THE ENTRADA OF FRANCISCO DE MONTEJO AND
HIS SON, AND THE ARRIVAL OF THE
FRANCISCANS, 1526-1542
Francisco de Montejo and his Son. Although northern Yucatan was reduced
to the condition of an orderly Spanish possession some one hundred and
fifty years before the Peten region, it was done, nevertheless, only at
the cost of many years of desperate struggling. Two men, Don Francisco
de Montejo the Elder and Don Francisco de Montejo the Younger, his son,
were the leading figures in the undertaking. The elder Montejo seems to
have been a man of gentle birth and of fairly good property. He came to
America about 1514 under Pedrarias Davila. Soon after that, however, he
left Davila and settled in Cuba, where he served under Velazquez. He
also served, a few years later, under Cortes in Mexico.
Soon after the granting of a patent or general order Francisco de
Montejo the Elder set forth on his undertaking. Several officials were
appointed to accompany him. Alonso Davila was Contador (Paymaster),
Pedro de Lima was Tesorero (Treasurer), and Hernando Moreno de Quito
was Veedor de las Fundiciones (Overseer of the Smelters). (Cogolludo,
p. 73.)[4.1] Of these three offices the last was a sinecure by reason
of the absence of mines in Yucatan. Davila had taken an active part in
the conquest of Mexico.
Montejo's Preparations and Sacrifices. The expedition numbered some
four hundred soldiers, in addition to the crews who manned the four
ships. The expense, all borne by Montejo, was heavy. To furnish the
necessary arms, horses, and munitions the Adelantado found himself
obliged to sell a Mayorazgo (entailed estate) yielding one thousand
ducats a year ($2500, equal to about $10,000 of modern money). The
seamen received pay, but the rest of the expedition received no money,
depending on their fortune in the New World for remuneration. Only one
cleric, Francisco Hernandez, accompanied the expedition; he was its
chaplain. He later attributed the failure of the expedition to the lack
of priests.
He Sets out. Setting out in 1527, the expedition arrived at Cozumel,
where a landing was effected. There, as elsewhere, the Spaniards found
themselves at a great disadvantage in having no interpreter. By various
makeshifts, however, they made themselves understood, and poor Montejo,
misled by the seeming docility of the natives, flattered himself that
he had an easy task before him.
Montejo and his Men Go along the Shore of Yucatan. Skirting the eastern
shore of Yucatan, the fleet arrived at a point near the first site of
Valladolid, where all the soldiers landed, leaving the seamen to guard
the ships and supplies. What seemed a sufficient number of horses,
munitions, and provisions was taken. As usual on such occasions, the
first thing to be done was to take formal possession of the land for
the King of Castile. Accordingly appropriate ceremonies were carried
through, and the standard bearer, Gonzalo Nieto, unfurled the royal
banner. Cogolludo is very definite as to the region in which the
conquest of Yucatan had its beginning. Valladolid,[4.2] not Bakhalal or
Campeche, is, he says, the site of the first operations. He quotes as
his authority on this point the Bachiller Valencia, a native of
Valladolid, whose Relacion was made in 1639. Coni, a village in the
province of Choaca,[4.3] was reached. Some of the chiefs of the region
came to see the Adelantado and were well received; they, however, were
treacherously minded, but their attempt to kill or injure Montejo was
foiled. From Coni the Spaniards went to the village of Choaca, where
their real trials began.
