it is with the greatest satisfaction I learn from all quarters that my
inaugural address is considered as holding out a ground for conciliation
and union. I am the more pleased with this, because the opinion therein
stated as to the real ground of difference among us (to wit: the measures
rendered most expedient by French enormities), is that which I have long
entertained. I was always satisfied that the great body of those called
federalists were real republicans as well as federalists. I know, indeed,
there are monarchists among us. One character of these is in theory
only, and perfectly acquiescent in our form of government as it is, and
not entertaining a thought of destroying it merely on their theoretical
opinions. A second class, at the head of which is our quondam colleague,
are ardent for introduction of monarchy, eager for armies, making more
noise for a great naval establishment than better patriots, who wish
it on a rational scale only, commensurate to our wants and our means.
This last class ought to be tolerated, but not trusted. Believing that
(excepting the ardent monarchists) all our citizens agreed in ancient
whig principles, I thought it advisable to define and declare them, and
let them see the ground on which we could rally. And the fact proving
to be so, that they agree in these principles, I shall pursue them with
more encouragement. I am aware that the necessity of a few removals for
legal oppressions, delinquencies, and other official malversations, may
be misconstrued as done for political opinions, and produce hesitation in
the coalition so much to be desired; but the extent of these will be too
limited to make permanent impressions. In the class of removals, however,
I do not rank the new appointments which Mr. A. crowded in with whip and
spur from the 12th of December, when the event of the election was known,
and, consequently, that he was making appointments, not for himself,
but his successor, until 9 o'clock of the night, at 12 o'clock of which
he was to go out of office. This outrage on decency should not have its
effect, except in the life appointments which are irremovable; but as to
the others I consider the nominations as nullities, and will not view
the persons appointed as even candidates for _their_ office, much less
as possessing it by any title meriting respect. I mention these things
that the grounds and extent of the removals may be understood, and may
not disturb the tendency to union. Indeed that union is already effected,
from New York southwardly, almost completely. In the New England States
it will be slower than elsewhere, from particular circumstances better
known to yourself than me. But we will go on attending with the utmost
solicitude to their interests, doing them impartial justice, and I have no
doubt they will in time do justice to us. I have opened myself frankly,
because I wish to be understood by those who mean well, and are disposed
to be just towards me, as you are, and because I know you will use it for
good purposes only, and for none unfriendly to me. I leave this place in
a few days to make a short excursion home, but some domestic arrangements
are necessary previous to my final removal here, which will be about the
latter end of April. Be so good as to present my respects to Mrs. Knox,
and accept yourself assurances of my high consideration and esteem.
TO MESSRS. EDDY, RUSSEL, THURBER, WHEATON, AND SMITH.
WASHINGTON. March 27, 1801.
GENTLEMEN,--I return my sincere thanks for your kind congratulations
on my elevation to the first magistracy of the United States. I see
with pleasure every evidence of the attachment of my fellow citizens to
elective government, calculated to promote their happiness, peculiarly
adapted to their genius, habits, and situation, and the best permanent
corrective of the errors or abuses of those interests with power. The
Constitution on which our union rests, shall be administered by me
according to the safe and honest meaning contemplated by the plain
understanding of the people of the United States, at the time of its
adoption,--a meaning to be found in the explanations of those who
advocated, not those who opposed it, and who opposed it merely least the
constructions should be applied which they denounced as possible. These
explanations are preserved in the publications of the time, and are too
recent in the memories of most men to admit of question. The energies of
the nation, as depends on me, shall be reserved for improvement of the
condition of man, not wasted in his distinction. The lamentable resource
of war is not authorized for evils of imagination, but for those actual
injuries only, which would be more destructive of our well-being than war
itself. Peace, justice, and liberal intercourse with all the nations of
the world, will, I hope, with all nations, characterize this commonwealth.
Accept for yourselves, gentlemen, and the respectable citizens of the town
of Providence, assurances of my high consideration and respect.
TO MR. GEORGE JEFFERSON.
WASHINGTON, March 27, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of yours of March 4th, and to
express to you the delight with which I found the just, disinterested, and
honorable point of view in which you saw the proposition it covered. The
resolution you so properly approved had long been formed in my mind. The
public will never be made to believe that an appointment of a relative is
made on the ground of merit alone, uninfluenced by family views; nor can
they ever see with approbation offices, the disposal of which they entrust
to their Presidents for public purposes, divided out as family property.
Mr. Adams degraded himself infinitely by his conduct on this subject, as
General Washington had done himself the greatest honor. With two such
examples to proceed by, I should be doubly inexcusable to err. It is
true that this places the relations of the President in a worse situation
than if he were a stranger, but the public good, which cannot be affected
if its confidence be lost, requires this sacrifice. Perhaps, too, it is
compensated by sharing in the public esteem. I could not be satisfied till
I assured you of the increased esteem with which this transaction fills me
for you. Accept my affectionate expressions of it.
TO SAMUEL ADAMS.
WASHINGTON, March 29, 1801.
I addressed a letter to you, my very dear and ancient friend, on the 4th
of March: not indeed to you by name, but through the medium of some of
my fellow citizens, whom occasion called on me to address. In meditating
the matter of that address, I often asked myself, is this exactly in the
spirit of the patriarch, Samuel Adams? Is it as he would express it? Will
he approve of it? I have felt a great deal for our country in the times
we have seen. But individually for no one so much as yourself. When I
have been told that you were avoided, insulted, frowned on, I could but
ejaculate, 'Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do.' I
confess I felt an indignation for you, which for myself I have been able,
under every trial, to keep entirely passive. However, the storm is over,
and we are in port. The ship was not rigged for the service she was put
on. We will show the smoothness of her motions on her republican tack. I
hope we shall once more see harmony restored among our citizens, and an
entire oblivion of past feuds. Some of the leaders who have most committed
themselves cannot come into this. But I hope the great body of our fellow
citizens will do it. I will sacrifice everything but principle to procure
it. A few examples of justice on officers who have perverted their
functions to the oppression of their fellow citizens, must, in justice
to those citizens, be made. But opinion, and the just maintenance of it,
shall never be a crime in my view: nor bring injury on the individual.
Those whose misconduct in office ought to have produced their removal
even by my predecessor, must not be protected by the delicacy due only to
honest men. How much I lament that time has deprived me of your aid. It
would have been a day of glory which should have called you to the first
office of the administration. But give us your counsel my friend, and give
us your blessing; and be assured that there exists not in the heart of man
a more faithful esteem than mine to you, and that I shall ever bear you
the most affectionate veneration and respect.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
WASHINGTON, March 29, 1801.
MY DEAR SIR,--Your two letters of January the 15th and February the 24th,
came safely to hand, and I thank you for the history of a transaction
which will ever be interesting in our affairs. It has been very precisely
as I had imagined. I thought, on your return, that if you had come forward
boldly, and appealed to the public by a full statement, it would have had
a great effect in your favor personally, and that of the republican cause
then oppressed almost unto death. But I judged from a tact of the southern
pulse. I suspect that of the north was different and decided your conduct;
and perhaps it has been as well. If the revolution of sentiment has been
later, it has perhaps been not less sure. At length it has arrived. What
with the natural current of opinion which has been setting over to us
for eighteen months, and the immense impetus which was given it from the
11th to the 17th of February, we may now say that the United States from
New York southwardly, are as unanimous in the principles of '76, as they
were in '76. The only difference is, that the leaders who remain behind
are more numerous and bolder than the apostles of toryism in '76. The
reason is, that we are now justly more tolerant than we could safely have
been then, circumstanced as we were. Your part of the Union though as
absolutely republican as ours, had drunk deeper of the delusion, and is
therefore slower in recovering from it. The ægis of government, and the
temples of religion and of justice, have all been prostituted there to
toll us back to the times when we burnt witches. But your people will rise
again. They will awake like Sampson from his sleep, and carry away the
gates and posts of the city. You, my friend, are destined to rally them
again under their former banner, and when called to the post, exercise
it with firmness and with inflexible adherence to your own principles.
The people will support you, notwithstanding the howlings of the ravenous
crew from whose jaws they are escaping. It will be a great blessing to
our country if we can once more restore harmony and social love among
its citizens. I confess, as to myself, it is almost the first object of
my heart, and one to which I would sacrifice everything but principle.
With the people I have hopes of effecting it. But their Coryphæi are
incurables. I expect little from them.
I was not deluded by the eulogiums of the public papers in the first
moments of change. If they could have continued to get all the loaves and
fishes, that is, if I would have gone over to them, they would continue
to eulogise. But I well knew that the moment that such removals should
take place, as the justice of the preceding administration ought to have
executed, their hue and cry would be set up, and they would take their old
stand. I shall disregard that also. Mr. Adams' last appointments, when
he knew he was naming counsellors and aids for me and not for himself,
I set aside as far as depends on me. Officers who have been guilty of
gross abuses of office, such as marshals packing juries, &c., I shall now
remove, as my predecessor ought in justice to have done. The instances
will be few, and governed by strict rule, and not party passion. The right
of opinion shall suffer no invasion from me. Those who have acted well
have nothing to fear, however they may have differed from me in opinion:
those who have done ill, however, have nothing to hope; nor shall I fail
to do justice lest it should be ascribed to that difference of opinion.
A coalition of sentiments is not for the interest of the printers. They,
like the clergy, live by the zeal they can kindle, and the schisms they
can create. It is contest of opinion in politics as well as religion which
makes us take great interest in them, and bestow our money liberally
on those who furnish aliment to our appetite. The mild and simple
principles of the Christian philosophy would produce too much calm, too
much regularity of good, to extract from its disciples a support from a
numerous priesthood, were they not to sophisticate it, ramify it, split
it into hairs, and twist its texts till they cover the divine morality of
its author with mysteries, and require a priesthood to explain them. The
Quakers seem to have discovered this. They have no priests, therefore no
schisms. They judge of the text by the dictates of common sense and common
morality. So the printers can never leave us in a state of perfect rest
and union of opinion. They would be no longer useful, and would have to
go to the plough. In the first moments of quietude which have succeeded
the election, they seem to have aroused their lying faculties beyond their
ordinary state, to re-agitate the public mind. What appointments to office
have they detailed which had never been thought of, merely to found a text
for their calumniating commentaries. However, the steady character of our
countrymen is a rock to which we may safely moor; and notwithstanding the
efforts of the papers to disseminate early discontents, I expect that a
just, dispassionate and steady conduct, will at length rally to a proper
system the great body of our country. Unequivocal in principle, reasonable
in manner, we shall be able I hope to do a great deal of good to the cause
of freedom and harmony. I shall be happy to hear from you often, to know
your own sentiments and those of others on the course of things, and to
concur with you in efforts for the common good. Your letters through the
post will not come safely. Present my best respects to Mrs. Gerry, and
accept yourself assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration.
