CHAPTER I.

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[Illustration:

_P. Battoni. pinx^t_ _J. Cook, sc._

_Augustus Henry_,

THIRD DUKE OF GRAFTON.]

London, Published by Richard Bentley, 1845.

MEMOIRS

OF THE REIGN OF

KING GEORGE THE THIRD.

BY HORACE WALPOLE,

YOUNGEST SON OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, EARL OF ORFORD.

NOW FIRST PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINAL MSS.

EDITED, WITH NOTES,

BY SIR DENIS LE MARCHANT, BART.

VOL. IV.

LONDON:

RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,

Publisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty.

1845.

LONDON:

Printed by S. & J. BENTLEY, WILSON, and FLEY,

Bangor House, Shoe Lane.

CONTENTS

OF

THE FOURTH VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

A. D. PAGE

1769. Victories of the Russians 2

Altercation with France 2

Position of the Duc de Choiseul 4

Madame du Barry 6

Opposition to her Presentation at Court 12

General Dislike of the new Favourite 16

Cabal against Choiseul 18

His imprudent Conduct 22

Project for restoring the Finances 24

Trial of the Duc d’Aiguillon 25

Anecdote of the Prince of Beauvau 26

Extraordinary Letter of Louis the Fifteenth 29

CHAPTER II.

1770. Irish Parliament prorogued 32

Public Feeling 33

Opening of the British Parliament 34

Lord Chatham moves an Amendment to the Address 34

Debates on the Election of Lutterell 37

Daring Conduct of Burke and Saville 38

Lord Camden loses the Seals 44

Dismissal of the Earl of Huntingdon 45

Resignation of Lord Granby 47

Charles Yorke refuses the Seals 48

Death of Sir John Cust 48

Yorke accepts the Seals 51

His Death 52

Sir Fletcher Norton elected Speaker 54

Disinterestedness of Conway 55

Motion to inquire into the State of the Nation 57

Jan. 22. Duke of Grafton determines to Resign 59

Jan. 25th. Hostile Motion of Dowdeswell in the House

of Commons 62

Interview of Conway with the Duke of Grafton 65

Jan. 27th. Resignation of the Duke 68

His Character 69

CHAPTER III.

1770. Jan. 29th. Lord North appointed First Lord of the Treasury 75

His Character 78

The other Ministers 83

Feb. 2nd. Debate in the Lords on the State of the Nation 87

Feb. 12th. Motion of Lord Chatham 90

Quarrel between the Speaker and Sir William Meredith 91

Debate in the Lords 93

Lord Chatham attacks the Influence of the Court 94

March 5th. Repeal of the American Duties 95

Bold Conduct of the City Authorities 97

March 14th. Remonstrance presented to the King 98

Debates on the Civil List 100

Lord Chatham attacks the Duke of Grafton 101

CHAPTER IV.

1770. Debate on the City Remonstrance 103

Loyal Address carried 107

Bills introduced by Mr. Herbert and Mr. Grenville 110

Conversation on Secret Influence 112

City Dinner to the Opposition 115

Curious Phrase employed by Lord Chatham 116

April 17th. Termination of Wilkes’s Imprisonment 117

Riots at Boston 119

April 28th. Death of Marshal Ligonier 121

Debate on the Irish Parliament 122

State of Parties 123

Burke’s _Thoughts on the Present Discontents_ 129

Influence of Lord Bute 132

Pelham Administration 136

Diminution of the Privileges of Members of Parliament 147

May 8th. American Affairs 149

Middlesex Election 150

CHAPTER V.

1770. May 23rd. Bold Address of Beckford to the King 153

Address on the Birth of a Princess 155

June 21st. Death and Character of Beckford 156

Voyage of the Princess of Wales to Germany 161

Eccentric Conduct of the Queen of Denmark 163

Suit of Lord Grosvenor 164

Trial of the Kennedys for Murder 166

Conduct of Mr. Horne 167

Licence of the Press 168

Libel on the King of Spain 169

Dispute on the Falkland Islands 170

The Adelphi 173

Promotion of Lutterell 174

October 20th. Death and Character of Lord Granby 175

Vacant Regiment bestowed on Conway 175

Meeting of the Inhabitants of Westminster 181

Imminence of a War 183

Diplomacy of Lord Weymouth 184

Lord Mansfield’s Timidity 187

Death and Character of Mr. George Grenville 188

CHAPTER VI.