Description of the Campaign. In their early wanderings the Spaniards
suffered greatly from lack of proper water and from bad roads. Often
they found the villages deserted by their inhabitants or, still worse,
bristling with armed warriors. Led by an Indian whom they had picked up
at Coni, Montejo and his followers traveled through the province of
Choaca to a place called Ake. On the way they ran into an ambush of
armed Indians. The weapons of these latter consisted of arrows hardened
by fire, lances with sharp flint points, two-handed swords of very hard
wood, and shields made of very large tortoise shells adorned with snail
shells and antlers; their bodies were naked save for breech clouts of
flimsy material, and they were all painted. Since the Indians were as
stubborn as they were brave, and as the Spaniards found themselves at a
disadvantage, being unable to use their horses properly on account of
the rough country, the fight was a fierce one; the Adelantado himself
acted well, showing the less experienced of his followers the best way
to combat the Indians. The Spaniards, greatly outnumbered, kept up the
fight all day, receiving many lance wounds in their faces and bodies;
many died; more were seriously wounded. The horses and bloodhounds also
suffered greatly. Only after a second day of fighting did the Indians
finally flee, leaving twelve hundred of their companions dead behind
them. This first victory over the Indians took place in the last weeks
of 1527. Cogolludo dwells at great length on the errors of Herrera
(Dec. ix, lib. iii, cap. 3) concerning the founding of Tihoo or Merida
and of Chichen Itza. According to Herrera, Montejo went to Tihoo, where
he came into contact with the Cheles, who showed him Chichen Itza,
seven leagues away. The Tutul Xiu, Lords of Mani, were then ruling
there, and with them, Herrera says, the Spaniards made a peaceful
arrangement. All this, according to Cogolludo, is wrong. In the opinion
of Cogolludo, events were as follows. After the battle of Ake, Montejo
determined to proceed cautiously and to endeavor by peaceful means to
win over the natives to obedience to the king. Slowly he made his way
to Chichen Itza, which, by reason of its great buildings, seemed to him
a suitable place for one of the two fortresses he was to build. Having
fortified himself against attacks, he set about subduing the country.
He managed to win the friendship of the Indians of that neighborhood. A
village of Spaniards with houses built after the native plan was
erected. The dwellings were made of vertical wooden logs and had
palm-leaf roofs. One hundred and seventy Spaniards were left in the new
settlement. One of the first things done was to divide the land among
them. Cogolludo thinks that the name first given to the new village was
that of Salamanca. Misled by the seeming peacefulness of the Indians,
Montejo determined to divide them up into _encomiendas_. The plan was
carried out, to the secret disgust of the Indians, who determined to
get free as soon as an opportunity offered.
Davila and Vazquez Search vainly for Gold in the Region of Chetemal.
From the map which Montejo had with him it was learned that there were
gold mines in the vicinity of Bakhalal, which place the Indians called
Vaymil or Chetemal. Because no sign of gold had been seen in that part
of the country through which they had hitherto been, the soldiers were
getting downhearted, and Montejo determined to send a party in search
of mines. Captain Alonso Davila, the Royal Paymaster, with fifty
Spaniards and sixteen horses, was sent to found a village at a place
called Tulma (Tuloom?) in the province of Cochva. A mine expert, one
Francisco Vazquez, accompanied the party in the hopes of earning the
reward of three hundred ducats which Montejo offered to the discoverer
of gold mines. When Tulma was reached it was found to be entirely
unsuitable for a village, and the explorers went on to the now deserted
town of Chable, which was a place reported to have gold mines. The
cacique of Chable received them well; but the cacique of Chetemal was
bellicose and would give no aid when Montejo sent to find out whether
there were gold mines at Bakhalal, a town in his domain. With twenty
men and eight horses the Adelantado set forth to punish this chief. At
the end of a hard journey he found Chetemal deserted.
Foundation of Villa Real de Chetemal. Chetemal, however, seemed to have
been admirably adapted for the site of a town, and so, when the rest of
his men, together with some Indians, had arrived from Chable, the town
of Villa Real de Chetemal was established by Davila. The cacique of
Chetemal was treacherous in his intentions; several skirmishes took
place between his men and the Spaniards, in which the latter, through
superior arms, were the victors. An attempt made by Davila to get to
Montejo a report of all that had been done in the last two months was
foiled by some Indians, who killed Davila's messengers.
Hardships of those who Were at Chichen. Meanwhile those Spaniards who
had remained behind with the Adelantado in Chichen Itza were also in
grave straits, not only because of the hostility and ill-will of the
Indians, but also because of the lack of various things they had
brought from Spain but had been left behind in their ships which were
not now to be reached. Their condition daily grew worse.
Davila and his men wandered back and forth between Villa Real and
Chable (where the Indians were more or less friendly) in search of gold
and in the hope of establishing their power. At length even the Indians
of Chable grew weary of them, and the Spaniards under Davila set off on
their journeys once more. Finally they came to Bakhalal, where some
seemingly friendly Indian chiefs offered to carry letters to Montejo.
They, however, like all the rest, were traitorous, and the Indians of
the province of Cochva were so turbulent that Davila determined to make
war on them. To do this he had the help of the chief men of Vaymil, and
he hoped for that of those of Chable. When he returned to the latter
place, he found that it had rebelled against his authority.