TO DOCTOR WALTER JONES.
WASHINGTON, March 31, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--I was already almost in the act of mounting my horse for
a short excursion home, when your favor of the 14th was put into my
hands. I stop barely to acknowledge it, and to thank you for your kind
congratulations, and still more for your interesting observations on the
course of things. I am sensible how far I should fall short of effecting
all the reformation which reason would suggest, and experience approve,
were I free to do whatever I thought best; but when we reflect how
difficult it is to move or inflect the great machine of society, how
impossible to advance the notions of a whole people suddenly to ideal
right, we see the wisdom of Solon's remark, that no more good must be
attempted than the nation can bear, and that all will be chiefly to reform
the waste of public money, and thus drive away the vultures who prey
upon it, and improve some little on old routines. Some new fences for
securing constitutional rights may, with the aid of a good legislature,
perhaps be attainable. I am going home for three weeks, to make some final
arrangements there for my removal hither. Mr. Madison and Mr. Gallatin
will be here by the last of the month. Dearborne and Lincoln remain here;
and General Smith entered yesterday on the naval department, but only
_pro tempore_, and to give me time to look for what cannot be obtained--a
prominent officer, equal and willing to undertake the duties. Accept
assurances of my constant and affectionate respect.
TO A. STUART, ESQ.
MONTICELLO, April 8, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--I arrived here on the 4th, and expect to stay a fortnight,
in order to make some arrangements preparatory to my final removal
to Washington. You know that the last Congress established a Western
judiciary district in Virginia, comprehending chiefly the Western
counties. Mr. Adams, who continued filling all the offices till nine
o'clock of the night, at twelve of which he was to go out of office
himself, took care to appoint for this district also. The judge, of
course, stands till the law shall be repealed, which we trust will be
at the next Congress. But as to all others, I made it immediately known
that I should consider them as nullities, and appoint others, as I think
I have a preferable right to name agents for my own administration, at
least to the vacancies falling after it was known that Mr. Adams was not
naming for himself. Consequently, we want an attorney and marshal for
the Western district. I have thought of Mr. Coalter, but I am told he
has a clerkship incompatible with it by our laws. I thought also of Hugh
Holmes; but I fear he is so far off, he would not attend the court, which
is to be in Rockbridge, I believe. This is the extent of my personal
knowledge. Pray recommend one to me, as also a marshal; and let them be
the most respectable and unexceptionable possible, and especially let
them be republicans. The only shield for our republican citizens against
the federalism of the courts is to have the attorneys and marshals
republicans. There is nothing I am so anxious about as good nominations,
conscious that the merit as well as reputation of an administration
depends as much on that as on its measures.
Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration and respect.
TO HUGH WHITE, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, May 2, 1801.
SIR,--The satisfaction which, in the name of the foreigners residing
in Beaver County, you are pleased to express in my appointment to
the Presidency of the United States, the expectations you form of the
character of my administration, and your kind wishes for my happiness,
demand my sincere thanks. Born in other countries, yet believing you
could be happy in this, our laws acknowledge, as they should do, your
right to join us in society, conforming, as I doubt not you will do, to
our established rules. That these rules shall be as equal as prudential
considerations will admit, will certainly be the aim of our legislatures,
general and particular. To unequal privileges among members of the same
society the spirit of our nation is, with one accord, adverse. If the
_unexample_ state of the world has in any instance occasioned among us
temporary departures from the system of equal rule, the restoration
of tranquillity will doubtless produce reconsideration; and your own
knowledge of the liberal conduct heretofore observed towards strangers
settling among us will warrant the belief that what is right will be done.
Accept a reciprocation of wishes for your present and future welfare, and
assurances of my high consideration and respect.
TO GIDEON GRANGER.
WASHINGTON, May 3, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 29th of March. Yours of the 25th of that
month, with the address it covered, had not reached this place on the 1st
of April, when I set out on a short visit to my residence in Virginia,
where some arrangements were necessary previous to my settlement here. In
fact, your letter came to me at Monticello only the 24th of April, two
days before my departure from thence. This, I hope, will sufficiently
apologize for the delay of the answer, which those unapprised of these
circumstances will have thought extraordinary.
A new subject of congratulation has arisen. I mean the regeneration of
Rhode Island. I hope it is the beginning of that resurrection of the
genuine spirit of New England which rises for life eternal. According
to natural order, Vermont will emerge next, because least, after Rhode
Island, under the yoke of hierocracy. I have never dreamed that all
opposition was to cease. The clergy, who have missed their union with the
State, the Anglomen, who have missed their union with England, and the
political adventurers, who have lost the chance of swindling and plunder
in the waste of public money, will never cease to bawl, on the breaking up
of their sanctuary. But among the people, the schism is healed, and with
tender treatment the wound will not re-open. Their quondam leaders have
been astounded with the suddenness of the desertion; and their silence and
appearance of acquiescence have proceeded not from a thought of joining
us, but the uncertainty what ground to take. The very first acts of the
administration, the nominations, have accordingly furnished something
to yelp on; and all our subsequent acts will furnish them fresh matter,
because there is nothing against which human ingenuity will not be able to
find something to say.
Accept assurances of my sincere attachment and high respect.
TO NATHANIEL MACON.
WASHINGTON, May 14, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--Your favors of April the 20th and 23d had been received, and
the commission made out for Mr. Potts, before I received the letter of the
1st instant. I have still thought it better to forward the commission,
in the hope that reconsideration, or the influence of yourself and
friends, might induce an acceptance of it. Should it be otherwise, you
must recommend some other good person, as I had rather be guided by your
opinion than that of the person you refer me to. Perhaps Mr. Potts may be
willing to stop the gap till you meet and repeal the law. If he does not,
let me receive a recommendation from you as quickly as possible. And in
all cases, when an office becomes vacant in your State, as the distance
would occasion a great delay were you to wait to be regularly consulted,
I shall be much obliged to you to recommend the best characters. There is
nothing I am so anxious about as making the best possible appointments,
and no case in which the best men are more liable to mislead us, by
yielding to the solicitations of applicants. For this reason your
own spontaneous recommendation would be desirable. Now to answer your
particulars, _seriatim_,--
Levees are done away.
The first communication to the next Congress will be, like all subsequent
ones, by message, to which no answer will be expected.
The diplomatic establishment in Europe will be reduced to three ministers.
The compensations to collectors depend on you, and not on
The army is undergoing a chaste reformation.
The navy will be reduced to the legal establishment by the last of this
month.
Agencies in every department will be revised.
We shall push you to the uttermost in economising.
A very early recommendation had been given to the Post Master General to
employ no printer, foreigner, or revolutionary tory in any of his offices.
This department is still untouched.
The arrival of Mr. Gallatin yesterday, completed the organization of our
administration.
Accept assurances of my sincere esteem and high respect.
TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS.
WASHINGTON, May 26, 1801.
I return my grateful thanks to the General Assembly of the State of Rhode
Island and Providence Plantations, for the congratulations which, on
behalf of themselves and their constituents, they have been pleased to
express on my election to the Chief Magistracy of the United States; and
I learn with pleasure their approbation of the principles declared by me
on that occasion; principles which flowed sincerely from the heart and
judgment, and which, with sincerity, will be pursued. While acting on
them, I ask only to be judged with truth and candor.
To preserve the peace of our fellow citizens, promote their prosperity
and happiness, reunite opinion, cultivate a spirit of candor, moderation,
charity, and forbearance towards one another, are objects calling for
the efforts and sacrifices of every good man and patriot. Our religion
enjoins it; our happiness demands it; and no sacrifice is requisite but of
passions hostile to both.
It is a momentous truth, and happily of universal impression on the public
mind, that our safety rests on the preservation of our Union. Our citizens
have wisely formed themselves into one nation as to others, and several
States as among themselves. To the united nation belongs our external and
mutual relations, to each State severally the care of our persons, our
property, our reputation, and religious freedom. This wise distribution,
if carefully preserved, will prove, I trust from example, that while
smaller governments are better adapted to the ordinary objects of society,
larger confederations more effectually secure independence and the
preservation of republican government.
I am sensible of the great interest which your State justly feels in
the prosperity of commerce. It is of vital interest also to States more
agricultural, whose produce, without commerce, could not be exchanged. As
the handmaid of agriculture therefore, commerce will be cherished by me
both from principle and duty.
Accept, I beseech you, for the General Assembly of the State of Rhode
Island and Providence Plantations, the homage of my high consideration and
respect, and I pray God to have them always in his safe and holy keeping.
TO LEVI LINCOLN.
WASHINGTON, July 11, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 15th came to hand on the 25th of June, and
conveyed a great deal of that information which I am anxious to receive.
The consolidation of our fellow citizens in general is the great object
we ought to keep in view, and that being once obtained, while we associate
with us in affairs, to a certain degree, the federal sect of republicans,
we must strip of all the means of influence the Essex junto, and their
associate monocrats in every part of the Union. The former differ from
us only in the shades of power to be given to the executive, being,
with us, attached to republican government. The latter wish to sap the
republic by fraud, if they cannot destroy it by force, and to erect an
English monarchy in its place; some of them (as Mr. Adams) thinking its
corrupt parts should be cleansed away, others (as Hamilton) thinking that
would make it an impracticable machine. We are proceeding gradually in
the regeneration of offices, and introducing republicans to some share
in them. I do not know that it will be pushed further than was settled
before you went away, except as to Essex men. I must ask you to make out
a list of those in office in yours and the neighboring States, and to
furnish me with it. There is little of this spirit south of the Hudson. I
understand that Jackson is a very determined one, though in private life
amiable and honorable. But amiable monarchists are not safe subjects of
republican confidence. What will be the effect of his removal? How should
it be timed? Who his successor? What place can General Lyman properly
occupy? Our gradual reformations seem to produce good effects everywhere
except in Connecticut. Their late session of legislature has been more
intolerant than all others. We must meet them with equal intolerance. When
they will give a share in the State offices, they shall be replaced in
a share of the General offices. Till then we must follow their example.
Mr. Goodrich's removal has produced a bitter _remonstrance_, with much
personality against the two Bishops. I am sincerely sorry to see the
inflexibility of the _federal_ spirit there, for I cannot believe they are
_all monarchists_.
