At a Medium
The husbands 43 years 17¼ per cent., 742 years.
are aged apiece, which, makes
at
The wives 40 17¼ 690
The widowers 56 1½ 84
The widows 60 4½ 270
The children 12 45 540
The servants 27 10½ 284
The sojourners 35 4 140
At a medium 27½ 100 2,750
_Vide_ Scheme D.
Mr. King’s modesty has been so far overruled as to suffer us to
communicate these his excellent computations, which we can the more
safely commend, having examined them very carefully, tried them by some
little operations of our own upon the same subject, and compared them
with the schemes of other persons, who take pleasure in the like studies.
What he says concerning the number of the people to be 5,500,000 is no
positive assertion, nor shall we pretend anywhere to determine in that
matter; what he lays down is by way of hypothesis, that supposing the
inhabitants of England to have been, A.D. 1300, 2,860,000 heads, by the
orderly series of increase allowed of by all writers they may probably be
about A.D. 1700, 5,500,000 heads; but if they were A.D. 1300 either less
or more, the case must proportionably alter; for as to his allowances for
plagues, great mortalities, civil wars, the sea, and the plantations,
they seem very reasonable, and not well to be controverted.
Upon these schemes of Mr. King we shall make several remarks, though the
text deserves much a better comment.
SCHEME D.—A SCHEME OF THE INCOME AND EXPENSE OF THE SEVERAL FAMILIES OF
ENGLAND, CALCULATED FOR THE YEAR 1688. {148}
Number of Families. RANKS, DEGREES, Heads per Family.
TITLES, AND
QUALIFICATIONS.
160 Temporal Lords 40
26 Spiritual Lords 20
800 Baronets 16
600 Knights 13
3,000 Esquires 10
12,000 Gentlemen 8
5,000 Persons in greater 8
offices and places
5,000 Persons in lesser 6
offices and places
2,000 Eminent merchants and 8
traders by sea
8,000 Lesser merchants and 6
traders by sea
10,000 Persons in the law 7
2,000 Eminent clergymen 6
8,000 Lesser clergymen 5
40,000 Freeholders of the 7
better sort
120,000 Freeholders of the 5½
lesser sort
150,000 Farmers 5
15,000 Persons in liberal 5
arts and sciences
50,000 Shopkeepers and 4½
tradesmen
60,000 Artisans and 4
handicrafts
5,000 Naval officers 4
4,000 Military officers 4
500,586 5⅓
50,000 Common seamen 3
364,000 Labouring people and 3½
out-servants
400,000 Cottagers and paupers 3¼
35,000 Common soldiers 2
849,000 Vagrants, as gipsies, 3¼
thieves, beggars, &c.
500,586 Increasing the wealth 5⅓
of the kingdom
849,000 Decreasing the wealth 3¼
of the kingdom
1,349,586 Net totals 4 1/13
* * * * *
Number of Persons. Yearly Income per. Family. Yearly Income in Yearly Income per. Hd. Yearly Expense per Hd. Yearly Yearly
general. Increase per. Incr. in
Hd. General.
£ s. £ £ s. £ s. d. £ s. d. £
6,400 3,200 0 512,000 80 0 70 0 0 10 0 0 64,000
520 1,300 0 33,800 65 0 45 0 0 20 0 0 10,400
12,800 880 0 704,000 55 0 49 0 0 6 0 0 76,800
7,800 650 0 390,000 50 0 45 0 0 5 0 0 39,000
30,000 450 0 1,200,000 45 0 41 0 0 4 0 0 120,000
96,000 280 0 2,880,000 35 0 32 0 0 3 0 0 288,000
40,000 240 0 1,200,000 30 0 26 0 0 4 0 0 160,000
30,000 120 0 600,000 20 0 17 0 0 3 0 0 90,000
16,000 400 0 800,000 50 0 37 0 0 13 0 0 208,000
48,000 198 0 1,600,000 33 0 27 0 0 6 0 0 288,000
70,000 154 0 1,540,000 22 0 18 0 0 4 0 0 280,000
12,000 72 0 144,000 12 0 10 0 0 2 0 0 24,000
40,000 50 0 400,000 10 0 9 4 0 0 16 0 32,000
280,000 91 0 3,640,000 13 0 11 15 0 1 5 0 350,000
660,000 55 0 6,600,000 10 0 9 10 0 0 10 0 330,000
750,000 42 10 6,375,000 8 10 8 5 0 0 5 0 187,500
75,000 60 0 900,000 12 0 11 0 0 1 0 0 75,000
225,000 45 0 2,250,000 10 0 9 0 0 1 0 0 225,000
240,000 38 0 2,280,000 9 10 9 0 0 0 10 0 120,000
20,000 80 0 400,000 20 0 18 0 0 2 0 0 40,000
16,000 60 0 240,000 15 0 14 0 0 1 0 0 16,000
2,675,520 68 18 34,488,800 12 18 11 15 4 1 2 8 3,023,700
Decrease. Decrease.
150,000 20 0 1,000,000 7 0 7 10 0 0 10 0 75,000
1,275,000 15 0 5,460,000 4 10 4 12 0 0 2 0 127,500
1,300,000 6 10 2,000,000 2 0 2 5 0 0 5 0 325,000
70,000 14 0 490,000 7 0 7 10 0 0 10 0 35,000
2,795,000 10 10 8,950,000 3 5 3 9 0 0 4 0 562,500
30,000 60,000 2 0 4 0 0 2 0 0 60,000
So the General Account is
2,675,520 68 18 34,488,800 12 18 11 15 4 1 2 8 3,023,700
2,825,000 10 10 9,010,000 3 3 3 7 6 0 4 6 622,500
5,500,520 32 5 43,491,800 7 18 7 9 3 0 8 9 2,401,200
The people being the first matter of power and wealth, by whose labour
and industry a nation must be gainers in the balance, their increase or
decrease must be carefully observed by any government that designs to
thrive; that is, their increase must be promoted by good conduct and
wholesome laws, and if they have been decreased by war, or any other
accident, the breach is to be made up as soon as possible, for it is a
maim in the body politic affecting all its parts.