1770. King’s Speech 191

Debate on the War 192

Speeches of Barré and Lord Barrington 193

Wilkes’s Opposition to Pressing 195

Conduct of Sir Walter Blacket 197

Nov. 22nd. Motion for Papers on the Falkland Islands 198

News from Spain 203

Intemperance of Charles Fox 207

Lord Chatham attacks the Administration 208

Dec. 10. Lord Mansfield delivers a Copy of his

Determination in Woodfall’s Trial 215

Remarkable Scene 217

Dec. 11th. Debate on Lord Mansfield’s Paper 220

Dec. 13th. Debate on the Ejection of the Commons 228

Scotch Nationality 234

Dec. 16th. Resignation of Lord Weymouth 235

Downfall of the Duc de Choiseul 246

The Duc d’Aiguillon and the Parliament of Bretagne 247

Persecution of La Chalotais 248

The Duc retires to Chanteloup 253

CHAPTER VII.

1771. Jan. 9th. Lord Sandwich appointed to the Admiralty 257

Haughty Tone assumed towards Spain 258

Jan. 14th. Death of the Duke of Bedford 259

Law Preferments 262

Declaration of Spain on the Falkland Islands 265

Jan. 25th. Panegyric on Choiseul by Chatham 267

Quarrel between Wilkes and Maclean 271

Feb. 11th. Motion in the Lords to remit Pressing 272

Close Struggle on the Nullum Tempus Bill 273

Feb. 13th. Discussion on the Spanish Declaration 275

Scheme of Wilkes 278

Conduct of the Queen of Denmark 280

March 4th. Bill to allow the East India Company to raise

a Regiment in England 281

The Irish Parliament 283

March 12th. Resistance to the House of Commons 284

Lord Mayor attends the House 292

Revelation respecting Barré’s attack on Mr. Pitt 292

Protracted Conflict with the City 293

Spain demands the restitution of the Falkland Islands 296

Character of Dr. Johnson 297

Famine in Bengal 297

CHAPTER VIII.

1771. March 15th. The Lord Mayor attends the House 299

Alderman Oliver sent to the Tower 301

March 27th. Riot and Attack on Lord North 302

Lord Mayor committed to the Tower 304

March 30th. Lord Rockingham visits the Lord Mayor 306

Weakness of the Opposition 308

Conduct of the Court 310

Education of the Prince of Wales 311

Character of Mr. Smelt 312

Debate on the King’s Friends 314

Alderman Oliver declines to stand as Sheriff with Wilkes 316

Dissolution of the French Parliaments 317

April 23rd. Bill for an East Indian Regiment rejected 319

April 28th. Bill for Triennial Parliaments 320

May 1st. Motion of Lord Chatham tending to a Dissolution 321

Lord Chatham and the Pynsent Estate 322

Instances of the Partiality of both Houses 323

May 9th. Close of the Session 324

Controversy between Horne and Wilkes 325

Duke of Grafton accepts the Privy Seal 327

Visit of the Prince of Wales to Gravesend 327

Wilkes and Bull elected Sheriffs for Middlesex 328

“Adventures of Humphrey Clinker” 328

Chevalier d’Eon supposed to be a Woman 329

State of Affairs in France 330

Character of Maupeou 331

Disgrace of the Bishop d’Orleans 333

The Abbé du Terray 334

Madame du Barry 335

Popularity of the Duc de Choiseul 338

Dissolution of the Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Toulouse 339

Bold Conduct of Choiseul 342

Disturbed State of France 342

General Dislike of the Mistress 343

CHAPTER IX.

1771. Movements of the Pretender 347

Conduct of Lord Townshend in Ireland 348

Lord Rockingham and his Party give over their Opposition 353

Illness of the Princess Dowager 355

Duke of Cumberland’s Private Marriage with Mrs.

Horton 356

APPENDIX.

I. Character and Influence of Lord Bute 367

II. Dr. Thomas, Bishop of Winchester 370

III. George the Third and Mr. Mackenzie 371

IV. Libel on the King of Spain 372

V. Extracts from the Life of the Duke of Grafton 376

MEMOIRS

OF THE REIGN OF

KING GEORGE THE THIRD.

CHAPTER I.

Victories of the Russians.--Altercation with France.--Position of

the Duc de Choiseul.--Origin of his Power.--His Character.--Madame

du Barry.--Her Influence opposed to that of the Duc.--Opposition

to her Presentation at Court, which is at last effected.--General

Dislike of the New Favourite.--Cabal against the Duc de

Choiseul.--His Imprudent Conduct.--Projects for Restoring the

Finances.--Trial of the Duc D’Aiguillon.--Anecdote of the Prince of

Beauvau.--Extraordinary Letter of Louis the Fifteenth.