I observe your tory papers make much of the Berceau. As that is one of
the subjects to be laid before Congress, it is material to commit to
writing, while fresh in memory, the important circumstances. You possess
more of these than any other person. I pray you, therefore, immediately
to state to me all the circumstances you recollect. I will aid you with
the following hints, which you can correct and incorporate. Pichon, I
think, arrived about the 12th of March. I do not remember when he first
proposed the question about the Insurgente and Berceau. On the 20th of
March, Mr. Stoddart wrote to his agent at Boston to put the Berceau into
handsome order to be restored, but whether he did that of his own accord,
or after previous consultation with you or myself, I do not recollect. I
set out for Monticello April the 1st. About that time General Smith sent
new directions to put her precisely into the state in which she was before
the capture. Do you recollect from what fund it was contemplated to do
this? I had trusted for this to Stoddart, who was familiar with all the
funds, being myself entirely new in office at that time. What will those
repairs have cost? Did we not leave to Le Tombe to make what allowance he
thought proper to the officers, we only advancing money on his undertaking
repayment? I shall hope to receive from you as full a statement as you can
make. It may be useful to inquire into the time and circumstances of her
being dismantled. When you shall have retraced the whole matter in your
memory, would it not be well to make a summary statement of the important
circumstances for insertion in the Chronicle, in order to set the minds
of the candid part of the public to rights? Mr. Madison has had a slight
bilious attack. I am advising him to get off by the middle of this month.
We who have stronger constitutions shall stay to the end of it. But during
August and September, we also must take refuge in climates rendered safer
by our habits and confidence. The post will be so arranged as that letters
will go hence to Monticello, and the answer return here in a week. I hope
I shall continue to hear from you there.
Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and high respect.
P. S. The French convention was laid before the Senate December the 16th.
I think the Berceau arrived afterwards. If so, she was dismantled, when it
was known she was to be restored. When did she arrive? By whose orders was
she dismantled?
TO GOVERNOR MONROE.
WASHINGTON, July 11, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--As to the mode of correspondence between the general and
particular executives, I do not think myself a good judge. Not because my
position gives me any prejudice on the occasion; for if it be possible
to be certainly conscious of anything, I am conscious of feeling no
difference between writing to the highest and lowest being on earth;
but because I have ever thought that forms should yield to whatever
should facilitate business. Comparing the two governments together, it
is observable that in all those cases where the independent or reserved
rights of the States are in question, the two executives, if they are
to act together, must be exactly co-ordinate; they are, in these cases,
each the supreme head of an independent government. In other cases, to
wit, those transferred by the Constitution to the General Government,
the general executive is certainly pre-ordinate; _e. g._ in a question
respecting the militia, and others easily to be recollected. Were there,
therefore, to be a stiff adherence to etiquette, I should say that in the
former cases the correspondence should be between the two heads, and that
in the latter, the Governor must be subject to receive orders from the war
department as any other subordinate officer would. And were it observed
that either party set up unjustifiable pretensions, perhaps the other
might be right in opposing them by a tenaciousness of his own rigorous
rights. But I think the practice in General Washington's administration
was most friendly to business, and was absolutely equal; sometimes he
wrote to the Governors, and sometimes the heads of departments wrote.
If a letter is to be on a general subject, I see no reason why the
President should not write; but if it is to go into details, these being
known only to the head of the department, it is better he should write
directly. Otherwise, the correspondence must involve circuities. If this
be practised promiscuously in both classes of cases, each party setting
examples of neglecting etiquette, both will stand on equal ground, and
convenience alone will dictate through whom any particular communication
is to be made. On the whole, I think a free correspondence best, and shall
never hesitate to write myself to the Governors, in every federal case,
where the occasion presents itself to me particularly. Accept assurances
of my sincere and constant affection and respect.
TO ELIAS SHIPMAN AND OTHERS, A COMMITTEE OF THE MERCHANTS OF NEW HAVEN.
WASHINGTON, July 12, 1801.
GENTLEMEN,--I have received the remonstrance you were pleased to address
to me, on the appointment of Samuel Bishop to the office of collector of
New Haven, lately vacated by the death of David Austin. The right of our
fellow citizens to represent to the public functionaries their opinion
on proceedings interesting to them, is unquestionably a constitutional
right, often useful, sometimes necessary, and will always be respectfully
acknowledged by me.
Of the various executive duties, no one excites more anxious concern
than that of placing the interests of our fellow citizens in the hands of
honest men, with understandings sufficient for their stations. No duty, at
the same time, is more difficult to fulfil. The knowledge of characters
possessed by a single individual is, of necessity, limited. To seek out
the best through the whole Union, we must resort to other information,
which, from the best of men, acting disinterestedly and with the purest
motives, is sometimes incorrect. In the case of Samuel Bishop, however,
the subject of your remonstrance, time was taken, information was sought,
and such obtained as could leave no room for doubt of his fitness. From
private sources it was learned that his understanding was sound, his
integrity pure, his character unstained. And the offices confided to him
within his own State, are public evidences of the estimation in which he
is held by the State in general, and the city and township particularly
in which he lives. He is said to be the town clerk, a justice of the
peace, mayor of the city of New Haven, an office held at the will of
the legislature, chief judge of the court of common pleas for New Haven
county, a court of high criminal and civil jurisdiction wherein most
causes are decided without the right of appeal or review, and sole judge
of the court of probates, wherein he singly decides all questions of
wills, settlement of estates, testate and intestate, appoints guardians,
settles their accounts, and in fact has under his jurisdiction and care
all the property real and personal of persons dying. The two last offices,
in the annual gift of the legislature, were given to him in May last. Is
it possible that the man to whom the legislature of Connecticut has so
recently committed trusts of such difficulty and magnitude, is 'unfit to
be the collector of the district of New Haven,' though acknowledged in
the same writing, to have obtained all this confidence 'by a long life
of usefulness?' It is objected, indeed, in the remonstrance, that he is
seventy-seven years of age; but at a much more advanced age, our Franklin
was the ornament of human nature. He may not be able to perform in person,
all the details of his office; but if he gives us the benefit of his
understanding, his integrity, his watchfulness, and takes care that all
the details are well performed by himself or his necessary assistants,
all public purposes will be answered. The remonstrance, indeed, does not
allege that the office _has been_ illy conducted, but only apprehends that
it _will be_ so. Should this happen in event, be assured I will do in it
what shall be just and necessary for the public service. In the meantime,
he should be tried without being prejudged.
The removal, as it is called, of Mr. Goodrich, forms another subject of
complaint. Declarations by myself in favor of _political tolerance_,
exhortations to _harmony_ and affection in social intercourse, and
to respect for the _equal rights_ of the minority, have, on certain
occasions, been quoted and misconstrued into assurances that the tenure of
offices was to be undisturbed. But could candor apply such a construction?
It is not indeed in the remonstrance that we find it; but it leads to the
explanations which that calls for. When it is considered, that during the
late administration, those who were not of a particular sect of politics
were excluded from all office; when, by a steady pursuit of this measure,
nearly the whole offices of the United States were monopolized by that
sect; when the public sentiment at length declared itself, and burst
open the doors of honor and confidence to those whose opinions they more
approved, was it to be imagined that this monopoly of office was still to
be continued in the hands of the minority? Does it violate their _equal
rights_, to assert some rights in the majority also? Is it _political
intolerance_ to claim a proportionate share in the direction of the public
affairs? Can they not _harmonize_ in society unless they have everything
in their own hands? If the will of the nation, manifested by their
various elections, calls for an administration of government according
with the opinions of those elected; if, for the fulfilment of that will,
displacements are necessary, with whom can they so justly begin as with
persons appointed in the last moments of an administration, not for its
own aid, but to begin a career at the same time with their successors,
by whom they had never been approved, and who could scarcely expect from
them a cordial co-operation? Mr. Goodrich was one of these. Was it proper
for him to place himself in office, without knowing whether those whose
agent he was to be would have confidence in his agency? Can the preference
of another, as the successor to Mr. Austin, be candidly called a removal
of Mr. Goodrich? If a due participation of office is a matter of right,
how are vacancies to be obtained? Those by death are few; by resignation,
none. Can any other mode than that of removal be proposed? This is a
painful office; but it is made my duty, and I meet it as such. I proceed
in the operation with deliberation and inquiry, that it may injure the
best men least, and effect the purposes of justice and public utility with
the least private distress; that it may be thrown, as much as possible,
on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on ante-revolutionary
adherence to our enemies.
The remonstrance laments "that a change in the administration must produce
a change in the subordinate officers;" in other words, that it should be
deemed necessary for all officers to think with their principal? But on
whom does this imputation bear? On those who have excluded from office
every shade of opinion which was not theirs? Or on those who have been
so excluded? I lament sincerely that unessential differences of opinion
should ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society
from the rights and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe them
as unworthy of every trust. It would have been to me a circumstance of
great relief, had I found a moderate participation of office in the hands
of the majority. I would gladly have left to time and accident to raise
them to their just share. But their total exclusion calls for prompter
corrections. I shall correct the procedure; but that done, return with joy
to that state of things, when the only questions concerning a candidate
shall be, is he honest? Is he capable? Is he faithful to the Constitution?
I tender you the homage of my high respect.
TO LEVI LINCOLN.
MONTICELLO, August 26, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of July the 28th was received here on the 20th
instant. The superscription of my letter of July the 11th by another hand
was to prevent danger to it from the curious. Your statement respecting
the Berceau coincided with my own recollection, in the circumstances
recollected by me, and I concur with you in supposing it may not now be
necessary to give any explanations on the subject in the papers. The
purchase was made by our predecessors, and the repairs begun by them.
Had she been to continue ours, we were authorized to put and keep her in
good order out of the fund of the naval contingencies; and when in good
order, we obeyed a law of the land, the treaty, in giving her up. It
is true the treaty was not ratified; but when ratified, it is validated
retrospectively. We took on ourselves this risk, but France had put more
into our hands on the same risk. I do not know whether the clamor, as
to the allowance to the French officers of their regular pay, has been
rectified by a statement that it was on the request of the French consul,
and his promise to repay it. So that they cost the United States, on this
arrangement, nothing.
I am glad to learn from you that the answer to New Haven had a good
effect in Massachusetts on the republicans, and no ill effects on the
sincere federalists. I had foreseen, years ago, that the first republican
President who should come into office after all the places in the
government had become exclusively occupied by federalists, would have
a dreadful operation to perform. That the republicans would consent to
a continuation of everything in federal hands, was not to be expected,
because neither just nor politic. On him, then, was to devolve the office
of an executioner, that of lopping off. I cannot say that it has worked
harder than I expected. You know the moderation of our views in this
business, and that we all concurred in them. We determined to proceed with
deliberation. This produced impatience in the republicans, and a belief
we meant to do nothing. Some occasion of public explanation was eagerly
desired, when the New Haven remonstrance offered us that occasion. The
answer was meant as an explanation to our friends. It has had on them,
everywhere, the most wholesome effect. Appearances of schismatizing from
us have been entirely done away. I own I expected it would check the
current with which the republican federalists were returning to their
brethren, the republicans. I extremely lamented this effect; for the
moment which should convince me that a healing of the nation into one is
impracticable, would be the last moment of my wishing to remain where
I am. (Of the monarchical federalists I have no expectations. They are
incurables, to be taken care of in a mad house, if necessary, and on
motives of charity.) I am much pleased, therefore, with your information
that the republican federalists are still coming in to the desired union.