Almost all countries in the world have been more or less populous, as
liberty and property have been there well or ill secured. The first
constitution of Rome was no ill-founded government, a kingly power
limited by laws; and the people increased so fast, that, from a small
beginning, in the reign of their sixth king were they able to send out an
army of 80,000 men. And in the time of the commonwealth, in that
invasion which the Gauls made upon Italy, not long before Hannibal came
thither, they were grown so numerous, as that their troops consisted of
700,000 foot and 70,000 horse; it is true their allies were comprehended
in this number, but the ordinary people fit to bear arms being mustered
in Rome and Campania, amounted to 250,000 foot and 23,000 horse.
Nothing, therefore, can more contribute to the rendering England populous
and strong than to have liberty upon a right footing, and our legal
constitution firmly preserved. A nation may be as well called free under
a limited kingship as in a commonwealth, and it is to this good form of
our government that we partly owe that doubling of the people which has
probably happened here in the 435 years last past. And if the ambition
of some, and the mercenary temper of others, should bring us at any time
to alter our constitution, and to give up our ancient rights, we shall
find our numbers diminish visibly and fast. For liberty encourages
procreation, and not only keeps our own inhabitants among us, but invites
strangers to come and live under the shelter of our laws.
The Romans, indeed, made use of an adventitious help to enlarge their
city, which was by incorporating foreign cities and nations into their
commonwealth; but this way is not without its mischiefs. For the
strangers in Rome by degrees had grown so numerous, and to have so great
a vote in the councils, that the whole Government began to totter, and
decline from its old to its new inhabitants, which Fabius the censor
observing, he applied a remedy in time by reducing all the new citizens
into four tribes, that being contracted into so narrow a space, they
might not have so malignant an influence upon the city.
An Act of general naturalisation would likewise probably increase our
numbers very fast, and repair what loss we may have suffered in our
people by the late war. It is a matter that has been very warmly
contended for by many good patriots; but peradventure it carries also its
danger with it, which perhaps would have the less influence by this
expedient, namely, if an Act of Parliament were made, that no heads of
families hereafter to be naturalised for the first generation, should
have votes in any of our elections. But as the case stands, it seems
against the nature of right government that strangers (who may be spies,
and who may have an interest opposite to that of England, and who at best
ever join in one link of obsequiousness to the Ministers) should be
suffered to intermeddle in that important business of sending members to
Parliament. From their sons indeed there is less to fear, who by birth
and nature may come to have the same interest and inclinations as the
natives.
And though the expedient of Fabius Maximus, to contract the strangers
into four tribes, might be reasonable where the affairs of a whole empire
were transacted by magistrates chosen in one city, yet the same policy
may not hold good in England; foreigners cannot influence elections here
by being dispersed about in the several counties of the kingdom, where
they can never come to have any considerable strength. But some time or
other they may endanger the government by being suffered to remain, such
vast numbers of them here in London where they inhabit altogether, at
least 30,000 persons in two quarters of the town, without intermarrying
with the English, or learning our language, by which means for several
years to come they are in a way still to continue foreigners, and perhaps
may have a foreign interest and foreign inclinations; to permit this
cannot be advisable or safe. It may therefore be proper to limit any new
Acts of naturalisation with such restrictions as may make the accession
of strangers not dangerous to the public.
An accession of strangers, well regulated, may add to our strength and
numbers; but then it must be composed of labouring men, artificers,
merchants, and other rich men, and not of foreign soldiers, since such
fright and drive away from a nation more people than their troops can
well consist of: for if it has been ever seen that men abound most where
there is most freedom (China excepted, whose climate excels all others,
and where the exercise of the tyranny is mild and easy) it must follow
that people will in time desert those countries whose best flower is
their liberties, if those liberties are thought precarious or in danger.
That foreign soldiers are dangerous to liberty, we may produce examples
from all countries and all ages; but we shall instance only one, because
it is eminent above all the rest.
The Carthaginians, in their wars, did very much use mercenary and foreign
troops; and when the peace was made between them and the Romans, after a
long dispute for the dominion of Sicily, they brought their army home to
be paid and disbanded, which Gesco, their General, had the charge of
embarking, who did order all his part with great dexterity and wisdom.
But the State of Carthage wanting money to clear arrears, and satisfy the
troops, was forced to keep them up longer than was designed. The army
consisted of Gauls, Ligurians, Baleareans, and Greeks. At first they
were insolent in their quarters in Carthage, and were prevailed upon to
remove to Sicca, where they were to remain and expect their pay. There
they grew presently corrupted with ease and pleasure, and fell into
mutinies and disorder, and to making extravagant demands of pay and
gratuities; and in a rage, with their arms in their hands, they marched
20,000 of them towards Carthage, encamping within fifteen miles of the
city; and chose Spendius and Matho, two profligate wretches, for their
leaders, and imprisoned Gesco, who was deputed to them from the
commonwealth. Afterwards they caused almost all the Africans, their
tributaries, to revolt; they grew in a short time to be 70,000 strong;
they fought several battles with Hanno and Hamilcar Barcas. During these
transactions, the mercenaries that were in garrison in Sardinia mutinied
likewise, murdering their commander and all the Carthaginians; while
Spendius and Matho, to render their accomplices more desperate, put Gesco
to a cruel death, presuming afterwards to lay siege to Carthage itself.