1769.

Thus ended the year 1769, leaving a prospect of very gloomy scenes

at hand. In the last reign the House of Lords had acquired a great

ascendant in the legislature; at the beginning of the present, the

Crown had aimed at, and well nigh attained, an increase of the

prerogative. The people were now grown formidable both to the King

and Lords, and openly attacked the House of Commons, their best real

support. Against all the branches of the legislature the contest

was certainly unequal, but the vibrations of the balance proved how

nicely the constitution was poised. Yet so tremulous an equilibrium

made it the more to be feared that one or other of the scales might

preponderate. The union of all three against the people, by the Lords

and Commons being sold to the King, was still more formidable. I shall

conclude the history of the year with what relates to foreign politics.

The tide was turned in favour of the Russians. The victorious Grand

Vizir, who had checked their success, was removed by an intrigue of

the Seraglio; and his successor rashly venturing to give battle, was

defeated with great loss: Choczim was taken, and Prince Gallitzin, who

had been recalled on a notion of having failed, destroyed the Turkish

army before he received the news of his disgrace. France and Spain

were tempted to molest the Russian fleet as it should pass through the

Mediterranean; and, as it was received and favoured in our ports, it

was not improbable but the three powers would be drawn into the vortex

of the war. We had actually subsisting with France a quarrel that

disposition to a rupture would easily have blown up into very serious

discussion. A French ship had come into one of our ports, but refused

to lower her pendant. On being fired at, the French captain continued

to refuse striking the pendant, but declared himself our prize. France

presented a strong memorial, and threatened reprisals. A parallel case

had happened in Sir Robert Walpole’s time, who had yielded the point

by breaking the captain for one day, and promoting him the next. At

this time a vigorous answer was returned, and in harsher terms than Mr.

Conway thought necessary, who asking Lord Weymouth at Council if he had

looked into the former case, he replied, No--and sent away the memorial

without examining it. Lord Weymouth, as will appear hereafter, was not

apt to avoid hostile measures.[1] Two thousand sailors were ordered to

be raised: but so inattentive were the Ministers to any system, and

so impossible was it for naval commanders, or West Indian governors

to obtain the shortest moments of audience, that this fervour of

flippant resolution seemed a mere tribute to national clamour, not the

consequence of any methodical determination.

The situation of the Duc de Choiseul dispelled those clouds. Prone as

he was to attack us, and impatiently as he wished for occasions of

signalizing his ambitious genius, his master’s pacific and indolent

humanity, the embarrassed state of the French finances, and the

storm ready to burst on his own head, left Choiseul neither means

nor power of embroiling Europe farther. Their funds were deficient,

their army not paid, and the Prime Minister was too extravagant and

too volatile to attend to details of economy, or to strike out any

considerable plans of frugality. He could neither find resources, nor

men who could find any. D’Invau,[2] an honest man, whom he had made

Comptroller-General, fairly abandoned the trial in less than a year.

It was a strange succedaneum on which the Duke pitched, and which in

a man less mercurial would have spoken despair. He refused to select

a new Comptroller, and told the King that the Chancellor ought to

choose one,--thus screening himself from blame if the successor should

fail, as was most probable; but at the same time certain, that a man

placed by his enemy would not, if successful, prove a friend to one

that had not recommended him. Maupeou, the Chancellor, was a very able

man, as false as Choiseul was indiscreetly frank, and had long been

that Duke’s most shameless flatterer.[3] The Duke’s true friends had

warned him against raising Maupeou from the post of Vice-Chancellor

to that of Chancellor. Choiseul did not deny that there was danger in

it, but said, no other man was fit for the post. Choiseul presumed on

maintaining ascendant enough to control him. Maupeou, too, did not want

confidence, but his was backed by art and method. Choiseul despised his

enemies--Maupeou despised nothing but principles.

The Duc de Choiseul, denying all hostile intentions in his Court,

offered to allow us to send a person to Toulon to see that no

preparations for war were carrying on there; and before the end of the

year, the Comte du Châtelet returned to England to confirm the pacific

assurances that had been given.