The Eastern newspapers had given me a different impression, because
I supposed the printers knew the taste of their customers, and cooked
their dishes to their palates. The Palladium is understood to be the
_clerical_ paper, and from the clergy I expect no mercy. They crucified
their Saviour, who preached that their kingdom was not of this world; and
all who practise on that precept must expect the extreme of their wrath.
The laws of the present day withhold their hands from blood; but lies and
slander still remain to them.
I am satisfied that the heaping of abuse on me, personally, has been
with the design and the hope of provoking me to make a general sweep of
all federalists out of office. But as I have carried no passion into the
execution of this disagreeable duty, I shall suffer none to be excited.
The clamor which has been raised will not provoke me to remove one more,
nor deter me from removing one less, than if not a word had been said
on the subject. In Massachusetts, you may be assured, great moderation
will be used. Indeed, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and
Delaware, are the only States where anything considerable is desired. In
the course of the summer all which is necessary will be done; and we may
hope that this cause of offence being at an end, the measures we shall
pursue and propose for the amelioration of the public affairs will be so
confessedly salutary as to unite all men not monarchists in principle.
We have considerable hopes of republican senators from South Carolina,
Maryland and Delaware, and some as to Vermont. In any event, we are
secure of a majority in the Senate; and consequently that there will be
a concert of action between the Legislature and executive. The removal
of excrescences from the judiciary is the universal demand. We propose to
re-assemble at Washington on the last day of September. Accept assurances
of my affectionate esteem and high respect.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
MONTICELLO, September 9, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--You will receive, probably by this post, from the Secretary
of State, his final instructions for your mission to France. We have not
thought it necessary to say anything in them on the great question of the
maritime law of nations, which at present agitates Europe; that is to say,
whether free ships shall make free goods; because we do not mean to take
any side in it during the war. But, as I had before communicated to you
some loose thoughts on that subject, and have since considered it with
somewhat more attention, I have thought it might be useful that you should
possess my ideas in a more matured form than that in which they were
before given. Unforeseen circumstances may perhaps oblige you to hazard an
opinion, on some occasion or other, on this subject, and it is better that
it should not be at variance with ours. I write this, too, myself, that
it may not be considered as official, but merely my individual opinion,
unadvised by those official counsellors whose opinions I deem my safest
guide, and should unquestionably take in form, were circumstances to call
for a solemn decision of the question.
When Europe assumed the general form in which it is occupied by the
nations now composing it, and turned its attention to maritime commerce,
we found among its earliest practices, that of taking the goods of
an enemy from the ship of a friend; and that into this practice every
maritime State went sooner or later, as it appeared on the theatre of
the ocean. If, therefore, we are to consider the practice of nations as
the sole and sufficient evidence of the law of nature among nations, we
should unquestionably place this principle among those of the natural
laws. But its inconveniences, as they affected neutral nations peaceably
pursuing their commerce, and its tendency to embroil them with the powers
happening to be at war, and thus to extend the flames of war, induced
nations to introduce by special compacts, from time to time, a more
convenient rule; that "free ships should make free goods;" and this latter
principle has by every maritime nation of Europe been established, to
a greater or less degree, in its treaties with other nations; insomuch,
that all of them have, more or less frequently, assented to it, as a rule
of action in particular cases. Indeed, it is now urged, and I think with
great appearance of reason, that this is the genuine principle dictated
by national morality; and that the first practice arose from accident,
and the particular convenience of the States[16] which first figured on
the water, rather than from well-digested reflections on the relations of
friend and enemy, on the rights of territorial jurisdiction, and on the
dictates of moral law applied to these. Thus it had never been supposed
lawful, in the territory of a friend to seize the goods of an enemy.
On an element which nature has not subjected to the jurisdiction of any
particular nation, but has made common to all for the purposes to which it
is fitted, it would seem that the particular portion of it which happens
to be occupied by the vessel of any nation, in the course of its voyage,
is for the moment, the exclusive property of that nation, and, with the
vessel, is exempt from intrusion by any other, and from its jurisdiction,
as much as if it were lying in the harbor of its sovereign. In no country,
we believe, is the rule otherwise, as to the subjects of property common
to all. Thus the place occupied by an individual in a highway, a church,
a theatre, or other public assembly, cannot be intruded on, while its
occupant holds it for the purposes of its institution. The persons on
board a vessel traversing the ocean, carrying with them the laws of their
nation, have among themselves a jurisdiction, a police, not established
by their individual will, but by the authority of their nation, of whose
territory their vessel still seems to compose a part, so long as it does
enter the exclusive territory of another. No nation ever pretended a right
to govern by their laws the ship of another nation navigating the ocean.
By what law then can it enter that ship while in peaceable and orderly
use of the common element? We recognize no natural precept for submission
to such a right; and perceive no distinction between the movable and
immovable jurisdiction of a friend, which would authorize the entering the
one and not the other, to seize the property of an enemy.
It may be objected that this proves too much, as it proves you cannot
enter the ship of a friend to search for contraband of war. But this
is not proving too much. We believe the practice of seizing what is
called contraband of war, is an abusive practice, not founded in natural
right. War between two nations cannot diminish the rights of the rest
of the world remaining at peace. The doctrine that the rights of nations
remaining quietly in the exercise of moral and social duties, are to give
way to the convenience of those who prefer plundering and murdering one
another, is a monstrous doctrine; and ought to yield to the more rational
law, that "the wrong which two nations endeavor to inflict on each other,
must not infringe on the rights or conveniences of those remaining at
peace." And what is _contraband_, by the law of nature? Either everything
which may aid or comfort an enemy, or nothing. Either all commerce which
would accommodate him is unlawful, or none is. The difference between
articles of one or another description, is a difference in degree only. No
line between them can be drawn. Either all intercourse must cease between
neutrals and belligerents, or all be permitted. Can the world hesitate to
say which shall be the rule? Shall two nations turning tigers, break up in
one instant the peaceable relations of the whole world? Reason and nature
clearly pronounce that the neutral is to go on in the enjoyment of all its
rights, that its commerce remains free, not subject to the jurisdiction of
another, nor consequently its vessels to search, or to enquiries whether
their contents are the property of an enemy, or are of those which have
been called contraband of war.
Nor does this doctrine contravene the right of preventing vessels from
entering a blockaded port. This right stands on other ground. When the
fleet of any nation actually beleaguers the port of its enemy, no other
has a right to enter their line, any more than their line of battle in
the open sea, or their lines of circumvallation, or of encampment, or
of battle array on land. The space included within their lines in any
of those cases, is either the property of their enemy, or it is common
property assumed and possessed for the moment, which cannot be intruded
on, even by a neutral, without committing the very trespass we are now
considering, that of intruding into the lawful possession of a friend.
Although I consider the observance of these principles as of great
importance to the interests of peaceable nations, among whom I hope the
United States will ever place themselves, yet in the present state of
things they are not worth a war. Nor do I believe war the most certain
means of enforcing them. Those peaceable coercions which are in the power
of every nation, if undertaken in concert and in time of peace, are more
likely to produce the desired effect.
The opinions I have here given are those which have generally been
sanctioned by our government. In our treaties with France, the United
Netherlands, Sweden and Prussia, the principle of free bottom, free
goods, was uniformly maintained. In the instructions of 1784, given by
Congress to their ministers appointed to treat with the nations of Europe
generally, the same principle, and the doing away contraband of war, were
enjoined, and were acceded to in the treaty signed with Portugal. In the
late treaty with England, indeed, that power perseveringly refused the
principle of free bottoms, free goods; and it was avoided in the late
treaty with Prussia, at the instance of our then administration, lest
it should seem to take side in a question then threatening decision by
the sword. At the commencement of the war between France and England,
the representative of the French republic then residing in the United
States, complaining that the British armed ships captured French property
in American bottoms, insisted that the principle of "free bottoms, free
goods," was of the acknowledged law of nations; that the violation of that
principle by the British was a wrong committed on us, and such an one as
we ought to repel by joining in the war against that country. We denied
his position, and appealed to the universal practice of Europe, in proof
that the principle of "free bottoms, free goods," was not acknowledged
as of the natural law of nations, but only of its conventional law. And I
believe we may safely affirm, that not a single instance can be produced
where any nation of Europe, acting professedly under the law of nations
alone, unrestrained by treaty, has, either by its executive or judiciary
organs, decided on the principle of "free bottoms, free goods." Judging
of the law of nations by what has been _practised_ among nations, we were
authorized to say that the contrary principle was their rule, and this
but an exception to it, introduced by special treaties in special cases
only; that having no treaty with England substituting this instead of
the ordinary rule, we had neither the right nor the disposition to go to
war for its establishment. But though we would not then, nor will we now,
engage in war to establish this principle, we are nevertheless sincerely
friendly to it. We think that the nations of Europe have originally set
out in error; that experience has proved the error oppressive to the
rights and interests of the peaceable part of mankind; that every nation
but one has acknowledged this, by consenting to the change, and that one
has consented in particular cases; that nations have a right to correct
an erroneous principle, and to establish that which is right as their
rule of action; and if they should adopt measures for effecting this in
a peaceable way, we shall wish them success, and not stand in their way
to it. But should it become, at any time, expedient for us to co-operate
in the establishment of this principle, the opinion of the executive, on
the advice of its constitutional counsellors, must then be given; and that
of the legislature, an independent and essential organ in the operation,
must also be expressed; in forming which, they will be governed, every
man by his own judgment, and may, very possibly, judge differently from
the executive. With the same honest views, the most honest men often form
different conclusions. As far, however, as we can judge, the principle of
"free bottoms, free goods," is that which would carry the wishes of our
nation.
Wishing you smooth seas and prosperous gales, with the enjoyment of good
health, I tender you the assurances of my constant friendship and high
consideration and respect.
FOOTNOTE:
[16] Venice and Genoa.
TO WILLIAM SHORT.