They met with a shock indeed at Prion, where 40,000 of them were
slaughtered; but soon after this battle, in another they took one of the
Carthaginian generals prisoner, whom they fixed to a cross, crucifying
thirty of the principal senators round about him. Spendius and Matho
were at last taken, the one crucified and the other tormented to death:
but the war lasted three years and near four months with excessive
cruelty; in which the State of Carthage lost several battles, and was
often brought within a hair’s-breadth of utter ruin.
If so great a commonwealth as Carthage, though assisted at that time by
Hiero, King of Syracuse, and by the Romans, ran the hazard of losing
their empire, city, and liberties, by the insurrection of a handful of
mercenaries, whose first strength was but 20,000 men; it should be a
warning to all free nations how they suffer armies so composed to be
among them, and it should frighten a wise State from desiring such an
increase of people as may be had by the bringing over foreign soldiers.
Indeed, all armies whatsoever, if they are over-large, tend to the
dispeopling of a country, of which our neighbour nation is a sufficient
proof, where in one of the best climates in Europe men are wanting to
till the ground. For children do not proceed from the intemperate
pleasures taken loosely and at random, but from a regular way of living,
where the father of the family desires to rear up and provide for the
offspring he shall beget.
Securing the liberties of a nation may be laid down as a fundamental for
increasing the numbers of its people; but there are other polities
thereunto conducing which no wise State has ever neglected.
No race of men did multiply so fast as the Jews, which may be attributed
chiefly to the wisdom of Moses their Lawgiver, in contriving to promote
the state of marriage.
The Romans had the same care, paying no respect to a man childless by his
own fault, and giving great immunities and privileges, both in the city
and provinces, to those who had such and such a number of children.
Encouragements of the like kind are also given in France to such as
enrich the commonwealth by a large issue.
But we in England have taken another course, laying a fine upon the
marriage bed, which seems small to those who only contemplate the pomp
and wealth round about them, and in their view; but they who look into
all the different ranks of men are well satisfied that this duty on
marriages and births is a very grievous burden upon the poorer sort,
whose numbers compose the strength and wealth of any nation. This tax
was introduced by the necessity of affairs. It is difficult to say what
may be the event of a new thing; but if we are to take measures from past
wisdom, which exempted prolific families from public duties, we should
not lay impositions upon those who find it hard enough to maintain
themselves. If this tax be such a weight upon the poor as to discourage
marriage and hinder propagation, which seems the truth, no doubt it ought
to be abolished; and at a convenient time we ought to change it for some
other duty, if there were only this single reason, that it is so directly
opposite to the polity of all ages and all countries.
In order to have hands to carry on labour and manufactures, which must
make us gainers in the balance of trade, we ought not to deter, but
rather invite men to marry, which is to be done by privileges and
exemptions for such a number of children, and by denying certain offices
of trust and dignities to all unmarried persons; and where it is once
made a fashion among those of the better sort, it will quickly obtain
with the lower degree.
Mr. King, in his scheme (for which he has as authentic grounds as perhaps
the matter is capable of) lays down that the annual marriages of England
are about 41,000, which is one marriage out of every 134 persons. Upon
which, we observe, that this is not a due proportion, considering how few
of our adult males (in comparison with other countries) perish by war or
any other accident; from whence may be inferred that our polity is some
way or other defective, or the marriages would bear a nearer proportion
with the gross number of our people; for which defect, if a remedy can be
found, there will be so much more strength added to the kingdom.
From the books of assessment on births, marriages, &c., by the nearest
view he can make, he divides the 5,500,000 people into 2,700,000 males
and 2,800,000 females; from whence (considering the females exceed the
males in number, and considering that the men marry later than women, and
that many of the males are of necessity absent in the wars, at sea, and
upon other business) it follows that a large proportion of the females
remain unmarried, though at an adult age, which is a dead loss to the
nation, every birth being as so much certain treasure, upon which account
such laws must be for the public good, as induce all men to marry whose
circumstances permit it.
From his division of the people it may be likewise observed, that the
near proportion there is between the males and females (which is said to
hold also in other places) is an argument (and the strongest that can be
produced) against polygamy, and the increase of mankind which some think
might be from thence expected; for if Nature had intended to one man a
plurality of wives, she would have ordered a great many more female
births than male, her designments being always right and wise.
The securing the parish for bastard children is become so small a
punishment and so easily compounded, that it very much hinders marriage.
The Dutch compel men of all ranks to marry the woman whom they have got
with child, and perhaps it would tend to the further peopling of England
if the common people here, under such a certain degree, were condemned by
some new law to suffer the same penalty.
A country that makes provision to increase in inhabitants, whose
situation is good, and whose people have a genius adapted to trade, will
never fail to be gainers in the balance, provided the labour and industry
of their people be well managed and carefully directed.
The more any man contemplates these matters the more he will come to be
of opinion, that England is capable of being rendered one of the
strongest nations, and the richest spot of ground in Europe.
It is not extent of territory that makes a country powerful, but numbers
of men well employed, convenient ports, a good navy, and a soil producing
all sort of commodities. The materials for all this we have, and so
improvable, that if we did but second the gifts of Nature with our own
industry we should soon arrive to a pitch of greatness that would put us
at least upon an equal footing with any of our neighbours.
If we had the complement of men our land can maintain and nourish; if we
had as much trade as our stock and knowledge in sea affairs is capable of
embracing; if we had such a naval strength as a trade so extended would
easily produce; and, if we had those stores and that wealth which is the
certain result of a large and well-governed traffic, what human strength
could hurt or invade us? On the contrary, should we not be in a posture
not only to resist but to give the law to others?
Our neighbouring commonwealth has not in territory above 8,000,000 acres,
and perhaps not much above 2,200,000 people, and yet what a figure have
they made in Europe for these last 100 years? What wars have they
maintained? What forces have they resisted? and to what a height of
power are they now come, and all by good order and wise government?