Continual Misfortunes. In the events which follow one note, misfortune,
makes itself heard above the confusion. Battles, skirmishes, and
murders filled the lives of Davila and his men. Their wanderings lay
mainly in the region of the province of Bakhalal. (Cogolludo, lib. ii,
cap. viii.) Chable and Villa Real de Chetemal were the places they most
often visited. In many cases villages were found to be deserted. All
through the discouraging period Davila was seeking for some means of
letting Montejo know the straits he was in. Once more he found Indians
whom he believed to be willing to act as messengers, and once again he
was tricked. Worse even than this was the unmistakable evidence that
the Indians were making elaborate preparations to attack Villa Real.
The fact that one of their own chiefs was being held as a hostage for
the safe delivery of the letters did not seem to deter them in the
least. One fortunate circumstance, however, does appear in this mass of
misfortunes: Davila was forewarned of his danger, for he sent out
Francisco Vazquez with ten men in seven canoes to get supplies. Two of
the party were killed by Indians; the remainder returned to Villa Real
with at least a small amount of supplies.
If Davila and his men were badly off in Villa Real, Montejo and his
party at Chichen Itza were equally if not more precariously situated.
The chief causes of their misfortunes were the lack of men, and of the
most common necessities, the want of certainty as to the best course to
be followed, and the knowledge on the part of the Indians that the
number of the Spaniards was daily growing less on account of the
ceaseless skirmishes. Food was so scarce that parties had to be formed
on purpose to make sallies from the fortifications in search of it. As
Cogolludo (p. 86) graphically puts it, "Their dinners now cost them
their life-blood."
Although, as we have already seen, centralized power was at an end long
since in the peninsula, a revival of the old-time feeling of unity is
to be seen in the determination the Mayas had to get rid of the
Spaniards. Cogolludo (p. 87) says, "For this purpose almost all the
people of that land had made an agreement, so that the multitude [of
Indians] was very great. The Indians who led the attack were of a
vigorous and proud nature, and so, confident in their great number,
they surrounded the Spaniards, who, in no direction, could be reached
by help." At length, seeing themselves faced with the choice of dying
by inches from starvation or of being put to death fighting their
enemies bravely, the Spaniards determined to make a sally when as good
an opportunity as possible should present itself. Both sides were
desperate: the invaders were fighting for their lives; the Indians for
their liberty. The havoc wrought by the superior arms of the Spaniards
was, however, more than counterbalanced by the overwhelming numbers of
the Indians. At last, seeing the utter hopelessness of further efforts,
Montejo gave the signal to retreat. One hundred and fifty soldiers died
at the hands of the Indians in this engagement. An anecdote which
Cogolludo tells as an explanation of the unity and determination of the
Indians is a possible light upon the cause of their resistance. A
cacique named Cupul, in the early days of the Spanish occupation of
Chichen Itza, feigned friendliness toward the invaders and went about
freely among them. One day, when Montejo was off his guard, Cupul went
up behind him, snatched his sword away, and tried to kill him.
Fortunately a Spaniard, one Bias Gonzalez, cut off Cupul's arm just in
time to prevent the blow. It was to avenge the injury thus done to a
chief that the Indians shut off the Spaniards' food supply.
Chichen Itza and Villa Real both Deserted. For our purpose it is
unnecessary to give further details of the first expedition of Montejo.
We need only say that both the settlements made by the Spaniards,
Chichen Itza and Villa Real de Chetemal, were deserted for the time
being. Cogolludo, after reviewing the various accounts of the further
wanderings of Montejo and his son, Francisco Montejo the Younger, comes
to the conclusion that the son remained at a port called Zilam, while
his father went by sea to Campeche (Kin Pech), where he remained till
1534 without entirely deserting Yucatan. He did go, however, to New
Spain in an effort to get more men so that he might continue the
conquest. Those whom he already had remained at Campeche. Cogolludo's
authority for these statements are the depositions written by Gonzalo
Nieto and Bias Gonzalez, who were two soldiers of the Adelantado's
forces.
Davila Goes to Honduras. Captain Alonso Davila stayed in Villa Real de
Chetemal until 1532, constantly suffering from hunger and his struggles
with the natives. His efforts to communicate with the Adelantado were
constant. Finally it was decided to move to some place nearer Honduras.