WASHINGTON, October 3, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--* * * * *
I trusted to Mr. Dawson to give you a full explanation, verbally, on
a subject which I find he has but slightly mentioned to you. I shall
therefore now do it. When I returned from France, after an absence of six
or seven years, I was astonished at the change which I found had taken
place in the United States in that time. No more like the same people;
their notions, their habits and manners, the course of their commerce, so
totally changed, that I, who stood in those of 1784, found myself not at
all qualified to speak their sentiments, or forward their views in 1790.
Very soon, therefore, after entering on the office of Secretary of State,
I recommended to General Washington to establish as a rule of practice,
that no person should be continued on foreign mission beyond an absence
of six, seven, or eight years. He approved it. On the only subsequent
missions which took place in my time, the persons appointed were notified
that they could not be continued beyond that period. All returned within
it except Humphreys. His term was not quite out when General Washington
went out of office. The succeeding administration had no rule for
anything; so he continued. Immediately on my coming to the administration,
I wrote to him myself, reminded him of the rule I had communicated to him
on his departure; that he had then been absent about eleven years, and
consequently must return. On this ground solely he was superseded. Under
these circumstances, your appointment was impossible after an absence of
seventeen years. Under any others, I should never fail to give to yourself
and the world proofs of my friendship for you, and of my confidence in
you. Whenever you shall return, you will be sensible in a greater, of what
I was in a smaller degree, of the change in this nation from what it was
when we both left it in 1784. We return like foreigners, and, like them,
require a considerable residence here to become Americanized.
The state of political opinions continues to return steadily towards
republicanism. To judge from the opposition papers, a stranger would
suppose that a considerable check to it had been produced by certain
removals of public officers. But this is not the case. All offices were
in the hands of the federalists. The injustice of having totally excluded
republicans was acknowledged by every man. To have removed one half, and
to have placed republicans in their stead, would have been rigorously
just, when it was known that these composed a very great majority of the
nation. Yet such was their moderation in most of the States, that they
did not desire it. In these, therefore, no removals took place but for
malversation. In the middle States the contention had been higher, spirits
were more sharpened and less accommodating. It was necessary in these to
practise a different treatment, and to make a few changes to tranquillize
the injured party. A few have been made there, a very few still remain to
be made. When this painful operation shall be over, I see nothing else
ahead of us which can give uneasiness to any of our citizens, or retard
that consolidation of sentiment so essential to our happiness and our
strength. The tory papers will still find fault with everything. But these
papers are sinking daily, from their dissonance with the sentiments of
their subscribers, and very few will shortly remain to keep up a solitary
and ineffectual barking.
There is no point in which an American, long absent from his country,
wanders so widely from its sentiments as on the subject of its foreign
affairs. We have a perfect horror at everything like connecting ourselves
with the politics of Europe. It would indeed be advantageous to us to
have neutral rights established on a broad ground; but no dependence can
be placed in any European coalition for that. They have so many other
bye-interests of greater weight, that some one or other will always be
bought off. To be entangled with them would be a much greater evil than
a temporary acquiescence in the false principles which have prevailed.
Peace is our most important interest, and a recovery from debt. We
feel ourselves strong, and daily growing stronger. The census just now
concluded, shows we have added to our population a third of what it was
ten years ago. This will be a duplication in twenty-three or twenty-four
years. If we can delay but for a few years the necessity of vindicating
the laws of nature on the ocean, we shall be the more sure of doing it
with effect. The day is within my time as well as yours, when we may
say by what laws other nations shall treat us on the sea. And we will
say it. In the meantime, we wish to let every treaty we have drop off
without renewal. We call in our diplomatic missions, barely keeping up
those to the most important nations. There is a strong disposition in
our countrymen to discontinue even these; and very possibly it may be
done. Consuls will be continued as usual. The interest which European
nations feel, as well as ourselves, in the mutual patronage of commercial
intercourse, is a sufficient stimulus on both sides to insure that
patronage. A treaty, contrary to that interest, renders war necessary to
get rid of it.
I send this by Chancellor Livingston, named to the Senate the day after I
came into office, as our Minister Plenipotentiary to France. I have taken
care to impress him with the value of your society. You will find him an
amiable and honorable man; unfortunately, so deaf that he will have to
transact all his business by writing. You will have known long ago that
Mr. Skipworth is reinstated in his consulship, as well as some others who
had been set aside. I recollect no domestic news interesting to you. Your
letters to your brother have been regularly transmitted, and I lately
forwarded one from him, to be carried you by Mr. Livingston.
Present my best respects to our amiable and mutual friend, and accept
yourself assurances of my sincere and constant affection.
CIRCULAR TO THE HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS, AND PRIVATE.
WASHINGTON, November 6, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--Coming all of us into executive office, new, and unfamiliar
with the course of business previously practised, it was not to be
expected we should, in the first outset, adopt in every part a line of
proceeding so perfect as to admit no amendment. The mode and degrees
of communication, particularly between the President and heads of
departments, have not been practised exactly on the same scale in all of
them. Yet it would certainly be more safe and satisfactory for ourselves
as well as the public, that not only the best, but also an uniform course
of proceeding as to manner and degree, should be observed. Having been
a member of the first administration under General Washington, I can
state with exactness what our course then was. Letters of business came
addressed sometimes to the President, but most frequently to the heads
of departments. If addressed to himself, he referred them to the proper
department to be acted on: if to one of the secretaries, the letter, if
it required no answer, was communicated to the President, simply for his
information. If an answer was requisite, the secretary of the department
communicated the letter and his proposed answer to the President.
Generally they were simply sent back after perusal, which signified his
approbation. Sometimes he returned them with an informal note, suggesting
an alteration or a query. If a doubt of any importance arose, he reserved
it for conference. By this means, he was always in accurate possession of
all facts and proceedings in every part of the Union, and to whatsoever
department they related; he formed a central point for the different
branches; preserved an unity of object and action among them; exercised
that participation in the suggestion of affairs which his office made
incumbent on him; and met himself the due responsibility for whatever
was done. During Mr. Adams' administration, his long and habitual
absences from the seat of government, rendered this kind of communication
impracticable, removed him from any share in the transaction of affairs,
and parceled out the government, in fact, among four independent heads,
drawing sometimes in opposite directions. That the former is preferable
to the latter course, cannot be doubted. It gave, indeed, to the heads of
departments the trouble of making up, once a day, a packet of all their
communications for the perusal of the President; it commonly also retarded
one day their despatches by mail. But in pressing cases, this injury
was prevented by presenting that case singly for immediate attention;
and it produced us in return the benefit of his sanction for every act
we did. Whether any change of circumstances may render a change in this
procedure necessary, a little experience will show us. But I cannot
withhold recommending to heads of departments, that we should adopt this
course for the present, leaving any necessary modifications of it to time
and trial. I am sure my conduct must have proved, better than a thousand
declarations would, that my confidence in those whom I am so happy as
to have associated with me, is unlimited, unqualified and unabated. I am
well satisfied that everything goes on with a wisdom and rectitude which
I could not improve. If I had the universe to choose from, I could not
change one of my associates to my better satisfaction. My sole motives
are those before expressed, as governing the first administration in
chalking out the rules of their proceeding; adding to them only a sense of
obligation imposed on me by the public will, to meet personally the duties
to which they have appointed me. If this mode of proceeding shall meet the
approbation of the heads of departments, it may go into execution without
giving them the trouble of an answer; if any other can be suggested
which would answer our views and add less to their labors, that will be
a sufficient reason for my preferring it to my own proposition, to the
substance of which only, and not the form, I attach any importance.
Accept for yourself particularly, my dear Sir, assurances of my constant
and sincere affection and respect.
TO AMOS MARSH, ESQUIRE.
WASHINGTON, November 20, 1801.
SIR,--I receive with great satisfaction the address you have been pleased
to enclose me from the House of Representatives, of the freemen of the
State of Vermont. The friendly and favorable sentiments they are so
good as to express towards myself personally, are high encouragement to
perseverance in duty, and call for my sincere thanks.
With them I join cordially in admiring and revering the Constitution of
the United States,--the result of the collected wisdom of our country.
That wisdom has committed to us the important task of proving by example
that a government, if organized in all its parts on the Representative
principle, unadulterated by the infusion of spurious elements, if founded,
not in the fears and follies of man, but on his reason, on his sense of
right, on the predominance of the social over his dissocial passions, may
be so free as to restrain him in no moral right, and so firm as to protect
him from every moral wrong. To observe our fellow citizens gathering
daily under the banners of this faith, devoting their powers to its
establishment, and strengthening with their confidence the instruments of
their selection, cannot but give new animation to the zeal of those who,
steadfast in the same belief, have seen no other object worthy the labors
and losses we have all encountered.
To draw around the whole nation the strength of the general government, as
a barrier against foreign foes, to watch the borders of every State, that
no external hand may intrude, or disturb the exercise of self-government
reserved to itself, to equalize and moderate the public contributions,
that while the requisite services are invited by due remuneration, nothing
beyond this may exist to attract the attention of our citizens from the
pursuits of useful industry, nor unjustly to burthen those who continue
in those pursuits--these are functions of the general government on which
you have a right to call. They are in unison with those principles which
have met the approbation of the Representatives of Vermont, as announced
by myself on the former and recent occasions alluded to. These shall
be faithfully pursued according to the plain and candid import of the
expressions in which they were announced. No longer than they are so, will
I ask that support which, through you, has been so respectfully tendered
me. And I join in addressing Him, whose Kingdom ruleth over all, to direct
the administration of their affairs to their own greatest good.
Praying you to be the channel of communicating these sentiments to the
House of Representatives of the freemen of the State of Vermont, I beseech
you to accept for yourself personally, as well as for them, the homage of
my high respect and consideration.
TO GOVERNOR MONROE.
WASHINGTON, November 24, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--I had not been unmindful of your letter of June 15th, covering
a resolution of the House of Representatives of Virginia, and referred
to in yours of the 17th inst. The importance of the subject, and the
belief that it gave us time for consideration till the next meeting of
the Legislature, have induced me to defer the answer to this date. You
will perceive that some circumstances connected with the subject, and
necessarily presenting themselves to view, would be improper but for
yours' and the legislative ear. Their publication might have an ill effect
in more than one quarter. In confidence of attention to this, I shall
indulge greater freedom in writing.
Common malefactors, I presume, make no part of the object of that
resolution. Neither their numbers, nor the nature of their offences, seem
to require any provisions beyond those practised heretofore, and found
adequate to the repression of ordinary crimes. Conspiracy, insurgency,
treason, rebellion, (among that description of persons who brought on us
the alarm, and on themselves the tragedy, of 1800,) were doubtless within
the view of every one; but many perhaps contemplated, and one expression
of the resolution might comprehend, a much larger scope. Respect to both
opinions makes it my duty to understand the resolution in all the extent
of which it is susceptible.