As the interior of the Court of France is scarce known in this country,

a short account of the intrigues at the time I am describing, may be a

present not unacceptable to posterity. I passed many months at Paris

in four different years, had very intimate connections there with

persons of the first rank, and of various factions; and I spent five

evenings in a week with the Duchesse de Choiseul and her select friends

in the summer of 1769. The Duke was often of the party; and his levity

and her anxiety on his account let me into many secrets, and explained

enough of the rest to make me sufficiently master of the critical

situation of the Minister at that time. I must take up his story a

little farther back to make it perfectly intelligible.

Madame de Pompadour, who to the end of her life governed Louis XV. by

habit, by which he was always governed, had established the Duc de

Choiseul in the Ministry, and left him in possession of the chief share

of power. Cardinal de Fleury and she had been successively absolute:

but the King had never resigned himself entirely to anybody else. The

Duc de Choiseul had quick parts, and dispatched business with the

same rapidity that he conceived it. His ambition was boundless, his

insolence ungoverned,[4] his discretion unrestrained, his love of

pleasure and dissipation predominant even over his ambition. He was

both an open enemy and a generous one, and had more joy in attacking

his foes than in punishing them. Whether from gaiety or presumption, he

never was dismayed. His vanity made him always depend on the success

of his plans; and his spirits made him soon forget the miscarriage of

them. He had no idea of national or domestic economy, which being a

quality of prudence and providence, could not enter into so audacious

a mind. He would project and determine the ruin of a country, but

could not meditate a little mischief, or a narrow benefit. In private

his sallies and good humour were pleasing, and would have been more

pleasing if his manner had not been overbearing and self-sufficient.

The latter created him enemies; the former, friends.[5] Among the

first were the Maréchal de Richelieu and the Duc d’Aiguillon. To the

impertinence of a fashionable old beau,[6] Richelieu added all the

little intrigues and treacheries of a Court, having tried every method

but merit to raise himself to the first post. At past seventy he still

flattered himself with the vision of pleasing women[7] and governing

the King, because the King at near sixty had not done being pleased

with women. The Duc d’Aiguillon[8] was universally abhorred. His

abominable tyranny and villany in his Government of Bretagne had made

him dreaded; and his ambition being much superior to his abilities, he

had betrayed the badness of his heart before he had reached the object

to which he aspired.[9] The Duc de Choiseul despised Richelieu, and had

kept down d’Aiguillon. They were connected before; their resentments

and views united them more intimately, but it was the contemptible one

that shook their antagonist’s power.

There was a Comte du Barry, said to be of a noble family.[10] It was

much more certain that he was a sharper and a pimp, nominally to the

Maréchal, frequently so to the young English that resorted to Paris,

where he furnished them with opera girls, and drew them into gaming.

Two years before he was known for loftier intrigues, the Lieutenant

de Police civilly warned some English lords not to haunt Du Barry’s

house, lest he should find them there when, as he expected, he should

be forced to visit a place so scandalous. Du Barry, in quest of a

more plentiful harvest, came to London, and exercised his vocation at

taverns. In his Parisian seraglio, was a well-made girl of the town,

not remarkably pretty, called Mademoiselle L’Ange. After passing

through every scene of prostitution, this nymph was pitched upon by

the Cabal for overturning the ascendant of Choiseul. To ensure her

attachment to them, and to qualify her for the post she was to occupy

in the State,[11] they began with marrying her to the brother of her

pander, Du Barry. The next step was to prevail on Belle, the King’s

first valet de chambre, and first minister of his private hours, to

introduce her to the Monarch. After such a succession of beauties as

he had known, and no stranger to the most dissolute, too, the King

was caught with such moderate charms, which had not even the merit of

coming to his arms in their first bloom.

At first a sort of mystery was observed. But the fair one gained

ground rapidly, and Solomon soon began to chant the perfections of

his beloved. The Court was shocked to hear to what an idol of clay

they were to address their homage. They were accustomed to bow down

before a mistress--but took it into their heads that the disgrace

consisted in her being a common girl of the town. The King’s daughters,

who had borne the ascendant of Madame de Pompadour in their mother’s

life, grew outrageous, though she was dead, at the new favourite, for

being of the lowest class of her profession; and instead of regarding

this amour as only ridiculous, treated it with a serious air of

disobedience, that would have offended any man but so indulgent and

weak a father, or a very wise one. The poor King blushed, and by turns

hesitated and exalted his mistress. In private the scene was childish:

his aged Majesty and his indelicate concubine romped, pelted one

another with sugarplums, and were much oftener silly than amorous. The

Faction did not sleep: the next point was that Madame du Barry should

be presented publicly. The King promised: her clothes and liveries were

made.

