (10) Hsü Jên-ching, also cashiered and dismissed for ever. As for

Li and Hsü, the first and second of the list given above, their place

would also have been by the side of the Martyred Six on the fatal

evening of the 28th ultimo, had they not been aged men, high in rank.

"It is reported from reliable sources at Peking that on the day of the

Empress-Dowager's _coup d'état_ (September 22nd) no less than fourteen

eunuchs who were the Emperor's own personal attendants, and on whose

devotion he was in the habit of relying, were ordered to execution by

the Empress-Dowager. The reason given why this sanguinary deed has not

become widely known is that the executions took place in the courtyard

of the chief eunuch's office, inside the Palace grounds, where

refractory and rebellious eunuchs are always attended to, unknown to

the outside world."

It is not surprising that, according to the Peking correspondent of

the _Sinwênpao_, in October, 1898, a great fear of some impending

disaster seemed to have fallen over the capital, and numbers of houses

had the words "_Speak not of State Affairs_" written on slips of red

paper posted over the lintels of each household; the idea being that

something must have very recently happened in the Palace at Eho Park,

which the powers that be desired to keep secret from the world for the

time being.

The railway had been crowded the past week with officials from the

provinces returning to their homes. They were afraid to remain where

every word they uttered was liable to be considered treason. When they

reached their homes, we may expect their reports to their friends and

adherents would not increase their loyalty to the Manchu Dynasty.

And yet, in spite of all this, people are surprised that the young man

of twenty-seven, without funds, without an army, did not assert

himself more. The silence of Kwang-shü is perhaps the noblest action

of a much-enduring life.

There was a pathetic story current in Peking that he contrived once to

escape from his prison in the island at the Southern Lakes, Eho Park,

where he had been confined by the Empress-Dowager since the _coup

d'état_; but that when he got to the Park gates, the Imperial guards,

all creatures of the Empress-Dowager, shut the great gates in his

face. A crowd of eunuchs, who dared not offer his person any violence

or attempt to use force in preventing his walking to the Park gates,

followed him in a body, and upon the gates being closed they all

knelt in front of the Emperor beseeching him with tears to have mercy

on them and not attempt to escape, for it would mean the death of all

of them as well as of the guardsmen at the gates were he to do so. The

guardsmen also _kʽotowed_ and joined in the general prayer, while on

the other hand they sent one of their number to apprise the

Empress-Dowager of the matter. The Emperor finally took pity on his

suppliant subjects, and quietly returned to his prison.

To Europeans this may seem too strange to be true; to those who know

China it is so Chinese as to seem probable. That an Emperor should be

moved by the tears of his subjects is what Chinese would expect.

It must be remembered that Kang escaped through the intervention of

British Consuls, by the protection of a British man-of-war, and was

lodged for safety in the gaol at Hongkong at first. Thence he

proceeded to Japan, where other Chinese reformers had preceded him,

under Japanese protection. The _North China Herald_ of October 3rd,

1898, publishes the following tribute of gratitude from the

fellow-provincials of Kang Yü-wei to the Consuls, Admiral, and people

of the "Great Empire of Great Britain," for saving Kang from the

clutches of the opponents of reform, purporting to represent the

sentiments of the Shanghai Cantonese:--The contents of the post

envelope were (1) a red card with the words, "Presented with bowed

heads by the people of Kwangtung (Canton) Province"; (2) another red

card bearing the words, "The people of Kwangtung Province

reverentially beg to present their united thanks to the people of the

great, unequalled Empire of Great Britain for this proof of loyalty,

kindness, majesty, courage, and love of strict justice"; and (3) a

sheet of letter paper containing the words, "We, the people of

Kwangtung Province, crave permission to express our deep gratitude to

their Excellencies the Consuls and the Admiral of the Great Empire of

Great Britain for their great kindness to us.

"Reverentially presented by the people of Kwangtung

Province.

"We further beg the editor of the _North China Daily News_ to give

publicity to the above in its valuable columns, and hope personally to

give thanks therefor."

Since then, on October 31st, 1898, the following memorial was

presented to the British Consul-General, Mr. Brenan. He could not, as

an official, receive it, but the pathetic document cannot but be read

with interest.