They are liable to frequent invasions; they labour under the
inconvenience and danger of bad ports; they consume immense sums every
year to defend their land against the sea; all which difficulties they
have subdued by an unwearied industry.
We are fenced by nature against foreign enemies, our ports are safe, we
fear no irruptions of the sea, our land territory at home is at least
39,000,000 acres. We have in all likelihood not less than 5,500,000
people. What a nation might we then become, if all these advantages were
thoroughly improved, and if a right application were made of all this
strength and of these numbers?
They who apprehend the immoderate growth of any prince or State may,
perhaps, succeed by beginning first, and by attempting to pull down such
a dangerous neighbour, but very often their good designs are
disappointed. In all appearance they proceed more safely, who, under
such a fear, make themselves strong and powerful at home. And this was
the course which Philip, King of Macedon, the father of Perseus, took,
when he thought to be invaded by the Romans.
The greatness of Rome gave Carthage very anxious thoughts, and it rather
seems that they entered into the second Punic War more for fear the
Romans should have the universal empire, than out of any ambition to lord
it themselves over the whole world. Their design was virtuous, and
peradventure wise to endeavour at some early interruption to a rival that
grew so fast. However, we see they miscarried, though their armies were
led by Hannibal. But fortune which had determined the dominion of the
earth for Rome, did, perhaps, lead them into the fatal counsel of passing
the Eber contrary to the articles of peace concluded with Asdrubal, and
of attacking Saguntum before they had sufficiently recovered of the
wounds they had suffered in the wars about Sicily, Sardinia, and with
their own rebels. If the high courage of Hannibal had not driven the
commonwealth into a new war while it was yet faint and weak, and if they
had been suffered to pursue their victories in Spain, and to get firm
footing in that rich, warlike, and then populous country, very probably
in a few years they might have been a more equal match for the Roman
people. It is true, if the Romans had endeavoured, at the conquest of
Spain, and if they had disturbed the Carthaginians in that country, the
war must have been unavoidable, because it was evident in that age, and
will be apparent in the times we live in, that whatever foreign power,
already grown great, can add to its dominion the possession of Spain,
will stand fair for universal empire.
But unless some such cogent reason of state, as is here instanced,
intervene, in all appearance the best way for a nation that apprehends
the growing power of any neighbour is to fortify itself within; we do not
mean by land armies, which rather debilitate than strengthen a country,
but by potent navies, by thrift in the public treasure, care of the
people’s trade, and all the other honest and useful arts of peace.
By such an improvement of our native strength, agreeable to the laws and
to the temper of a free nation, England without doubt may be brought to
so good a posture and condition of defending itself, as not to apprehend
any neighbour jealous of its strength or envious of its greatness.
And to this end we open these schemes, that a wise Government under which
we live, not having any designs to become arbitrary, may see what
materials they have to work upon, and how far our native wealth is able
to second their good intentions of preserving us a rich and a free
people.
Having said something of the number of our inhabitants, we shall proceed
to discourse of their different degrees and ranks, and to examine who are
a burden and who are a profit to the public, for by how much every part
and member of the commonwealth can be made useful to the whole, by so
much a nation will be more and more a gainer in this balance of trade
which we are to treat of.
Mr. King, from the assessments on births and marriages, and from the
polls, has formed the scheme here inserted, of the ranks, degrees, titles
and qualifications of the people. He has done it so judiciously, and
upon such grounds, that is well worth the careful perusal of any curious
person, from thence we shall make some observations in order to put our
present matter in a clearer light.
First, this scheme detects their error, who in the calculation they frame
contemplate nothing but the wealth and plenty they see in rich cities and
great towns, and from thence make a judgment of the kingdom’s remaining
part, and from this view conclude that taxes and payments to the public
do mostly arise from the gentry and better sort, by which measures they
neither contrive their imposition aright, nor are they able to give a
true estimate what it shall produce; but when we have divided the
inhabitants of England into their proper classes, it will appear that the
nobility and gentry are but a small part of the whole body of the people.
Believing that taxes fell chiefly upon the better sort, they care not
what they lay, as thinking they will not be felt; but when they come to
be levied, they either fall short, and so run the public into an immense
debt, or they light so heavily upon the poorer sort, as to occasion
insufferable clamours; and they, whose proper business it was to contrive
these matters better have been so unskilful, that the legislative power
has been more than once compelled for the peoples’ ease to give new
funds, instead of others that had been ill projected.
This may be generally said, that all duties whatsoever upon the
consumption of a large produce, fall with the greatest weight upon the
common sort, so that such as think in new duties that they chiefly tax
the rich will find themselves quite mistaken; for either their fund must
yield little, or it must arise from the whole body of the people, of
which the richer sort are but a small proportion.
And though war, and national debts and engagements, might heretofore very
rationally plead for excises upon our home consumption, yet now there is
a peace, it is the concern of every man that loves his country to proceed
warily in laying new ones, and to get off those which are already laid as
fast as ever he can. High customs and high excises both together are
incompatible, either of them alone are to be endured, but to have them
co-exist is suffered in no well-governed nation. If materials of foreign
growth were at an easy rate, a high price might be the better borne in
things of our own product, but to have both dear at once (and by reason
of the duties laid upon them) is ruinous to the inferior rank of men, and
this ought to weigh more with us, when we consider that even of the
common people a subdivision is to be made, of which one part subsist from
their own havings, arts, labour, and industry; and the other part subsist
a little from their own labour, but chiefly from the help and charity of
the rank that is above them. For according to Mr. King’s scheme—
The nobility and gentry, with their families and retainers, the persons
in offices, merchants, persons in the law, the clergy, freeholders,
farmers, persons in sciences and liberal arts, shopkeepers, and
tradesmen, handicrafts, men, naval officers, with the families and
dependants upon all these altogether, make up the number of 2,675,520
heads.