Instead of attempting to remove or buy the new mistress, the Duc de

Choiseul’s conduct was as imprudent and rash as the King’s was pitiful.

He spoke of Madame du Barry publicly, without decency or management;

which being quickly carried to her, and she complaining of it, he

said at his own table, before a large company:--“Madame du Barry est

très mal informée; on ne parle pas de catins chez moi.” The King’s

irresolution and the Minister’s insolence, suspended the abjection of

the courtiers. Even the men avoided the mistress; and when the King

proposed to carry any of them to her, they excused themselves, slipped

away, or were silent. Had they never been mean, such conduct had been

noble.

In this suspense, inquiry was made for some lady of great rank to

present the new Countess. Not one could be found that would stoop to

that office. Maréchal Richelieu was forced to fetch an obscure lady

from Bordeaux. The presentation, however, was delayed. Madame, the

eldest of the King’s daughters, took to her bed, and protested she

would not receive the mistress. This stopped it for some time. The Duc

de la Vauguion, Governor of the Dauphin, a great bigot and partisan

of the Jesuits, went to Madame, and advised her to be civil to the

Countess. She asked him if he came by the King’s orders? He said, No,

but as a well-wisher to her Royal Highness. She bade him instantly

quit the room: and the hypocrite reaped nothing but the shame of

having prostituted himself to so scandalous an office for the good

of the Church--the zealot party hoping everything from the rising

Cabal--and, in fact, as despotism soon took such strides under the new

influence, enthusiasm had reason to flatter itself with a restoration,

too, under a doating Prince, a common strumpet, an old debauchee, and

a profligate swindler, aided by such adjuncts as the Head of the Law

and D’Aiguillon, who breathed the very spirit of the Inquisition. This

junto soon called a female saint to their counsels, the Carmelite

Louisa, the King’s youngest daughter; and the poor Monarch divided his

leisure between Capreœ and Mount Carmel.

In the meantime the Duc de Choiseul went so far as to talk of

resigning, if the presentation took place. Arrogant as he was, this

bravery was not solely of his own growth, but inspired by the women

of his connection. Of all human kind, there were not two beings so

insolent as his own sister, the Duchesse de Grammont, and her friend,

the Princesse de Beauvau.[12] These amazons took it into their heads to

brave the King and his mistress; and, though the creatures of favour,

were so transported by this imaginary heroism, that they urged the Duke

to resign in defiance. This impertinence in Madame de Grammont was

absurd beyond measure. Subsisting but by her brother’s power, abhorred

for her haughtiness, suspected of many gallantries, and notorious for

one that ought to have been the most secret, what could she expect from

his fall but universal neglect? The Princess, no Penelope, was hurried

on by equal impetuosity, and by rancour, to another person, whom I

shall mention presently: yet, divested of their passions, both these

viragos had uncommonly good understandings. There was a third person,

who it was more surprising took the same line, though regulated by

the same decency that governed all her actions. This was the Duchesse

de Choiseul, a woman in whom industrious malice could not find an

imperfection, unless that charming one of _studying_ to be a complete

character. She was too virtuous to fear reproach or contagion from

civilities to the mistress, and should have left it to the Duchess and

Princess to be disdainful prudes.[13] Yet in a quiet style she was not

less earnest than they in soliciting her husband not to bend to the

ignominy of the hour. The King, who, by a singular situation, opened

all letters, having the chief postmaster his own creature, and not the

Minister’s, read the Duchesse’s importunities with her husband; and as

he had expected more duty from her, resented her behaviour more than

that of the two other dames.

After an anxious suspense of three months, and when the public began

to think the presentation warded off, it suddenly took place. The King

returning from hunting, found (no doubt by concert) Maréchal Richelieu,

who was in waiting in the outward room with a letter in his hand. The

King asked what it was? “Sire,” said the Duke, “it is from Madame du

Barry, who desires the honour of being presented to your Majesty.”

“With all my heart,” replied the King; “she may come to morrow, if

she pleases.” This was said aloud. The Duc de Choiseul and Versailles

learnt the news at the same moment. Next day all Paris was there to see

the ceremony.

Notwithstanding such indications of the Cabal being possessed of the

King’s confidence without the privity of the Minister, the faction

of the latter had established such a tone, that the person of all

France who seemed most in disgrace, was the new mistress. The men,

indeed, began by degrees to drop their visits at her apartment, and

then sparingly to appear at her toilet. The women shunned her as they

do an unhappy young damsel, who has fallen a victim to a first and

real passion. At Marly, in the very salon with the King, it was a

solitude round his mistress: and one or two of the ladies attending

the Mesdames deigning to leave their names at her door, were scratched

out of the list for Marly by _Madame_. On the other hand, the Duchesses

de Choiseul and Grammont and the Princesse de Beauvau, refusing to

stoop even to that piece of form, were totally excluded from the King’s

suppers. Instead of being mortified, they engaged all their female

relations in the same insult.