"SIR,--The avarice and extortions of the mandarins of China and their

underlings were the cause of the Emperor's estrangement from his

people; and it was this estrangement that has led to his present

weakness and their distress.

"Recognising the need for reform, the Emperor in his wisdom and good

judgment began, during the fifth moon of the present year, to issue

edicts, having for their object the complete renovation of the

Empire. The main subjects dealt with were as follows:

"1. The substitution of men of modern ideas and learning for old and

useless officials.

"2. The establishment of colleges and technical schools for the

advancement of scientific knowledge, after the most approved methods

of Western nations.

"3. Conferring the right to memorialise the Throne direct upon all

officials throughout the empire, without distinction of rank.

"4. The abrogation of the classical essay system of examinations for

degrees and offices.

"The above edicts caused much rejoicing among the people, who

recognised in them a great power for the immediate uplifting of the

empire, and its future prosperity.

"We, your memorialists, are firmly convinced that if the reforms

embodied in the Imperial Edicts could have been put into operation for

twenty or thirty years, great and beneficial changes would have been

brought about, which would have resulted in the entire change of the

customs of the land, and establishment of better relations with the

West. Thus we could have looked forward confidently to the

inauguration of an era of universal peace.

"But now, through the machinations of evil men and the short-sighted

policy of the Empress-Dowager, our Emperor has been imprisoned, the

lives of many faithful officers have been ruthlessly taken, and all

the Imperial Edicts calling for reform have been revoked. All

educational societies have been interdicted, and the native newspapers

have been suppressed. Moreover, the lives of all those favourable to

reform are in the gravest danger.

"We, your memorialists, being loyal Chinese subjects, regard with

great indignation such unwarrantable action on the part of the

Empress-Dowager; but we have no power to rectify this unhappy state of

affairs.

"Therefore we pray you, sir, according to that equity which is

recognised among all nations, to pity China in her distress, by

sending a cablegram to the Government, urging your people to assist us

by restoring the Emperor to his rightful throne, and by filling the

offices of State with faithful and enlightened men.

"Thus will the renovation of China be due to the favour of your

Sovereign Ruler, and to you, sir, who forwarded the memorial.

"_P.S._--Chinese officialdom is at present divided into two classes,

the old and new--Conservatives and Reformers. The former have placed

their reliance on Russia to help them, in return for which Russia will

gain enlarged territory. The Reformers look to Great Britain and the

United States for help, knowing that the policy of these two nations

is to keep the Chinese Empire intact. Should the reactionists triumph

in their present schemes, there is no power that will prevent the

division of China among all the nations of the earth. The Reformers

have no power. They can only weep at their country's distress, while

they present this memorial asking for your honourable country's

assistance. The first thing to be done is to liberate the Emperor and

to restore him to power, and to remove the Empress-Dowager. A

proclamation from the Emperor calling his people to his protection

would be loyally responded to by all his faithful subjects throughout

the land.

"A joint memorial from the scholars--_literati_--of China.

"24th Year of H.M. Kwang-shü,

"9th moon, 17th day.

"(October 31st, 1898)."

An attempt has been made to show that the Reform party, with the young

Emperor Kwang-shü at their head, brought on themselves all that has

happened by urging foolish reforms, and moving too fast. A slight

summary of the Emperor's decrees will show that all he had done was

for China's good.

[Illustration: APPROACH TO MING EMPEROR'S TOMB, NANKING.]

_June 13th, 1898._--The Emperor issued a decree commanding the

establishment of a University at Peking, and also ordered Kang Yü-wei

to appear at a special audience.

_June 15th._--He dismissed his tutor, Wêng Tung-ho, and announced his

intention of sending some of the Imperial Clansmen and Princes to

travel abroad and learn.

_June 20th._--He ordered the Tsung-li Yamen to report on the necessity

of encouraging art, science, and modern agriculture. It was ordered

that the construction of the Lu-han railway should be expedited.

_June 23rd._--The classical essays were abolished as a necessary part

of examinations.

_June 27th._--The Ministers and Princes were ordered to report on the

proposal to adopt Western arms and drill for all the Tartar troops.