As no suitable place for a settlement was found, Davila and his
followers went to the town of Trujillo in Honduras. On the journey they
lacked for every comfort and even for proper food. When they reached
Trujillo they found the people there little better off than they.
Davila agreed with Andres de Zerezeda, who was governing Trujillo, that
a vessel should be built to be sent out in search of the Adelantado and
also for things from Spain. At about this time two ships from Cuba
brought news of the discovery of Peru, and in one of these ships Davila
and his men went off. Ultimately they rejoined the Adelantado at
Campeche.
Even after he was rejoined by Davila and his followers at Campeche,
Montejo still had plenty of trouble with the natives. Like all the
rest, the Indians of Campeche were bitterly opposed to the Spaniards
and gave them much trouble. It is pleasant to know that Queen Juana
recognized the sacrifices made by Montejo in a cedula given at Ocana on
April 24, 1534.
The Elder Montejo Goes to Tabasco in 1535. Nothing daunted by all his
misfortunes, the Adelantado bought some ships and gathered some
soldiers to continue his conquest. In New Spain, also, he obtained new
supplies of munitions and other necessary things. Apparently Montejo
the Elder was ordered to pacify the province of Tabasco, which was in
revolt. As a result of this Tabasco became, and for a long time
remained, a part of the province of Yucatan. The ships, under Gonzalo
Nieto, went on to Campeche to get all the Spaniards there were in
Yucatan and bring them to Tabasco, for the subjugating of that province
was found to be more difficult than had at first been thought. The
motive which led Montejo thus to make sure of his grasp on Tabasco
speaks well for his generalship: he knew only too well how few were the
men available as fighters, and so he wished to make sure that there
were no revolted provinces in his rear at the time when he should begin
again his attack on Yucatan.
In the year 1535 the Spaniards deserted Yucatan proper, retiring to
Champoton[4.4] and to Tabasco.
The Franciscans Enter Yucatan, 1535. At this juncture a very important
incident took place: the Religious of the Order of San Francisco
entered Yucatan. (Cogolludo, lib. ii, cap. 12.) At that time,
1534-1535, Antonio de Mendoza[4.5] was in possession of the post of
Viceroy of New Spain, and he had long before received orders from Queen
Juana signed at Madrid, September 22, 1530, to the effect that
Religious must at once be sent to Yucatan to fulfill the conditions
under which that province had been granted to Francisco de Montejo. As
there were no Religious in Yucatan there was nothing for Mendoza to do
but send some from his own dominions. When the project was made known
it was answered by Fray Jacobo de Testera, who, although he was the
occupant of a high post in Mexico, offered to go to Yucatan to
evangelize the country. In 1531 he, with Fray Lorencio de Bienvenida
and two others, went to Tabasco. On March 18 of the same year they
reached Champoton. Having asked leave of the natives to enter, the
Mexican Indians in the party were welcomed by those of Champoton. The
beginning was fortunate enough; the end of the mission was unfortunate.
The cause of the change was the resentment the Indians felt against the
Padres, who burned up their idols. Campeche was the farthest point from
Mexico that they reached. (Remesal, lib. v, cap. 6.) Disgruntled by
their failure, the Padres finally returned to Mexico. Cogolludo is very
explicit as regards the exaggeration of Spanish cruelty by some
writers, notably Remesal, Las Casas, and others.
In 1536 another band of friars, led by Fray Antonio de Ciudad-Rodrigo,
preached in Coazacoalco, Santa Maria de la Victoria de Tabasco,
Xicalango, Champoton, and Campeche, returning to New Spain two years
later.
Renewal of the Subjection of Yucatan by Montejo, 1537. Cogolludo (lib.
iii, cap. 1) expatiates upon the difficulty of setting an accurate date
for the renewal of the pacification of Yucatan. It is plain enough,
however, that Montejo wisely decided to begin this time with Tabasco,
on which he already had a hold. This was accomplished with the aid of
Diego de Contreras with a ship, men, and supplies. The task was
completed by 1537. In all his undertakings Montejo seems to have been
hampered by a scarcity of men, which may, as Cogolludo suggests, be
accounted for by the recent discovery of Peru, with its alleged great
wealth. There is some doubt as to whether Francisco de Montejo or his
son led this second expedition; Cogolludo suggests that the former may
have gone to Yucatan in person to start the work and that he may then
have returned to Tabasco, leaving his son in charge.