It became necessary for the King to form a new set of company; yet all

his authority could assemble but five or six women of rank, and those

of the most decried characters, except the last I shall mention. There

was Madame de l’Hôpital, an ancient mistress of the Prince de Soubize;

the Comtesse de Valentinois, of the highest birth, very rich but very

foolish, and as far from a Lucretia as Madame du Barry herself. Madame

de Flavacourt was another, a suitable companion to both in virtue

and understanding. She was sister to three of the King’s earliest

mistresses, and had aimed at succeeding them. The Maréchale Duchesse

de Mirepoix[14] was the last, and a very important acquisition. No

man, no woman in France, had a superior understanding; and it was as

agreeable as it was profound. Haughty, but supple, she could command

respect even from those that knew her; and could transform herself

into, or stoop to, any character that suited her views. All this art,

all these talents, were drowned in such an overwhelming passion for

play, that though she had long had singular credit with the King, she

reduced her favour to an endless solicitation for money to pay her

debts. Her constant necessities were a constant source of degrading

actions. She had left off red, and acted devotion to attain the post

of Dame d’Honneur to the Queen; the very next day she was seen riding

backwards with Madame de Pompadour in the latter’s own coach. In one

of her moments of poverty she had offended Choiseul by matching her

nephew, the Prince d’Henin, with the daughter of Madame de Monconseil,

a capital enemy of the Prime Minister, but rich and intriguing.[15] To

accelerate the Prime Minister’s ruin, to secure her own favour, and in

opposition to her sister-in-law, the Princesse de Beauvau, Madame de

Mirepoix now united herself strictly, not only with the mistress, but

with Maréchale Richelieu, who, having killed her first husband, the

Prince of Lixin, thirty years before in a duel, had been obliged, as

much as possible, to shun her company. But in all this scene of hatred

and intrigue, nothing came up to the enmity between the Maréchale and

the Princesse. That the latter boasted of it was not surprising. The

former, as cool as the Princesse, was outrageous--confessed it too. The

first fruits of her complaisance, was a gift of an hundred thousand

livres from the King. One day she attempted to explain away this reward

to her niece, Madame de Bussy. “It was promised to me,” said Madame de

Mirepoix, “a year ago; but from the disorder of the finances I did not

obtain it till now; but it was not in consideration of my attention to

Madame du Barry.” “No surely, Madam,” replied the other; “it would not

have been enough.”[16]

The King having gratified his mistress, was very desirous of preserving

peace; and, as usual, unwilling to change his Minister. The Duc de

Choiseul availed himself of this indolence, and, to re-establish the

appearance of his credit, obtained the recall of the Parliament of

Bretagne, the deepest wound he could inflict on the Duc d’Aiguillon.

The latter returned the blow. The Duc de Chaulnes was dying;[17]

D’Aiguillon treated with him for the purchase of the Chevaux legers,

and secretly, by the mistress’s influence, obtained the King’s

consent. The Duc de Choiseul laboured to defeat it, but in vain. Now

again to prop his credit, he procured to have the Procureur-General

du Châtelet sent to the Bastille, for announcing that he was to be

Comptroller-General in four days. This was an able man, and a creature

of the Cabal. The King, too, was prevailed on to say in council, that

he heard there were reports of an approaching change in the ministry,

and did he know the authors, he would thrust them into a dungeon. To

revive their hopes, the mistress herself carried the Duc d’Aiguillon

his new patent.

At the same time, probably by the King’s direction, in hopes of some

accommodation, the mistress sent for the Duc de Choiseul. He replied,

If she wanted him, she might come to him. She sent again that she was

not dressed, and must see him. It was to ask preferment for that very

postmaster that was his enemy. The Duke went; and though he staid

an hour and a quarter with her, came away refusing her request; and

leaving her, who had been only an instrument of the Cabal, an offended

principal. The weakness of this conduct was the more remarkable, as

he had the example of his immediate predecessor, the Cardinal de

Bernis, before his eyes.[18] From an indigent, sonnet-writing abbé,

Madame de Pompadour had raised Bernis to the Cardinalate, and to the

office of Prime Minister. In six weeks he refused to wait on her in

her apartment, as if incompatible with his sacred dignity--and as if

ingratitude was compatible with it! In six days she sent him to his

bishopric.[19]

At Fontainebleau, hostilities were carried very high, but came to no

decision. It was known, that though the Duc de Choiseul had staid so

long with the mistress, he had rather exasperated than softened her.