_July 4th._--The establishment of agricultural schools in the

provinces to teach the farmers improved methods of agriculture was

commanded; and on the same day the liberal-minded Sun Chia-nai was

appointed President of the Peking University.

_July 5th._--The Emperor ordered the introduction of patent and

copyright laws.

_July 6th._--The Board of War and the Tsung-li Yamen were ordered to

report on the proposed reform of military examinations.

_July 7th._--Special rewards were promised to inventors and authors.

_July 14th._--Officials were ordered to do all in their power to

encourage trade and assist merchants.

_July 29th._--On the recommendation of Li Tuan-fên, since banished to

Kashgaria by the Empress Tze Hsi, the establishment of educational

boards was ordered in every city throughout the empire.

_August 2nd._--The Bureau of Mines and Railways was established.

_August 9th._--Journalists were encouraged to write on political

subjects for the enlightenment of the authorities.

_August 10th._--Jung Lu and Lin Kun-yi were directed to consult on the

establishment of naval academies and training-ships.

_August 22nd._--It was ordered that schools should be established in

connection with Chinese Legations abroad, for the benefit of the sons

of Chinese settled in foreign countries.

_August 24th._--Ministers and Provincial Authorities were urged to

assist the Emperor in his work of reform.

_August 28th._--The Viceroys Lin Kun-yi and Chang-chih-tung were

ordered to establish commercial bureaux for the encouragement of trade

in Shanghai and Hankow.

_September 1st._--Six minor and useless boards in Peking were

abolished.

_September 7th._--Li Hung-chang and Ching Hsin were dismissed from the

Tsung-li Yamen, and the issue of _chao-hsin_ bonds was stopped,

because the provincial authorities had used them to squeeze the

people.

_September 8th._--The governorships of Hupeh, Kwangtung, and Yunnan

were abolished as a useless expense.

_September 11th._--The establishment of schools of instruction in the

preparation of tea and silk was approved.

_September 12th._--The Tsung-li Yamen and Board of War were ordered to

report on the suggestion that the Imperial Courier posts should be

abolished in favour of the Imperial Customs post; and the

establishment of newspapers was encouraged.

_September 13th._--The general right to memorialise the Throne by

closed memorials was granted; and on the same date Manchus who had no

taste for civil or military office were allowed to take up trades or

professions.

_September 14th._--The two Presidents and four Vice-Presidents of the

Board of Rites were dismissed for disobeying the Emperor's order that

memorials should be sent to him unopened, whatever their source.

_September 15th._--The system of budgets as in Western countries was

approved.

It will be at once evident that the Emperor and his party had raised

up many powerful enemies, and should--had they been wise--have secured

the assistance of the army in the first instance. It was when they

attempted to secure troops that the end came. It is also evident that

several of the reforms were what every one would agree are absolutely

necessary for China; and although they may have made too many at once,

the exact rate at which reforms can be successfully carried has never

been calculated. Nor is there any evidence even yet that they were

going too fast for the country. They would always have moved too fast

for the officials whose offices they abolished. At the same time there

is a certain sort of _doctrinaire_ flavour about this multiplicity of

schools started at once, and encouragement given to newspaper writers.

Since then the Empress-Dowager has in her own name gone rather further

in the opposite direction--and raised up a yet larger number of

enemies--forbidding the establishment of societies of any sort, and

ordering the officials to arrest the members and punish them according

to their responsibilities. The chiefs are to be executed summarily,

and the less responsible banished into perpetual exile. This affects

the Patriotic Association, as also the new societies that were formed

for the engaging of teachers and purchase of scientific books after

the Emperor's decree doing away with the five-chapter essay, and

ordering that mathematics should be an essential subject in

examination. The Empress has also suppressed all newspapers, and

summarily sentenced their editors to death. She has also ordered that

no further steps should be taken to drill or arm the soldiery

according to Western methods, but that they should revert to bows and

arrows, and to the contests in running and lifting heavy weights of

ancient usage. The Emperor had signified his intention of presiding at

the next military examinations, which were to have been in

target-shooting with modern weapons of precision. The Empress has now

announced that, instead of this, not even the candidates need present

themselves at Court. And all the promising schemes for opening lower

and middle schools of Western learning are nipped in the bud--those

for girls, as before mentioned, in Shanghai, having for safety been

put under foreign management.