The idea seems to be to provide for these people by a purchase of lands;
and it is asked whether such a purchase can be made of the United States
in their western territory? A very great extent of country, north of the
Ohio, has been laid off into townships, and is now at market, according
to the provisions of the acts of Congress, with which you are acquainted.
There is nothing which would restrain the State of Virginia either in
the purchase or the application of these lands; but a purchase, by the
acre, might perhaps be a more expensive provision than the House of
Representatives contemplated. Questions would also arise whether the
establishment of such a colony within our limits, and to become a part of
our union, would be desirable to the State of Virginia itself, or to the
other States--especially those who would be in its vicinity?
Could we procure lands beyond the limits of the United States to form a
receptacle for these people? On our northern boundary, the country not
occupied by British subjects, is the property of Indian nations, whose
title would be to be extinguished, with the consent of Great Britain; and
the new settlers would be British subjects. It is hardly to be believed
that either Great Britain or the Indian proprietors have so disinterested
a regard for us, as to be willing to relieve us, by receiving such a
colony themselves; and as much to be doubted whether that race of men
could long exist in so rigorous a climate. On our western and southern
frontiers, Spain holds an immense country, the occupancy of which,
however, is in the Indian natives, except a few insulated spots possessed
by Spanish subjects. It is very questionable, indeed, whether the Indians
would sell? whether Spain would be willing to receive these people? and
nearly certain that she would not alienate the sovereignty. The same
question to ourselves would recur here also, as did in the first case:
should we be willing to have such a colony in contact with us? However our
present interests may restrain us within our own limits, it is impossible
not to look forward to distant times, when our rapid multiplication will
expand itself beyond those limits, and cover the whole northern, if not
the southern continent, with a people speaking the same language, governed
in similar forms, and by similar laws; nor can we contemplate with
satisfaction either blot or mixture on that surface. Spain, France, and
Portugal hold possessions on the southern continent, as to which I am not
well enough informed to say how far they might meet our views. But either
there or in the northern continent, should the constituted authorities of
Virginia fix their attention, of preference, I will have the dispositions
of those powers sounded in the first instance.
The West Indies offer a more probable and practicable retreat for them.
Inhabited already by a people of their own race and color; climates
congenial with their natural constitution; insulated from the other
descriptions of men; nature seems to have formed these islands to become
the receptacle of the blacks transplanted into this hemisphere. Whether
we could obtain from the European sovereigns of those islands leave to
send thither the persons under consideration, I cannot say; but I think
it more probable than the former propositions, because of their being
already inhabited more or less by the same race. The most promising
portion of them is the island of St. Domingo, where the blacks are
established into a sovereignty _de facto_, and have organized themselves
under regular laws and government. I should conjecture that their present
ruler might be willing, on many considerations, to receive over that
description which would be exiled for acts deemed criminal by us, but
meritorious, perhaps, by him. The possibility that these exiles might
stimulate and conduct vindicative or predatory descents on our coasts, and
facilitate concert with their brethren remaining here, looks to a state
of things between that island and us not probable on a contemplation of
our relative strength, and of the disproportion daily growing; and it is
overweighed by the humanity of the measures proposed, and the advantages
of disembarrassing ourselves of such dangerous characters. Africa would
offer a last and undoubted resort, if all others more desirable should
fail us. Whenever the Legislature of Virginia shall have brought its
mind to a point, so that I may know exactly what to propose to foreign
authorities, I will execute their wishes with fidelity and zeal. I hope,
however, they will pardon me for suggesting a single question for their
own consideration. When we contemplate the variety of countries and of
sovereigns towards which we may direct our views, the vast revolutions
and changes of circumstances which are now in a course of progression,
the possibilities that arrangements now to be made, with a view to any
particular plea, may, at no great distance of time, be totally deranged by
a change of sovereignty, of government, or of other circumstances, it will
be for the Legislature to consider whether, after they shall have made
all those general provisions which may be fixed by legislative authority,
it would be reposing too much confidence in their Executive to leave the
place of relegation to be decided on by _them_. They could accommodate
their arrangements to the actual state of things, in which countries or
powers may be found to exist at the day; and may prevent the effect of the
law from being defeated by intervening changes. This, however, is for them
to decide. Our duty will be to respect their decision.
Accept assurances of my constant affection, and high consideration and
respect.
TO THE REVEREND ISAAC STORY.
WASHINGTON, December 5th, 1801.
SIR,--Your favor of October 27 was received some time since, and read with
pleasure. It is not for me to pronounce on the hypothesis you present
of a transmigration of souls from one body to another in certain cases.
The laws of nature have withheld from us the means of physical knowledge
of the country of spirits, and revelation has, for reasons unknown to
us, chosen to leave us in the dark as we were. When I was young I was
fond of the speculations which seemed to promise some insight into that
hidden country, but observing at length that they left me in the same
ignorance in which they had found me, I have for very many years ceased
to read or to think concerning them, and have reposed my head on that
pillow of ignorance which a benevolent Creator has made so soft for us,
knowing how much we should be forced to use it. I have thought it better,
by nourishing the good passions and controlling the bad, to merit an
inheritance in a state of being of which I can know so little, and to
trust for the future to Him who has been so good for the past. I perceive
too that these speculations have with you been only the amusement of
leisure hours; while your labors have been devoted to the education of
your children, making them good members of society, to the instructing
men in their duties, and performing the other offices of a large parish.
I am happy in your approbation of the principles I avowed on entering on
the government. Ingenious minds, availing themselves of the imperfection
of language, have tortured the expressions out of their plain meaning
in order to infer departures from them in practice. If revealed language
has not been able to guard itself against misinterpretations, I could not
expect it. But if an administration quadrating with the obvious import
of my language can conciliate the affections of my opposers, I will merit
that conciliation. I pray you to accept assurances of my respect and best
wishes.
TO PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE.
December, 8, 1801.
SIR,--The circumstances under which we find ourselves at this place
rendering inconvenient the mode heretofore practised of making, by
personal address, the first communications between the legislative and
executive branches, I have adopted that by message, as used on all
subsequent occasions through the session. In doing this, I have had
principal regard to the convenience of the Legislature, to the economy
of their time, to their relief from the embarrassment of immediate
answers, on subjects not yet fully before them, and to the benefits thence
resulting to the public affairs. Trusting that a procedure, founded on
these motives, will meet their approbation, I beg leave through you, Sir,
to communicate the enclosed copy, with the documents accompanying it, to
the honorable the Senate, and pray you to accept for yourself and them,
the homage of my high regard and consideration.
TO JOHN DICKINSON.
WASHINGTON, December 19, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--The approbation of my ancient friends is, above all things,
the most grateful to my heart. They know for what objects we relinquished
the delights of domestic society, tranquillity and science, and committed
ourselves to the ocean of revolution, to wear out the only life God has
given us here in scenes the benefits of which will accrue only to those
who follow us. Surely we had in view to obtain the theory and practice
of good government; and how any, who seemed so ardent in this pursuit,
could as shamelessly have apostatized, and supposed we meant only to
put our government into other hands, but not other forms, is indeed
wonderful. The lesson we have had will probably be useful to the people
at large, by showing to them how capable they are of being made the
instruments of their own bondage. A little more prudence and moderation
in those who had mounted themselves on their fears, and it would have
been long and difficult to unhorse them. Their madness had done in three
years what reason alone, acting against them, would not have effected in
many; and the more, as they might have gone on forming new entrenchments
for themselves from year to year. My great anxiety at present is, to
avail ourselves of our ascendancy to establish good principles and good
practices; to fortify republicanism behind as many barriers as possible,
that the outworks may give time to rally and save the citadel, should that
be again in danger. On their part, they have retired into the judiciary as
a stronghold. There the remains of federalism are to be preserved and fed
from the treasury, and from that battery all the works of republicanism
are to be beaten down and erased. By a fraudulent use of the Constitution,
which has made judges irremovable, they have multiplied useless judges
merely to strengthen their phalanx.
You will perhaps have been alarmed, as some have been, at the proposition
to abolish the whole of the internal taxes. But it is perfectly safe.
They are under a million of dollars, and we can economize the government
two or three millions a year. The impost alone gives us ten or eleven
millions annually, increasing at a compound ratio of six and two-thirds
per cent. per annum, and consequently doubling in ten years. But leaving
that increase for contingencies, the present amount will support the
government, pay the interest of the public debt, and discharge the
principal in fifteen years. If the increase proceeds, and no contingencies
demand it, it will pay off the principal in a shorter time. Exactly one
half of the public debt, to wit, thirty-seven millions of dollars, is
owned in the United States. That capital, then, will be set afloat, to
be employed in rescuing our commerce from the hands of foreigners, or in
agriculture, canals, bridges, or other useful enterprises. By suppressing
at once the whole internal taxes, we abolish three-fourths of the offices
now existing, and spread over the land. Seeing the interest you take in
the public affairs, I have indulged myself in observations flowing from
a sincere and ardent desire of seeing our affairs put into an honest and
advantageous train. Accept assurances of my constant and affectionate
esteem and high respect.
TO DOCTOR RUSH.
WASHINGTON, December 20, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--I have received your favor of November 27, with your
introductory lecture, which I have read with the pleasure and edification
I do everything from you. I am happy to see that vaccination is
introduced, and likely to be kept up, in Philadelphia; but I shall not
think it exhibits all its utility until experience shall have hit upon
some mark or rule by which the popular eye may distinguish genuine from
spurious virus. It was with this view that I wished to discover whether
time could not be made the standard, and supposed, from the little
experience I had, that matter, taken at eight times twenty-four hours from
the time of insertion, could always be in the proper state. As far as I
went I found it so; but I shall be happy to learn what the immense field
of experience in Philadelphia will teach us on that subject.
Our winter campaign has opened with more good humor than I expected.
By sending a message, instead of making a speech at the opening of the
session, I have prevented the bloody conflict to which the making an
answer would have committed them. They consequently were able to set into
real business at once, without losing ten or twelve days in combating
an answer. Hitherto there has been no disagreeable altercations. The
suppression of useless offices, and lopping off the parasitical plant
engrafted at the last session on the judiciary body, will probably produce
some. Bitter men are not pleased with the suppression of taxes. Not daring
to condemn the measure, they attack the motive; and too disingenuous to
ascribe it to the honest one of freeing our citizens from unnecessary
burthens and unnecessary systems of office, they ascribe it to a desire
of popularity. But every honest man will suppose honest acts to flow from
honest principles, and the rogues may rail without intermission.