When they were partners at whist with the King, she made faces and

shrugged up her shoulders at the Minister. The King disapproved this,

and forbade it. One night after the Court’s return to Versailles,

the Maréchal de Soubize, playing against her, said to her on her

scoring two by honours, “Non, Madame, vous n’aviez pas les honneurs;

vous n’aviez que le roi.” The King laughed, and so did the mistress

violently; it being said without design, by Monsieur de Soubize, who

was extremely decent, and not hostile to her. Had he been her friend,

he could have decided the contest at once to the ruin of Choiseul; for

Soubize was better than any man with the King; and, had he not wanted

ambition, might have been minister himself.

With all her antipathy to Monsieur de Choiseul, Madame de Mirepoix

had too much parts not to be sensible of his, and of his engaging

vivacity. One day, that to please her Madame du Barry was railing at

the Duke, she caught herself, and said, “Mais comprenez vous, Madame,

qu’on puisse tant hair un homme qu’on ne connoit pas?” Madame de

Mirepoix replied, “Je le comprendois bien moins, Madame, si vous le

commissiez”--as flattering and genteel a compliment as could be made by

an enemy.

The desperate state of the finances brought the Duke as near to his

ruin as the Cabal could do. His new Comptroller-General, to whom he

paid unbounded court, to give him spirits, could, as everybody had

foreseen, produce no effectual plan; and though he offered one, it was

rejected by the majority of the Council. The man, who was upright,

desired leave to retire, said he had done his best, and had neither

enriched himself nor his friends. The King ordered Choiseul to name

another. Aware of the difficulty, and to avoid furnishing his enemies

with a new handle for accusing him of miscarriage, he threw the burthen

off himself, saying, it was the Chancellor’s business. Maupeou, the

Chancellor, named the Abbé du Terray, who immediately set out, with a

violence and rigour beyond example, not only lessening pensions and

grants by the half, but striking at the interest on the debt; and was

on the point of blowing up the credit of France entirely, especially

with foreign countries. Choiseul probably inflamed the bankers of

the Court; and then harangued so ably in Council against such breach

of faith, that he carried it against the Comptroller, to make good

their foreign engagements, the King himself saying, every man must tax

himself, and that he himself had two thousand louis-d’ors, and would

give them to support public credit.[20] This victory, and the clamours

of the sufferers, endeared Choiseul more than ever to the nation. At

the same time he gave a dangerous wound to his capital enemy, the Duc

D’Aiguillon, who, perceiving the horror he had raised, or that had

been raised, by the story propagated of having attempted to have La

Chalotais poisoned, petitioned the King to allow him to be tried for

his conduct in his government of Bretagne. Choiseul, under pretence

of justifying him, prevailed on the King, not only to consent, but to

order the trial in his own presence at Paris, whither the Parliament

was ordered to repair and be prosecutors,--a measure big with a cruel

alternative; as, if guilty, the Duc D’Aiguillon would not be able to

conceal his guilt from the King; and, if acquitted, the novelty of

the trial, and the known partiality of his master, would seem to have

screened him from conviction. The Parliament was very averse to this

new mode, but was obliged to acquiesce; and so great vexation did the

accused undergo, that at the very beginning of the trial it threw him

into a jaundice. After the trial had gone on for many weeks, the King

suddenly put a stop to it, forbade all further proceedings, declared

his approbation of the Duc d’Aiguillon’s whole conduct, and that the

latter had done nothing but by his orders, and for his service--a

sentence, that left the public at liberty to surmise the worst, when

the criminal did not dare to trust his cause even to so partial a

protector! The sequel of these intrigues will appear in the following

years.