The common seamen, common soldiers, labouring people, and out-servants,
cottagers, paupers, and their families, with the vagrants, make up the
number of 2,825,000 heads.
In all 5,500,520 heads.
So that here seems a majority of the people, whose chief dependence and
subsistence is from the other part, which majority is much greater, in
respect of the number of families, because 500,000 families contribute to
the support of 850,000 families. In contemplation of which, great care
should be taken not to lay new duties upon the home consumption, unless
upon the extremest necessities of the State; for though such impositions
cannot be said to fall directly upon the lower rank, whose poverty
hinders them from consuming such materials (though there are few excises
to which the meanest person does not pay something), yet indirectly, and
by unavoidable consequences, they are rather more affected by high duties
upon our home-consumption than the wealthier degree of people, and so we
shall find the case to be, if we look carefully into all the distinct
ranks of men there enumerated.
First, as to the nobility and gentry, they must of necessity retrench
their families and expenses, if excessive impositions are laid upon all
sorts of materials for consumption, from whence follows, that the degree
below them of merchants, shopkeepers, tradesmen, and artisans, must want
employment.
Secondly, as to the manufactures, high excises in time of peace are
utterly destructive to that principal part of England’s wealth; for if
malt, coals, salt, leather, and other things, bear a great price, the
wages of servants, workmen, and artificers, will consequently rise, for
the income must bear some proportion with the expense; and if such as set
the poor to work find wages for labour or manufacture advance upon them,
they must rise in the price of their commodity, or they cannot live, all
which would signify little, if nothing but our own dealings among one
another were thereby affected; but it has a consequence far more
pernicious in relation to our foreign trade, for it is the exportation of
our own product that must make England rich; to be gainers in the balance
of trade, we must carry out of our own product what will purchase the
things of foreign growth that are needful for our own consumption, with
some overplus either in bullion or goods to be sold in other countries,
which overplus is the profit a nation makes by trade, and it is more or
less according to the natural frugality of the people that export, or as
from the low price of labour and manufacture they can afford the
commodity cheap, and at a rate not to be undersold in foreign markets.
The Dutch, whose labour and manufactures are dear by reason of home
excises, can notwithstanding sell cheap abroad, because this disadvantage
they labour under is balanced by the parsimonious temper of their people;
but in England, where this frugality is hardly to be introduced, if the
duties upon our home consumption are so large as to raise considerably
the price of labour and manufacture, all our commodities for exportation
must by degrees so advance in the prime value, that they cannot be sold
at a rate which will give them vent in foreign markets, and we must be
everywhere undersold by our wiser neighbours. But the consequence of
such duties in times of peace will fall most heavily upon our woollen
manufactures, of which most have more value from the workmanship than the
material; and if the price of this workmanship be enhanced, it will in a
short course of time put a necessity upon those we deal with of setting
up manufactures of their own, such as they can, or of buying goods of the
like kind and use from nations that can afford them cheaper. And in this
point we are to consider, that the bulk of our woollen exports does not
consist in draperies made of the fine wool, peculiar to our soil, but is
composed of coarse broad cloths, such as Yorkshire cloths, kerseys, which
make a great part of our exports, and may be, and are made of a coarser
wool, which is to be had in other countries. So that we are not singly
to value ourselves upon the material, but also upon the manufacture,
which we should make as easy as we can, by not laying over-heavy burdens
upon the manufacturer. And our woollen goods being two-thirds of our
foreign exports, it ought to be the chief object of the public care, if
we expect to be gainers in the balance of trade, which is what we hunt
after in these inquiries.
Thirdly, as to the lower rank of all, which we compute at 2,825,000
heads, a majority of the whole people, their principal subsistence is
upon the degrees above them, and if those are rendered uneasy these must
share in the calamity, but even of this inferior sort no small proportion
contribute largely to excises, as labourers and out-servants, which
likewise affect the common seamen, who must thereupon raise their wages
or they will not have wherewithal to keep their families left at home,
and the high wages of seamen is another burden upon our foreign traffic.
As to the cottagers, who are about a fifth part of the whole people, some
duties reach even them, as those upon malt, leather, and salt, but not
much because of their slender consumption, but if the gentry, upon whose
woods and gleanings they live, and who employ them in day labour, and if
the manufacturers, for whom they card and spin, are overburdened with
duties, they cannot afford to give them so much for their labour and
handiwork, nor to yield them those other reliefs which are their
principal subsistence, for want of which these miserable wretches must
perish with cold and hunger.
Thus we see excises either directly or indirectly fall upon the whole
body of the people, but we do not take notice of these matters as
receding from our former opinion. On the contrary, we still think them
the most easy and equal way of taxing a nation, and perhaps it is
demonstrable that if we had fallen into this method at the beginning of
the war of raising the year’s expense within the year by excises, England
had not been now indebted so many millions, but what was advisable under
such a necessity and danger is not to be pursued in times of peace,
especially in a country depending so much upon trade and manufactures.
Our study now ought to be how those debts may be speedily cleared off,
for which these new revenues are the funds, that trade may again move
freely as it did heretofore, without such a heavy clog; but this point we
shall more amply handle when we come to speak of our payments to the
public.
Mr. King divides the whole body of the people into two principal classes,
viz.:—
Increasing the wealth of the kingdom 2,675,520 heads.
Decreasing the wealth of the kingdom 2,825,000 heads.
By which he means that the first class of the people from land, arts, and
industry maintain themselves, and add every year something to the
nation’s general stock, and besides this, out of their superfluity,
contribute every year so much to the maintenance of others.