My health has been always so uniformly firm, that I have for some years
dreaded nothing so much as the living too long. I think, however, that
a flaw has appeared which ensures me against that, without cutting short
any of the period during which I could expect to remain capable of being
useful. It will probably give me as many years as I wish, and without pain
or debility. Should this be the case, my most anxious prayers will have
been fulfilled by Heaven.
I have said as much to no mortal breathing, and my florid health is
calculated to keep my friends as well as foes quiet, as they should be.
Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high respect.
TO MR. LINCOLN.
January 1, 1802.
Averse to receive addresses, yet unable to prevent them, I have generally
endeavored to turn them to some account, by making them the occasion, by
way of answer, of sowing useful truths and principles among the people,
which might germinate and become rooted among their political tenets. The
Baptist address, now enclosed, admits of a condemnation of the alliance
between Church and State, under the authority of the Constitution. It
furnishes an occasion, too, which I have long wished to find, of saying
why I do not proclaim fastings and thanksgivings, as my predecessors did.
The address, to be sure, does not point at this, and its introduction
is awkward. But I foresee no opportunity of doing it more pertinently.
I know it will give great offence to the New England clergy; but the
advocate of religious freedom is to expect neither peace nor forgiveness
from them. Will you be so good as to examine the answer, and suggest any
alterations which might prevent an ill effect, or promote a good one,
among the people? You understand the temper of those in the North, and can
weaken it, therefore, to their stomachs: it is at present seasoned to the
Southern taste only. I would ask the favor of you to return it, with the
address, in the course of the day or evening. Health and affection.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN.
WASHINGTON, April 1, 1802.
DEAR SIR,--I have read and considered your report on the operations of the
sinking fund, and entirely approve of it, as the best plan on which we can
set out. I think it an object of great importance, to be kept in view and
to be undertaken at a fit season, to simplify our system of finance, and
bring it within the comprehension of every member of Congress. Hamilton
set out on a different plan. In order that he might have the entire
government of his machine, he determined so to complicate it as that
neither the President or Congress should be able to understand it, or to
control him. He succeeded in doing this, not only beyond their reach, but
so that he at length could not unravel it himself. He gave to the debt,
in the first instance, in funding it, the most artificial and mysterious
form he could devise. He then moulded up his appropriations of a number of
scraps and remnants, many of which were nothing at all, and applied them
to different objects in reversion and remainder, until the whole system
was involved in impenetrable fog; and while he was giving himself the airs
of providing for the payment of the debt, he left himself free to add to
it continually, as he did in fact, instead of paying it. I like your idea
of kneading all his little scraps and fragments into one batch, and adding
to it a complementary sum, which, while it forms it into a single mass
from which everything is to be paid, will enable us, should a breach of
appropriation ever be charged on us, to prove that the sum appropriated,
and more, has been applied to its specific object.
But there is a point beyond this on which I should wish to keep my
eye, and to which I should aim to approach by every tack which previous
arrangements force on us. That is, to form into one consolidated mass all
the moneys received into the treasury, and to the several expenditures,
giving them a preference of payment according to the order in which
they should be arranged. As for example. 1. The interest of the public
debt. 2. Such portion of principal as are exigible. 3. The expenses of
government. 4. Such other portions of principal as, though not exigible,
we are still free to pay when we please. The last object might be made
to take up the residuum of money remaining in the treasury at the end of
every year, after the three first objects were complied with, and would be
the barometer whereby to test the economy of the administration. It would
furnish a simple measure by which every one could mete their merit, and by
which every one could decide when taxes were deficient or superabundant.
If to this can be added a simplification of the form of accounts in the
treasury department, and in the organization of its officers, so as to
bring everything to a single centre, we might hope to see the finances
of the Union as clear and intelligible as a merchant's books, so that
every member of Congress, and every man of any mind in the Union, should
be able to comprehend them, to investigate abuses, and consequently to
control them. Our predecessors have endeavored by intricacies of system,
and shuffling the investigator over from one officer to another, to cover
everything from detection. I hope we shall go in the contrary direction,
and that by our honest and judicious reformations, we may be able,
within the limits of our time, to bring things back to that simple and
intelligible system on which they should have been organized at first.
I have suggested only a single alteration in the report, which is merely
verbal and of no consequence. We shall now get rid of the commissioner
of the internal revenue, and superintendent of stamps. It remains to
amalgamate the comptroller and auditor into one, and reduce the register
to a clerk of accounts; and then the organization will consist, as it
should at first, of a keeper of money, a keeper of accounts, and the
head of the department. This constellation of great men in the treasury
department was of a piece with the rest of Hamilton's plans. He took his
own stand as a Lieutenant General, surrounded by his Major Generals, and
stationing his Brigadiers and Colonels under the name of Supervisors,
Inspectors, &c., in the different States. Let us deserve well of our
country by making her interests the end of all our plans, and not our
own pomp, patronage and irresponsibility. I have hazarded these hasty
and crude ideas, which occurred on contemplating your report. They may be
the subject of future conversation and correction. Accept my affectionate
salutations.
TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO.
WASHINGTON, April 2, 1802.
DEAR GENERAL,--It is but lately that I have received your letter of the
25th Frimaire (December 15) wishing to know whether some officers of your
country could expect to be employed in this country. To prevent a suspense
injurious to them, I hasten to inform you, that we are now actually
engaged in reducing our military establishment one-third, and discharging
one-third of our officers. We keep in service no more than men enough to
garrison the small posts dispersed at great distances on our frontiers,
which garrisons will generally consist of a captain's company only,
and in no cases of more than two or three, in not one, of a sufficient
number to require a field officer; and no circumstance whatever can bring
these garrisons together, because it would be an abandonment of their
forts. Thus circumstanced, you will perceive the entire impossibility of
providing for the persons you recommend. I wish it had been in my power
to give you a more favorable answer; but next to the fulfilling your
wishes, the most grateful thing I can do is to give a faithful answer. The
session of the first Congress convened since republicanism has recovered
its ascendancy, is now drawing to a close. They will pretty completely
fulfil all the desires of the people. They have reduced the army and
navy to what is barely necessary. They are disarming executive patronage
and preponderance, by putting down one-half the offices of the United
States, which are no longer necessary. These economies have enabled them
to suppress all the internal taxes, and still to make such provision for
the payment of their public debt as to discharge that in eighteen years.
They have lopped off a parasite limb, planted by their predecessors on
their judiciary body for party purposes; they are opening the doors of
hospitality to fugitives from the oppressions of other countries; and
we have suppressed all those public forms and ceremonies which tended
to familiarize the public eye to the harbingers of another form of
government. The people are nearly all united; their quondam leaders,
infuriated with the sense of their impotence, will soon be seen or heard
only in the newspapers, which serve as chimneys to carry off noxious
vapors and smoke, and all is now tranquil, firm and well, as it should
be. I add no signature because unnecessary for you. God bless you, and
preserve you still for a season of usefulness to your country.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
WASHINGTON, April 18, 1802.
DEAR SIR,--A favorable and confidential opportunity offering by M. Dupont
de Nemours, who is revisiting his native country, gives me an opportunity
of sending you a cypher to be used between us, which will give you some
trouble to understand, but once understood, is the easiest to use, the
most indecypherable, and varied by a new key with the greatest facility,
of any I have ever known. I am in hopes the explanation enclosed will be
sufficient.
* * * * *
But writing by Mr. Dupont, I need use no cypher. I require from him to put
this into your own and no other hand, let the delay occasioned by that be
what it will.
The cession of Louisiana and the Floridas by Spain to France, works most
sorely on the United States. On this subject the Secretary of State has
written to you fully, yet I cannot forbear recurring to it personally,
so deep is the impression it makes on my mind. It completely reverses all
the political relations of the United States, and will form a new epoch in
our political course. Of all nations of any consideration, France is the
one which, hitherto, has offered the fewest points on which we could have
any conflict of right, and the most points of a communion of interests.
From these causes, we have ever looked to her as our _natural friend_, as
one with which we never could have an occasion of difference. Her growth,
therefore, we viewed as our own, her misfortunes ours. There is on the
globe one single spot, the possessor of which is our natural and habitual
enemy. It is New Orleans, through which the produce of three-eighths of
our territory must pass to market, and from its fertility it will ere long
yield more than half of our whole produce, and contain more than half of
our inhabitants. France, placing herself in that door, assumes to us the
attitude of defiance. Spain might have retained it quietly for years. Her
pacific dispositions, her feeble state, would induce her to increase our
facilities there, so that her possession of the place would be hardly felt
by us, and it would not, perhaps, be very long before some circumstance
might arise, which might make the cession of it to us the price of
something of more worth to her. Not so can it ever be in the hands of
France: the impetuosity of her temper, the energy and restlessness of
her character, placed in a point of eternal friction with us, and our
character, which, though quiet and loving peace and the pursuit of wealth,
is high-minded, despising wealth in competition with insult or injury,
enterprising and energetic as any nation on earth; these circumstances
render it impossible that France and the United States can continue long
friends, when they meet in so irritable a position. They, as well as we,
must be blind if they do not see this; and we must be very improvident
if we do not begin to make arrangements on that hypothesis. The day that
France takes possession of New Orleans, fixes the sentence which is to
restrain her forever within her low-water mark. It seals the union of two
nations, who, in conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the
ocean. From that moment, we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and
nation. We must turn all our attention to a maritime force, for which our
resources place us on very high ground; and having formed and connected
together a power which may render reinforcement of her settlements here
impossible to France, make the first cannon which shall be fired in Europe
the signal for the tearing up any settlement she may have made, and for
holding the two continents of America in sequestration for the common
purposes of the United British and American nations. This is not a state
of things we seek or desire. It is one which this measure, if adopted by
France, forces on us as necessarily, as any other cause, by the laws of
nature, brings on its necessary effect. It is not from a fear of France
that we deprecate this measure proposed by her. For however greater her
force is than ours, compared in the abstract, it is nothing in comparison
of ours, when to be exerted on our soil. But it is from a sincere love of
peace, and a firm persuasion, that bound to France by the interests and
the strong sympathies still existing in the minds of our citizens, and
holding relative positions which insure their continuance, we are secure
of a long course of peace. Whereas, the change of friends, which will be
rendered necessary if France changes that position, embarks us necessarily
as a belligerent power in the first war of Europe. In that case, France
will have held possession of New Orleans during the interval of a peace,
long or short, at the end of which it will be wrested from her. Will this
short-lived possession have been an equivalent to her for the transfer
of such a weight into the scale of her enemy? Will not the amalgamation
of a young, thriving nation, continue to that enemy the health and force
which are at present so evidently on the decline? And will a few years'
possession of New Orleans add equally to the strength of France? She may
say she needs Louisiana for the supply of her West Indies. She does not
need it in time of peace, and in war she could not depend on them, because
they would be so easily intercepted. I should suppose that all these
considerations might, in some proper form, be brought into view of the
government of France. Though stated by us, it ought not to give offence;
because we do not bring them forward as a menace, but as consequences
not controllable by us, but inevitable from the course of things. We
mention them, not as things which we desire by any means, but as things we
deprecate; and we beseech a friend to look forward and to prevent them for
our common interest.