I shall add, as notes to the foregoing account of the Court of France,

some remarkable passages that will throw more light on it. I have

mentioned the friendship of the Duchesse de Choiseul for Madame du

Deffand. The Prince de Beauvau was so attached to the latter that he

scarce ever missed seeing her one day when he was in Paris: and as I

had known him above thirty years, and came so often to Paris and lived

so much with them, he and the Princess talked their politics before

me without reserve. One day in particular, after the Duc de Choiseul’s

fall, and the removal of the Prince from his government of Languedoc

in consequence, Madame du Deffand was expressing her fears to the

Prince and Princess, that he would be removed also from his post of

Captain of the King’s Guard. “Oh!” said the Prince, “the King will not

take that from me for his own sake.” Madame du Deffand asked what he

meant? “Why,” replied the Prince, “he would not think his person safe

if I was not the Captain of his Guard. When Prince Charles passed the

Rhine, I asked leave to go thither as a volunteer. The King would give

me no answer for three days, and then refused me leave: he was afraid

to be without me.” In short, they said such strong things, that I

feared they would, on reflection, be sorry they had gone so far before

a foreigner, and therefore, and that they might not think me curious,

I rose and went into the next room. When I returned, the Princess, who

was exceedingly quick-sighted, suspected my motive, and questioned me

whether she had not penetrated me. When I owned she was in the right,

“Now,” said she, “you think you have done a very civil thing, but you

have done a very rude one; for if you thought these things that we have

said too strong for you to hear, it is telling us that they were too

strong for us to utter.”

With all this good sense, her haughtiness and violence were extreme. In

1775, on the Princesse de Lamballe being placed above the Princesse de

Chimay in the Queen’s family, the Prince and Princesse de Beauvau would

have had their niece, Madame de Chimay, quit her place rather than

submit. Madame du Deffand disputed the point with them. I said nothing.

When they were gone, Madame du Deffand asked me on which side I was. I

said on her’s. “Then,” said she, “how could you be such a flatterer to

them as not to take my part?” “Because,” said I, “you argued only on

their duty to the King and Queen; but my reasons were too strong to be

given. Monsieur de Beauvau, whose mother was mistress, and he himself

a natural son of only a Duke of Lorraine, thinks it below his niece to

give place to the Princesse de Lamballe, whose husband’s grandfather

was a natural son of Louis Quatorze!”[21]

But the most extraordinary anecdote was the following letter, which

Louis the Fifteenth, when he was endeavouring to pacify the civil war

in his Court between Madame du Barry and the Duc de Choiseul, wrote

to the latter. It is so extraordinary, his Majesty even hinting a

possibility of his _marrying his mistress_, that I must give an account

how it came into my hands. It was read to Madame du Deffand by the Duc

or Duchesse de Choiseul, but they would not give her a copy. However,

as she heard it more than once, she dictated to her secretary as

many of the passages as she could remember, but disguised the names

under Persian names for fear of losing the paper or having it found

in her possession. That copy she gave me, which I here set down, I

solemnly protest, word for word as I received it. It is a striking

picture of that Monarch’s character, full of weakness, good-humour,

frankness;--and still more of his love of quiet and disinclination to

change a Minister he was used to.

* * * * *

“Anecdotes Persannes.

“Sapor, Sultan de Perse, écrivit une lettre fort singulière à son

Atemadoulet, dont voici quelques fragmens:

“‘Vous connoissez mal la personne que j’aime; vous êtes environné de

gens qui vous préviennent contre elle: ne les ecoutez point, il y a

long tems qu’ils me déplaisent. Je vous promets de vous mettre bien

avec celle que j’aime, et de détruire toutes les préventions qu’on

veut lui donner contre vous. Je vous dirai confidemment que je ne puis

me passer de femmes. Celle ci me plait, et si je l’épousois, tout

le monde tomberoit à ses genoux. Le Mogol,[22] voulant se marier,

et voulant épouser une belle femme, fit plusieurs voyages sans

rencontrer ce qu’il cherchoit. Je vous le répète, je ne puis me passer

de femmes; mais il m’en faut une belle. La sœur du Mogol,[23] que

je pourrois épouser, ne l’est pas. La personne, avec qui je vis, me

plait; consentez à bien vivre avec elle; rien n’est plus aisé, et vous

m’obligerez infiniment.’

“L’Atemadoulet resista; et quelques mois après il fut disgracié.”

Madame du Deffand adds, “J’oubliois un trait de cette lettre; ‘je ne

veux point une femme de qualité: je ne veux point non plus à l’exemple

de Thamas,[24] mon ayeul, une matrone.’”

Perhaps it will not be thought very wise in the Duc de Choiseul to

have resisted such a letter. Should the original ever appear, as is

not impossible, it will corroborate the truth of the rest that I

have related. I trust much to collateral evidence for confirming the

veracity of these Memoirs.

Memoirs of the Reign of King George the Third, Volume 4 (of 4) · 第 1 / 10 章