That of the second class some partly maintain themselves by labour (as
the heads of the cottage families), but that the rest, as most of the
wives and children of these, sick and impotent people, idle beggars and
vagrants, are nourished at the cost of others, and are a yearly burden to
the public, consuming annually so much as would be otherwise added to the
nation’s general stock.
The bodies of men are, without doubt, the most valuable treasure of a
country, and in their sphere the ordinary people are as serviceable to
the commonwealth as the rich if they are employed in honest labour and
useful arts, and such being more in number do more contribute to increase
the nation’s wealth than the higher rank.
But a country may be populous and yet poor (as were the ancient Gauls and
Scythians), so that numbers, unless they are well employed, make the body
politic big but unwieldy, strong but unactive, as to any uses of good
government.
Theirs is a wrong opinion who think all mouths profit a country that
consume its produce, and it may be more truly affirmed, that he who does
not some way serve the commonwealth, either by being employed or by
employing others, is not only a useless, but a hurtful member to it.
As it is charity, and what we indeed owe to human kind, to make provision
for the aged, the lame, the sick, blind, and impotent, so it is a justice
we owe to the commonwealth not to suffer such as have health, and who
might maintain themselves, to be drones and live upon the labour of
others.
The bulk of such as are a burden to the public consists in the cottagers
and paupers, beggars in great cities and towns, and vagrants.
Upon a survey of the hearth books, made in Michaelmas, 1685, it was found
that of the 1,300,000 houses in the whole kingdom, those of one chimney
amounted to 554,631, but some of these having land about them, in all our
calculations, we have computed the cottagers but at 500,000 families; but
of these, a large number may get their own livelihood, and are no charge
to the parish, for which reason Mr. King very judiciously computes his
cottagers and paupers, decreasing the wealth of the nation but at 400,000
families, in which account he includes the poor-houses in cities, towns,
and villages, besides which he reckons 30,000 vagrants, and all these
together to make up 1,330,000 heads.
This is a very great proportion of the people to be a burden upon the
other part, and is a weight upon the land interest, of which the landed
gentlemen must certainly be very sensible.
If this vast body of men, instead of being expensive, could be rendered
beneficial to the commonwealth, it were a work, no doubt, highly to be
promoted by all who love their country.
It seems evident, to such as have considered these matters, and who have
observed how they are ordered in nations under a good polity, that the
number of such who through age or impotence stand in real need of relief,
is but small and might be maintained for very little, and that the poor
rates are swelled to the extravagant degree we now see them at by two
sorts of people, one of which, by reason of our slack administration, is
suffered to remain in sloth, and the other, through a defect in our
constitution, continue in wretched poverty for want of employment, though
willing enough to undertake it.
All this seems capable of a remedy, the laws may be armed against
voluntary idleness, so as to prevent it, and a way may probably be found
out to set those to work who are desirous to support themselves by their
own labour; and if this could be brought about, it would not only put a
stop to the course of that vice which is the consequence of an idle life,
but it would greatly tend to enrich the commonwealth, for if the industry
of not half the people maintain in some degree the other part, and,
besides, in times of peace did add every year near two million and a half
to the general stock of England, to what pitch of wealth and greatness
might we not be brought, if one limb were not suffered to draw away the
nourishment of the other, and if all the members of the body politic were
rendered useful to it?
Nature, in her contrivances, has made every part of a living creature
either for ornament or use; the same should be in a politic institution
rightly governed.
It may be laid down for an undeniable truth, that where all work nobody
will want, and to promote this would be a greater charity and more
meritorious than to build hospitals, which very often are but so many
monuments of ill-gotten riches attended with late repentance.
To make as many as possible of these 1,330,000 persons (whereof not above
330,000 are children too young to work) who now live chiefly upon others
get themselves a large share of their maintenance would be the opening a
new vein of treasure of some millions sterling per annum; it would be a
present ease to every particular man of substance, and a lasting benefit
to the whole body of the kingdom, for it would not only nourish but
increase the numbers of the people, of which many thousands perish every
year by those diseases contracted under a slothful poverty.
Our laws relating to the poor are very numerous, and this matter has
employed the care of every age for a long time, though but with little
success, partly through the ill execution, and partly through some defect
in the very laws.
The corruptions of mankind are grown so great that, now-a-days, laws are
not much observed which do not in a manner execute themselves; of this
nature are those laws which relate to bringing in the Prince’s revenue,
which never fail to be put in execution, because the people must pay, and
the Prince will be paid; but where only one part of the constitution, the
people, are immediately concerned, as in laws relating to the poor, the
highways, assizes, and other civil economy, and good order in the state,
those are but slenderly regarded.
The public good being therefore, very often, not a motive strong enough
to engage the magistrate to perform his duty, lawgivers have many times
fortified their laws with penalties, wherein private persons may have a
profit, thereby to stir up the people to put the laws in execution.
In countries depraved nothing proceeds well wherein particular men do not
one way or other find their account; and rather than a public good should
not go on at all, without doubt, it is better to give private men some
interest to set it forward.
For which reason it may be worth the consideration of such as study the
prosperity and welfare of England, whether this great engine of
maintaining the poor, and finding them work and employment, may not be
put in motion by giving some body of undertakers a reasonable gain to put
the machine upon its wheels.
In order to which, we shall here insert a proposal delivered to the House
of Commons last session of Parliament, for the better maintaining the
impotent, and employing and setting to work the other poor of this
kingdom.
In matters of this nature, it is always good to have some model or plan
laid down, which thinking men may contemplate, alter, and correct, as
they see occasion; and the writer of these papers does rather choose to
offer this scheme, because he is satisfied it was composed by a gentleman
of great abilities, and who has made both the poor rates, and their
number, more his study than any other person in the nation. The proposal
is as follows
_A Scheme for Setting the Poor to Work_.
