TWENTY YEARS OF ARCTIC STRUGGLE

On the 28th of February the various parties took their departure from

Cape Hecla, and following in the rear, Peary hurried on with all

possible speed, hopeful of reaching the Pole at last.

For some days the ice was in motion everywhere; but it gradually became

quieter, and as there was very little wind the travelling was

particularly good. Full of impatience as he tramped along, and grudging

every moment given to rest, Peary dreaded lest he should meet with some

obstacle, such as open water or impassable ice, that would put an end to

the journey northwards.

Delayed by gales and open water, and driven out of his course seventy

miles to the eastward, Peary was cut off from communication with his

supporting parties; and finding that he could no longer depend upon

them, he determined to make a dash for the Pole with the party, eight in

all, and the supplies which he had with him.

Abandoning everything not absolutely essential and bending every energy

to set a record pace, they travelled thirty miles in a ten hours' march.

Storms of wind and snow added considerably to the difficulties of the

journey, the strain of which told severely on both men and dogs.

The 20th of April brought the weary travellers into a region of open

leads, [Footnote: Open leads: open ways in an ice-field.] bearing north

and south. Resting here for a few hours, Peary and his companions

resumed their march at midnight, pushing on with feverish haste to

lessen the distance between them and the goal that was luring them on.

Travelling as fast as they could till noon of the 21st, they then came

to a final halt.

Disappointed at once more having to stop before the object of all his

striving had been reached, Peary would have liked to make the last dash

with only one or two of his men; but he dared not do this in view of the

condition of the ice, and reluctantly he had to confess that once again

the prize had eluded his grasp. Making observations, he found that they

were in 87 deg, 6' north latitude, the most northerly point that had yet

been reached by man.

Warned by the haggard faces of his comrades and the skeleton figures of

the few remaining dogs, Peary saw that no time must be lost in turning

back. After hoisting a flag from the summit of the highest pinnacle, and

leaving a bottle containing a record of the journey, the exhausted men

turned their backs on the Pole, and began the weary march homeward.

Trying as the outward march had been, the dangers of the return journey

were even greater. Besides, there was no longer the excitement of

possible victory to encourage the men in the face of hardships. Killing

their dogs for food, and breaking up the sledges to provide fires for

cooking, the tired and dispirited explorers pushed on till they found

themselves stranded on an island of ice. Was this, then, to be the end

of the enterprise, and were they to meet death in that cold and pitiless

sea? Such a fate seemed inevitable. But just as they were preparing for

the worst, two of the Eskimo scouts came hurrying back to the camp with

the report that, a few miles farther on, the water was covered with a

film of young ice, and that there was a possibility of their being able

to cross on snow-shoes.

It was a desperate chance, but they were prepared to take it; and

carefully fixing on their snow-shoes, they made the venture, the

lightest and most experienced Eskimo taking the lead, with the few

remaining dogs attached to the long sledge following, "and the rest of

the party abreast, in widely extended skirmish line, some distance

behind the sledge." They crossed in silence, the ice swaying beneath

them as they skimmed along. What the result would be none could tell;

but they all felt the greatness of their peril.

Peary himself confesses that this was the first and only time in all his

Arctic experience that he felt doubtful as to what would happen. "When

near the middle of the lead," he says, "the toe of one of my snow-shoes,

as I slid forward, broke through twice in succession; then I thought to

myself, 'This is the finish.' A little later there was a cry from some

one in the line, but I dared not take my eyes from the steady gliding of

my snow-shoes. When we stepped upon the firm ice on the southern side of

the lead, sighs of relief from the two men nearest me were distinctly

audible. The cry I had heard had been from one of my men, whose toe,

like mine, had broken through the ice." The crossing had been made just

in time, for, as the travellers looked round for a moment before turning

their faces southward, they saw that the sheet of ice on which they had

crossed was in two pieces. "The lead was widening again."

All were safely across; but they were not yet out of danger. Unable to

find a route which they might traverse with any degree of safety, Peary

and his men ascended a high mass of ice to have a better view of their

surroundings, and to look for a way of escape. What they beheld from

their elevated position might well have struck terror into the boldest

heart. Before them extended "such a mass of shattered ice" as Peary had

never seen before and hoped never to see again, "a confused mass of

fragments, some only the size of paving-stones, others as large as the

dome of the Capitol at Washington, but all rounded by the terrific

grinding they had received."