If France considers Louisiana, however, as indispensable for her views,
she might perhaps be willing to look about for arrangements which might
reconcile it to our interests. If anything could do this, it would be
the ceding to us the island of New Orleans and the Floridas. This would
certainly, in a great degree, remove the causes of jarring and irritation
between us, and perhaps for such a length of time, as might produce other
means of making the measure permanently conciliatory to our interests
and friendships. It would, at any rate, relieve us from the necessity
of taking immediate measures for countervailing such an operation by
arrangements in another quarter. But still we should consider New Orleans
and the Floridas as no equivalent for the risk of a quarrel with France,
produced by her vicinage.
I have no doubt you have urged these considerations, on every proper
occasion, with the government where you are. They are such as must have
effect, if you can find means of producing thorough reflection on them by
that government. The idea here is, that the troops sent to St. Domingo,
were to proceed to Louisiana after finishing their work in that island. If
this were the arrangement, it will give you time to return again and again
to the charge. For the conquest of St. Domingo will not be a short work.
It will take considerable time, and wear down a great number of soldiers.
Every eye in the United States is now fixed on the affairs of Louisiana.
Perhaps nothing since the revolutionary war, has produced more uneasy
sensations through the body of the nation. Notwithstanding temporary
bickerings have taken place with France, she has still a strong hold on
the affections of our citizens generally. I have thought it not amiss,
by way of supplement to the letters of the Secretary of State, to write
you this private one, to impress you with the importance we affix to this
transaction. I pray you to cherish Dupont. He has the best disposition for
the continuance of friendship between the two nations, and perhaps you may
be able to make a good use of him.
Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and high consideration.
TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS.
WASHINGTON, April 25, 1802.
DEAR SIR,--The week being now closed, during which you had given me a hope
of seeing you here, I think it safe to enclose you my letters for Paris,
lest they should fail of the benefit of so desirable a conveyance. They
are addressed to Kosciugha, Madame de Corny, Mrs. Short, and Chancellor
Livingston. You will perceive the unlimited confidence I repose in your
good faith, and in your cordial dispositions to serve both countries, when
you observe that I leave the letters for Chancellor Livingston open for
your perusal. The first page respects a cypher, as do the loose sheets
folded with the letter. These are interesting to him and myself only, and
therefore are not for your perusal. It is the second, third, and fourth
pages which I wish you to read to possess yourself of completely, and
then seal the letter with wafers stuck under the flying seal, that it
may be seen by nobody else if any accident should happen to you. I wish
you to be possessed of the subject, because you may be able to impress
on the government of France the inevitable consequences of their taking
possession of Louisiana; and though, as I here mention, the cession of
New Orleans and the Floridas to us would be a palliation, yet I believe it
would be no more, and that this measure will cost France, and perhaps not
very long hence, a war which will annihilate her on the ocean, and place
that element under the despotism of two nations, which I am not reconciled
to the more because my own would be one of them. Add to this the exclusive
appropriation of both continents of America as a consequence. I wish the
present order of things to continue, and with a view to this I value
highly a state of friendship between France and us. You know too well
how sincere I have ever been in these dispositions to doubt them. You
know, too, how much I value peace, and how unwillingly I should see any
event take place which would render war a necessary resource; and that
all our movements should change their character and object. I am thus
open with you, because I trust that you will have it in your power to
impress on that government considerations, in the scale against which
the possession of Louisiana is nothing. In Europe, nothing but Europe
is seen, or supposed to have any right in the affairs of nations; but
this little event, of France's possessing herself of Louisiana, which is
thrown in as nothing, as a mere make-weight in the general settlement of
accounts,--this speck which now appears as an almost invisible point in
the horizon, is the embryo of a tornado which will burst on the countries
on both sides of the Atlantic, and involve in its effects their highest
destinies. That it may yet be avoided is my sincere prayer; and if you can
be the means of informing the wisdom of Bonaparte of all its consequences,
you have deserved well of both countries. Peace and abstinence from
European interferences are our objects, and so will continue while the
present order of things in America remain uninterrupted. There is another
service you can render. I am told that Talleyrand is personally hostile
to us. This, I suppose, has been occasioned by the X Y Z history. But
he should consider that that was the artifice of a party, willing to
sacrifice him to the consolidation of their power. This nation has done
him justice by dismissing them; that those in power are precisely those
who disbelieved that story, and saw in it nothing but an attempt to
deceive our country; that we entertain towards him personally the most
friendly dispositions; that as to the government of France, we know too
little of the state of things there to understand what it is, and have
no inclination to meddle in their settlement. Whatever government they
establish, we wish to be well with it. One more request,--that you deliver
the letter to Chancellor Livingston with your own hands, and, moreover,
that you charge Madame Dupont, if any accident happen to you, that she
deliver the letter with her own hands. If it passes only through hers and
yours, I shall have perfect confidence in its safety. Present her my most
sincere respects, and accept yourself assurances of my constant affection,
and my prayers, that a genial sky and propitious gales may place you,
after a pleasant voyage, in the midst of your friends.
TO MR. BARLOW.
WASHINGTON, May 3, 1802.
DEAR SIR,--I have doubted whether to write to you, because yours of
August 25th, received only March 27th, gives me reason to expect you are
now on the ocean; however, as I know that voyages so important are often
delayed, I shall venture a line by Mr. Dupont de Nemours. The Legislature
rises this day. They have carried into execution, steadily almost, all
the propositions submitted to them in my message at the opening of the
session. Some few are laid over for want of time. The most material is
the militia, the plan of which they cannot easily modify to their general
approbation. Our majority in the House of Representatives has been about
two to one; in the Senate, eighteen to fifteen. After another election it
will be of two to one in the Senate, and it would not be for the public
good to have it greater. A respectable minority is useful as censors. The
present one is not respectable, being the bitterest remains of the cup
of federalism, rendered desperate and furious by despair. A small check
in the tide of republicanism in Massachusetts, which has showed itself
very unexpectedly at the last election, is not accounted for. Everywhere
else we are becoming one. In Rhode Island the late election gives us
two to one through the whole State. Vermont is decidedly with us. It is
said and believed that New Hampshire has got a majority of republicans
now in its Legislature; and wanted a few hundreds only of turning out
their federal Governor. He goes assuredly the next trial. Connecticut is
supposed to have gained for us about fifteen or twenty per cent. since
the last election; but the exact issue is not yet known here; nor is
it certainly known how we shall stand in the House of Representatives
of Massachusetts. In the Senate there we have lost ground. The candid
federalists acknowledge that their party can never more raise its head.
The operations of this session of Congress, when known among the people
at large, will consolidate them. We shall now be so strong that we shall
certainly split again; for freemen, thinking differently and speaking and
acting as they think, will form into classes of sentiment. But it must
be under another name. That of federalism is become so odious that no
party can rise under it. As the division into whig and tory is founded
in the nature of man; the weakly and nerveless, the rich and the corrupt,
seeing more safety and accessibility in a strong executive; the healthy,
firm, and virtuous, feeling a confidence in their physical and moral
resources, and willing to part with only so much power as is necessary
for their good government; and, therefore, to retain the rest in the hands
of the many, the division will substantially be into whig and tory, as in
England formerly. As yet no symptoms show themselves, nor will, till after
another election. I am extremely happy to learn that you are so much at
your ease, that you can devote the rest of your life to the information
of others. The choice of a place of residence is material. I do not
think you can do better than to fix here for awhile, till you can become
again Americanized, and understand the map of the country. This may be
considered as a pleasant country residence, with a number of neat little
villages scattered around within the distance of a mile and a half, and
furnishing a plain and substantially good society. They have begun their
buildings in about four or five different points, at each of which there
are buildings enough to be considered as a village. The whole population
is about six thousand. Mr. Madison and myself have cut out a piece of work
for you, which is to write the history of the United States, from the
close of the war downwards. We are rich ourselves in materials, and can
open all the public archives to you; but your residence here is essential,
because a great deal of the knowledge of things is not on paper, but only
within ourselves, for verbal communication. John Marshall is writing the
life of General Washington from his papers. It is intended to come out
just in time to influence the next presidential election. It is written,
therefore, principally with a view to electioneering purposes. But it
will consequently be out in time to aid you with information, as well as
to point out the perversions of truth necessary to be rectified. Think of
this, and agree to it; and be assured of my high esteem and attachment.
P. S. There is a most lovely seat adjoining this city, on a high hill,
commanding a most extensive view of the Potomac, now for sale. A superb
house, gardens, &c., with thirty or forty acres of ground. It will be sold
under circumstances of distress, and will probably go for the half of what
it has cost. It was built by Gustavus Scott, who is dead bankrupt.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
June 19, 1802.
With respect to the bank of Pennsylvania, their difficulties proceed from
excessive discounts. The $3,000,000 due to them comprehend doubtless all
the desperate debts accumulated since their institution. Their buildings
should only be counted at the value of the naked ground belonging to them;
because, if brought to market, they are worth to private builders no more
than their materials, which are known by experience to be worth no more
than the cost of pulling down and removing them. Their situation then is
They owe $2,200,000
They have of good money $710,000
250,000
Ground worth perhaps 5,000 965,000
---------
$1,235,000
To pay which $1,235,000, they depend on $3,000,000 of debts due to them,
the amount of which shows they are of long standing, a part desperate, a
part not commandable. In this situation it does not seem safe to deposit
public money with them, and the effect would only be to enable them
to nourish their disease by continuing their excessive discounts, the
checking of which is the only means of saving themselves from bankruptcy.
The getting them to pay the Dutch debt, is but a deposit in another though
a safer form. If we can with propriety recommend indulgence to the bank
of the United States, it would be attended with the least danger to us
of any of the measures suggested, but it is in fact asking that bank to
lend to the one of Pennsylvania, that they may be enabled to continue
lending to others. The monopoly of a single bank is certainly an evil.
The multiplication of them was intended to cure it; but it multiplied
an influence of the same character with the first, and completed the
supplanting the precious metals by a paper circulation. Between such
parties the less we meddle the better.
TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY.
WASHINGTON, June 19, 1802.