The most powerful man in China for the moment seems to be Jung Lu, a

Manchu who has spent most of his life in military offices at Peking,

but was at one time general in Shensi, and as Viceroy of Chihli--the

office so long held by Li Hung-chang--was much liked by foreigners at

Tientsin. He is reported, however, not to have slept for two nights

with anxiety as to what the British fleet was doing at Pehtaiho just

before the _coup d'état_; and if that is the case, he is not a man of

that iron stuff that his mistress will long be able to lean upon. The

real power behind the Throne, according to Kang, is a sham eunuch, Li

Luen-yên, the man whom every one who wants an audience has for years

past had to bribe heavily. Li Hung-chang, the Empress's firm adherent

during all her long tenure of power, is beginning to be known in

England. Of Shêng, once his creature, but who managed during Li's

absence in Europe to attain such lucrative posts as to look down upon

his former patron, the following story is told. His health never being

very good, Shêng had been accustomed to get leave of absence from

Tientsin in winter, and go to enjoy himself in his native city of

Soochow, the Paris of China, and with also a much softer climate.

During the Japanese War it was felt impossible to give a man in such

high place leave of absence. But he was dispensed from regular

official work, and allowed therefore to close the public offices under

his control. This was done, and they were reopened by him as

gambling-houses, where every man of business in Tientsin must lose his

money if he hoped to put through a job or a contract under the corrupt

administration of Shêng. It may be remembered the British Government

demanded the latter's head a few years ago; but, as in the case of

Chou Han, who disseminated the vile anti-Christian publications from

Hunan, their demands were put off by being told he was either not to

be found, or mad, or something or other. It is men like this that

must corrupt any nation in which they hold high power. It is men like

this who are always ready to receive high bribes from foreign powers.

The countries that wish to see China decadent, feeble, torn by

internal divisions, and under their control, have a direct interest in

supporting the late Dowager, now usurping Empress, Tze Hsi, and the

men who rally round her.

But those who do not wish to appropriate Chinese territory, but rather

that both the Chinese and themselves should enjoy tranquillity, so as

to develop each their own territories to their highest capacity, must

wish to see in power men like Chang-chih-tung, the one Viceroy never

even accused of peculation, and _who never visits Peking_, and other

men of high aims and upright conduct--making mistakes possibly, but at

least trying their best to elevate and guide the most peace-loving and

law abiding people that ever existed. The Chinese may, as Lord

Wolseley has predicted, make good soldiers some day. But from time

immemorial they have despised war. And as in our men-of-war I have

heard that in battles in old days mattresses would be hung over the

ships' sides to protect them, so we might do worse than interpose

between fiery, mysterious India and the other nations of Asia the

impenetrable, apparently yielding, but never really yielding, big

feather-bed of vigorous, healthy China, relieved from her corrupt and

disastrous Mandarin system, with her men's minds freed from the

cramping influence of a too ancient system of education, and her women

set upon their feet so as to be once more able to bear noble sons.

With all the nations of the West contending who is to have its bones

to pick, it is necessary that some nation or nations should in the

first instance stand by China. But once let some great Western nation

make it plain to the world that he who attacks China attacks her, and

there will be no attack. And let China's feet but once be set firmly

in the ways of progress, and there will be no going back.

I conclude with the words of the man whom I believe to be the wisest

statesman of the day, although to my mind he too often lacks the

decision to act in accordance with his own judgment. Lord Salisbury in

June, 1898, said: "If I am asked what our policy in China is, my

answer is very simple. It is to maintain the Chinese Empire, to

prevent it from falling into ruins, to invite it into paths of reform,

and to give it every assistance which we are able to give it, to

perfect its defence or to increase its commercial prosperity. By so

doing we shall be aiding its cause and our own." Excepting through the

Victoria College, years ago established in Hongkong, where and when,

may I ask, has the British Government acted on this policy laid down

by the Prime Minister with the strongest following of any Minister of

modern times?

_Printed by Hazell, Watson, & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury._

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