Once again death was looking them in the face, for it seemed an utter

impossibility to find a path through that frozen wilderness. But as long

as they could keep a footing they determined to struggle on; and

stumbling forward at every step, bruised and sore, they at last struck a

better road. They made their way to Britannia Island, [Footnote:

Britannia Island: one of the most northern islands of the Arctic Ocean.]

and thence to Cape May and Cape Bryant.

The brave party suffered much from want of food. For days on end they

were on the verge of starvation. A hare that was shot gave them the

first full meal for nearly forty days. With snow falling around them,

and without tent or covering of any kind, they lay down on the ground to

sleep.

Waking in the morning as tired and hungry as ever, they found the tracks

of musk-oxen [Footnote: Musk-oxen: the musk-ox has long shaggy hair and

somewhat resembles a buffalo.] in the snow, and their hopes rose as they

endeavoured to follow the trail. Sweeping the valley with their

field-glass, they could see no sign of a living thing; but later on they

espied several black dots at a distance, and knew that they had located

the herd. Pushing on towards them, Peary and a companion lay down behind

a big boulder to rest and gather strength, for they dared not risk a

shot before they were sure of their aim. Resolving at last on an attack,

the two men grasped their rifles, and, rushing out from behind their

place of shelter, made straight for the animals, now less than two

hundred yards away. An old bull that was standing guard gave the signal

to charge, and in a minute the "black avalanche of thundering beasts"

was bearing down on their enemies.

Fortunately for Peary his shot went true, and the great bull fell dead.

The maddened rush was stopped; and before the oxen could make their

retreat over the ridges six of their number lay dead upon the frozen

ground; and for the next few days the party revelled in the delights of

a continuous feast.

Reaching the Roosevelt [Footnote: Roosevelt: Peary's ship.] at the end

of July, the expedition returned to America a few months later. After

twenty years of heroic striving, Peary had again missed the prize; but

the victory was postponed only for a little while.

--J. KENNEDY McLEAN.

[Footnote: How does the heroism shown in this account of Peary's

struggle compare with military courage? What qualities of the true

explorer does Peary show? What picture do you get of the country in

which the travelers journeyed? What do you know of Peary's later

expedition? Do you think the descriptions would be so purely objective

if they were written by the explorer himself? Would the account seem

more real or more interesting if it had been told in the first person?]

HENRY WARD BEECHER'S ACCOUNT OF

HIS SPEECH IN MANCHESTER

I went to my hotel, and when the day came on which I was to make my

first speech, I struck out the notes of my speech in the morning; and

then came up a kind of horror--"I don't know whether I can do anything

with an English audience--I have never had any experience with an

English audience. My American ways, which are all well enough with

Americans, may utterly fail here, and a failure in the cause of my

country now and here is horrible beyond conception to me!" I think I

never went through such a struggle of darkness and suffering in all my

life as I did that afternoon. It was about the going down of the sun

that God brought me to that state in which I said, "Thy will be done. I

am willing to be annihilated; I am willing to fail if the Lord wants me

to." I gave it all up into the hands of God, and rose up in a state of

peace and serenity simply unspeakable, and when the coach came to take

me down to Manchester Hall I felt no disturbance nor dreamed of anything

but success.

We reached the hall. The crowd was already beginning to be tumultuous,

and I recollect thinking to myself as I stood there looking at them, "I

will control you! I came here for victory, and I will have it, by the

help of God!" Well, I was introduced, and I must confess that the things

that I had done and suffered in my own country, according to what the

chairman who introduced me said, amazed me. The speaker was very English

on the subject, and I learned that I belonged to an heroic band, and all

that sort of thing, with Abolitionism [Footnote: Abolitionism: The

policy of those who worked for the abolition of slavery before the Civil

War.] mixed in, and so on. By the way, I think it was there that I was

introduced as the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher Stowe. But as soon as I began

to speak the great audience began to show its teeth, and I had not gone

on fifteen minutes before an unparalleled scene of confusion and

interruption occurred. No American that has not seen an English mob can

form any conception of one. I have seen all sorts of camp meetings and

experienced all kinds of public speaking on the stump; I have seen the

most disturbed meetings in New York City, and they were all of them as

twilight to midnight compared with an English hostile audience. For in

England the meeting does not belong to the parties that call it, but to

whoever chooses to go; and if they can take it out of your hands, it is

considered fair play. This meeting had a very large multitude of men in

it who came there for the purpose of destroying the meeting and carrying

it the other way when it came to a vote.