First, that such persons as shall subscribe and pay the sum of £300,000
as a stock for and towards the better maintaining the impotent poor, and
for buying commodities and materials to employ and set at work the other
poor, be incorporated and made one body politic, &c. By the name of the
Governor and Company for Maintaining and Employing the Poor of this
Kingdom.
By all former propositions, it was intended that the parishes should
advance several years’ rates to raise a stock, but by this proposal the
experiment is to be made by private persons at their risk; and £300,000
may be judged a very good stock, which, added to the poor rates for a
certain number of years, will be a very good fund for buying commodities
and materials for a million of money at any time. This subscription
ought to be free for everybody, and if the sum were subscribed in the
several counties of England and Wales, in proportion to their poor rates,
or the monthly assessment, it would be most convenient; and provision may
be made that no person shall transfer his interest but to one of the same
county, which will keep the interest there during the term; and as to its
being one Corporation, it is presumed this will be most beneficial to the
public. For first, all disputes on removes, which are very chargeable
and burthensome, will be at an end—this proposal intending, that wherever
the poor are, they shall be maintained or employed. Secondly, it will
prevent one county which shall be diligent, imposing on their neighbours
who may be negligent, or getting away their manufactures from them.
Thirdly, in case of fire, plague, or loss of manufacture, the stock of
one county may not be sufficient to support the places where such
calamities may happen; and it is necessary the whole body should support
every particular member, so that hereby there will be a general care to
administer to every place according to their necessities.
Secondly, that the said Corporation be established for the term of
one-and-twenty years.
The Corporation ought to be established for one-and-twenty years, or
otherwise it cannot have the benefit the law gives in case of infants,
which is their service for their education; besides, it will be some
years before a matter of this nature can be brought into practice.
Thirdly, that the said sum of £300,000 be paid in, and laid out for the
purposes aforesaid, to remain as a stock for and during the said term of
one-and-twenty years.
The subscription ought to be taken at the passing of the Act, but the
Corporation to be left at liberty to begin either the Michaelmas or the
Lady Day after, as they shall think fit. And XXX per cent. to be paid at
the subscribing to persons appointed for that purpose, and the remainder
before they begin to act; but so as £300,000 shall be always in stock
during the term, notwithstanding any dividends or other disposition: and
an account thereof to be exhibited twice in every year upon oath, before
the Lord Chancellor for the time being.
Fourthly, that the said corporation do by themselves, or agents in every
parish of England, from and after the XXX day of XXX during the said term
of one-and-twenty years, provide for the real impotent poor good and
sufficient maintenance and reception, as good or better than hath at any
time within the space of XXX years before the said XXX day of XXX been
provided or allowed to such impotent poor, and so shall continue to
provide for such impotent poor, and what other growing impotent poor
shall happen in the said parish during the said term.
By impotent poor is to be understood all infants and old and decrepid
persons not able to work; also persons who by sickness or any accident
are for the time unable to labour for themselves or families; and all
persons (not being fit for labour) who were usually relieved by the money
raised for the use of the poor; they shall have maintenance, as good or
better, as within XXX years they used to have.
This does not directly determine what that shall be, nor is it possible,
by reason a shilling in one county is as much as two in another; but it
will be the interest of the Corporation that such poor be well provided
for, by reason the contrary will occasion all the complaints or clamour
that probably can be made against the Corporation.
Fifthly, that the Corporation do provide (as well for all such poor which
on the said XXX day of XXX shall be on the poor books, as for what other
growing poor shall happen in the said term who are or shall be able to
labour or do any work) sufficient labour and work proper for such persons
to be employed in. And that provision shall be made for such labouring
persons according to their labour, so as such provision doth not exceed
three-fourth parts as much as any other person would have paid for such
labour. And in case they are not employed and set to work, then such
persons shall, until materials or labour be provided for them, be
maintained as impotent poor; but so as such persons who shall hereafter
enter themselves on the poor’s book, being able to labour, shall not quit
the service of the corporation, without leave, for the space of six
months.
The Corporation are to provide materials and labour for all that can
work, and to make provision for them not exceeding three-fourth parts as
much as any other person would give for such labour. For example, if
another person would give one of these a shilling, the Corporation ought
to give but ninepence. And the reason is plain, first, because the
Corporation will be obliged to maintain them and their families in all
exigences, which others are not obliged to do, and consequently they
ought not to allow so much as others. Secondly, in case any persons able
to labour, shall come to the Corporation, when their agents are not
prepared with materials to employ them, by this proposal they are to
allow them full provision as impotent poor, until they find them work,
which is entirely in favour of the poor. Thirdly, it is neither
reasonable nor possible for the Corporation to provide materials upon
every occasion, for such persons as shall be entered with them, unless
they can be secure of such persons to work up those materials; besides,
without this provision, all the labouring people of England will play
fast and loose between their employers and the Corporation, for as they
are disobliged by one, they will run to the other, and so neither shall
be sure of them.
Sixthly, that no impotent poor shall be removed out of the parish where
they dwell, but upon notice in writing given to the churchwardens or
overseers of the said parish, to what place of provision he or she is
removed.
It is judged the best method to provide for the impotent poor in houses
prepared for that purpose, where proper provision may be made for
several, with all necessaries of care and maintenance. So that in some
places one house will serve the impotent poor of several parishes, in
which case the parish ought to know where to resort, to see if good
provision be made for them.
Seventhly, that in case provision be not made for the poor of each
parish, in manner as aforesaid (upon due notice given to the agents of
the Corporation) the said parish may order their poor to be maintained,
and deduct the sum by them expended out of the next payments to be made
to the said corporation by the said parish.