I took the measure of the audience and said to myself, "About one fourth

of this audience are opposed to me, and about one fourth will be rather

in sympathy; and my business now is, not to appeal to that portion that

is opposed to me nor to those that are already on my side, but to bring

over the middle section." How to do this was a problem. The question

was, who could hold out longest. There were five or six storm-centres,

boiling and whirling at the same time: here some one pounding on a group

with his umbrella and shouting, "Sit down there;" over yonder a row

between two or three combatants; somewhere else a group all yelling

together at the top of their voices. It was like talking to a storm at

sea. But there were the newspaper reporters just in front, and I said to

them, "Now, gentlemen, be kind enough to take down what I say. It will

be in sections, but I will have it connected by and by." I threw my

notes away, and entered on a discussion of the value of freedom as

opposed to slavery in the manufacturing interest, arguing that freedom

everywhere increases a man's necessities, and what he needs he buys, and

that it was, therefore, to the interest of the manufacturing community

to stand by the side of labor through the country. I never was more

self-possessed and never in more perfect good temper, and I never was

more determined that my hearers should feel the curb before I got

through with them. The uproar would come in on this side and on that,

and they would put insulting questions and make all sorts of calls to

me, and I would wait until the noise had subsided, and then get in about

five minutes of talk. The reporters would get that down, and then up

would come another noise. Occasionally I would see things that amused me

and would laugh outright, and the crowd would stop to see what I was

laughing at. Then I would sail in again with a sentence or two. A good

many times the crowd threw up questions which I caught at and answered

back. I may as well put in here one thing that amused me hugely. There

were baize doors that opened both ways into side alleys, and there was a

huge, burly Englishman standing right in front of one of those doors and

roaring like a bull of Bashan; [Footnote: Bull of Bashan: _Psalm_

XXII, 12-13] one of the policemen swung his elbow around and hit him in

the belly and knocked him through the doorway, so that the last part of

the bawl was outside in the alleyway; it struck me so ludicrously to

think how the fellow must have looked when he found himself "hollering"

outside that I could not refrain from laughing outright. The audience

immediately stopped its uproars, wondering what I was laughing at, and

that gave me another chance, and I caught it. So we kept on for about an

hour and a half before they got so far calmed down that I could go on

peaceably with my speech. They liked the pluck. Englishmen like a man

that can stand on his feet and give and take; and so for the last hour I

had pretty clear sailing. The next morning every great paper in England

had the whole speech. I think it was the design of the men there to

break me down on that first speech, by fair means or foul, feeling that

if they could do that it would be trumpeted all over the land. I said to

them then and there, "Gentlemen, you may break me down now, but I have

registered a vow that I will never return home until I have been heard

in every county and principal town in the Kingdom of Great Britain. I am

not going to be broken down nor put down. I am going to be heard, and my

country shall be vindicated." Nobody knows better than I did what it is

to feel that every interest that touches the heart of a Christian man

and a patriotic man and a lover of liberty is being assailed wantonly,

to stand between one nation and your own, and to feel that you are in a

situation in which your country rises or falls with you. And God was

behind it all; I felt it and knew it; and when I got through and the

vote was called off, you would have thought it was a tropical

thunderstorm that swept through that hall as the ayes were thundered,

while the noes were an insignificant and contemptible minority. It had

all gone on our side, and such enthusiasm I never saw. I think it was

there that when I started to go down into the rooms below to get an

exit, a big burly Englishman in the gallery wanted to shake hands with

me, and I could not reach him, and he called out, "Shake my umbrella!"

and he reached it over; I shook it, and as I did so he shouted, "By

Jock! Nobody shall touch that umbrella again!"

--HENRY WARD BEECHER.

[Footnote: Henry Ward Beecher was born in 1813 and died in 1887. He was

a noted lecturer, reformer, author, and clergyman. He was also among the

most prominent of anti-slavery orators, and delivered many addresses in

England on subjects relating to the Civil War.

Why do you suppose Mr. Beecher was introduced as Henry Ward Beecher

Stowe? Name some characteristics of Mr. Beecher as revealed in this

selection. What qualities would you attribute to an English audience,

judging from this account? Do you know anything about the custom of

"heckling" in England? How much was the success of the speech due to Mr.

Beecher's sense of humor? Do you imagine that Mr. Beecher was successful

in his addresses to the English people? Why?]

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