In case any accident happens in a parish, either by sickness, fall,
casualty of fire, or other ways; and that the agent of the Corporation is
not present to provide for them, or having notice doth not immediately do
it, the parish may do it, and deduct so much out of the next payment; but
there must be provision made for the notice, and in what time the
Corporation shall provide for them.
Eighthly, that the said Corporation shall have and receive for the said
one-and-twenty years, that is to say, from every parish yearly, so much
as such parish paid in any one year, to be computed by a medium of seven
years; namely, from the 25th of March, 1690, to the 25th of March 1697,
and to be paid half-yearly; and besides, shall receive the benefit of the
revenues of all donations given to any parish, or which shall be given
during the said term, and all forfeitures which the law gives to the use
of the poor; and to all other sums which were usually collected by the
parish, for the maintenance of the poor.
Whatever was raised for or applied to the use of the poor, ought to be
paid over to the Corporation; and where there are any donations for
maintaining the poor, it will answer the design of the donor, by reason
there will be better provision for the maintenance of the poor than ever;
and if that maintenance be so good, as to induce further charities, no
doubt the Corporation ought to be entitled to them. But there are two
objections to this article; first that to make a medium by a time of war
is unreasonable. Secondly, to continue the whole tax for one-and-twenty
years, does not seem to give any benefit to the kingdom in that time. To
the first, it is true, we have a peace, but trade is lower now than at
any time during the war, and the charge of the poor greater; and when
trade will mend is very uncertain. To the second, it is very plain, that
although the charge may be the same to a parish in the total, yet it will
be less to particular persons, because those who before received alms,
will now be enabled to be contributors; but besides, the turning so many
hundred thousand pounds a year (which in a manner have hitherto been
applied only to support idleness) into industry; and the employing so
many other idle vagrants and sturdy beggars, with the product of their
labour, will altogether be a present benefit to the lands of England, as
well in the rents as in the value; and further the accidental charities
in the streets and at doors, is, by a very modest computation, over and
above the poor rates, at least £300,000 per annum, which will be entirely
saved by this proposal, and the persons set at work; which is a further
consideration for its being well received, since the Corporation are not
allowed anything for this service.
The greater the encouragement is, the better the work will be performed;
and it will become the wisdom of the parliament in what they do, to make
it effectual; for should such an undertaking as this prove ineffectual,
instead of remedying, it will increase the mischief.
Ninthly, that all the laws made for the provision of the poor, and for
punishing idle vagrant persons, be repealed, and one law made to continue
such parts as are found useful, and to add such other restrictions,
penalties, and provisions, as may effectually attain the end of this
great work.
The laws hereunto relating are numerous, but the judgment and opinions
given upon them are so various and contradictory, and differ so in sundry
places, as to be inconsistent with any one general scheme of management.
Tenthly, that proper persons be appointed in every county to determine
all matters and differences which may arise between the corporation and
the respective parishes.
To prevent any ill usage, neglect or cruelty, it will be necessary to
make provision that the poor may tender their complaints to officers of
the parish; and that those officers having examined the same, and not
finding redress, may apply to persons to be appointed in each county and
each city for that purpose, who may be called supervisors of the poor,
and may have allowance made them for their trouble; and their business
may be to examine the truth of such complaints; and in case either the
parish or corporation judge themselves aggrieved by the determination of
the said supervisors, provision may be made that an appeal lie to the
quarter sessions.
Eleventhly, that the corporation be obliged to provide for all public
beggars, and to put the laws into execution against public beggars and
idle vagrant persons.
Such of the public beggars as can work must be employed, the rest to be
maintained as impotent poor, but the laws to be severely put in execution
against those who shall ask any public alms.
This proposal, which in most parts of it seems to be very maturely
weighed, may be a foundation for those to build upon who have a public
spirit large enough to embrace such a noble undertaking.
But the common obstruction to anything of this nature is a malignant
temper in some who will not let a public work go on if private persons
are to be gainers by it. When they are to get themselves, they abandon
all sense of virtue; but are clothed in her whitest robe when they smell
profit coming to another, masking themselves with a false zeal to the
commonwealth, where their own turn is not to be served. It were better,
indeed, that men would serve their country for the praise and honour that
follow good actions, but this is not to be expected in a nation at least
leaning towards corruption, and in such an age it is as much as we can
hope for if the prospect of some honest gain invites people to do the
public faithful service. For which reason, in any undertaking where it
can be made apparent that a great benefit will accrue to the commonwealth
in general, we ought not to have an evil eye upon what fair advantages
particular men may thereby expect to reap, still taking care to keep
their appetite of getting within moderate bounds, laying all just and
reasonable restraints upon it, and making due provision that they may not
wrong or oppress their fellow subjects.
It is not to be denied, but that if fewer hands were suffered to remain
idle, and if the poor had full employment, it would greatly tend to the
common welfare, and contribute much towards adding every year to the
general stock of England.
Among the methods that we have here proposed of employing the poor, and
making the whole body of the people useful to the public, we think it our
duty to mind those who consider the common welfare of looking with a
compassionate eye into the prisons of this kingdom, where many thousands
consume their time in vice and idleness, wasting the remainder of their
fortunes, or lavishing the substance of their creditors, eating bread and
doing no work, which is contrary to good order, and pernicious to the
commonwealth.
We cannot therefore but recommend the thoughts of some good bill that may
effectually put an end to this mischief so scandalous in a trading
country, which should let no hands remain useless.
It is not at all difficult to contrive such a bill as may relieve and
release the debtor, and yet preserve to his creditors all their fair,
just, and honest rights and interest.
And so we have in this matter endeavoured to show that to preserve and
increase the people, and to make their numbers useful, are methods
conducing to make us gainers in the balance of trade.