Hostility of the Indians. Champoton was the place selected for the
Spanish headquarters. The camp was established there in 1537.
Mochcovoh, Halach Uinic of the place, treated them well at first.
(Landa, pp. 82-83.) Before very long, however, the latent hostility of
the Indians burst out and there was a battle which resulted in the
flight of the Indians. The Spaniards foolishly neglected to follow up
this advantage, preferring to bury their not numerous dead. In the days
which followed there was a cessation of hostilities, which seems to
have misled the Spaniards, who thought that the Indians were cowed. As
a matter of fact they were forming a great army composed of warriors
from many neighboring districts. In the battle which was soon
precipitated the Spaniards were driven to their ships, and the royal
camp was sacked. Stung and enraged by the insults of the seemingly
victorious Indians, the Spaniards turned and faced them so boldly that
the victory, in the end, was a Spanish one. Most of the Spaniards went
home to their lands in New Spain after this battle; nineteen, however,
remained at Champoton waiting for an opportunity to proceed with the
conquest. Several of the names of these intrepid adventurers are given
by Cogolludo (p. 117). They all speak, In their Relaciones, of the
younger Montejo as a good leader.
Matters continued for some time in very much the same way as
heretofore. Towns were founded; troubles with the Indians occurred; the
Adelantado went back and forth between Tabasco and Champoton; Don
Francisco Montejo the Younger went to New Spain to get more soldiers,
things went on in a fairly satisfactory manner until 1539, when, with
some twenty cavalrymen from New Spain, Don Francisco went to Campeche.
At about this time the chief command and the powers laid upon him by
the king were passed by the Adelantado Francisco de Montejo to his son
of the same name. The Instructions of the Adelantado are so important
that we will give an extract of them paragraph by paragraph as
described by Cogolludo.
The Elder Montejo's Instructions to his Son
1. You, my son Don Francisco de Montejo, are to do the following in
your conquest of Yucatan and Cozumel and in your fulfillment of the
powers which I hold from His Majesty.
2. You are to see that your men live like good Christians and speak
well of God, and you are to punish wrong-doers.
3. On your arrival at San Pedro (Champoton) you are to punish any who
may have enslaved Indians against their will, and you are to thank the
Indians of Champoton for having treated our men so well for two and
one-half years.
4. Leaving the Indians of Champoton well contented, and taking with you
some of their chief men, you will go to Campeche, where you will tell
the leaders that you have come to take that land in His Majesty's name
and mine in order to win it for the Holy Faith. You will punish those
who will have no knowledge of God and who will not obey His Majesty.
Those who do come into the faith and are obedient you will favor and
shelter. Then, taking two chiefs of the said _Pueblo_ and two of that
of Champoton, you will let the rest go home; thereupon you will enter
the province of Acanul, taking great care to do no harm to the natives.
5. In this province you will endeavor to meet a Lord called Vua
Chancan, who has always been a friend of the Christians and most
helpful in time of war. You will treat him very well, and will try to
find out through the other leaders of the province whether they wish
war. And if they do, you will give them to understand that you come in
peace and that if they receive you in His Majesty's name and mine they
will be well treated and favored. If they do not yield you will have to
make war upon them.
6. Having arrived at the _Pueblo_ of Tihoo, which is in the province of
Quepeche, you will establish there a _Cabildo_ and Government if it
seems to you that the region is such as to favor it. There you will
labor to bring the whole land to peace, and if some hold back you will
make war upon them in fulfillment of His Majesty's commands.
7. Afterwards you are to pacify the provinces which are to serve the
said City. They are those of Acanul, Chacan, Quepeche, Kin Chel,
Cocola, Tutul Xiu, and Kupules; these are the greatest provinces of the
land.
8. You are to give _repartimientos_ to not more than one hundred men
because the land is large and the Indians many. This city is to be the
chief of all. Besides the _repartimientos_ which you make and besides
that which I have kept for myself, you will leave a number of villages,
without giving them permanently, for the use of persons who most
forward the service of His Majesty. It is customary to do so in new
lands.
9. And you are to make a general inspection of all that you conquer in
the provinces hereinbefore mentioned; you will especially be informed
of the number and quality of villages and houses. In each village you
will establish Spanish citizens suitable for each village. You will
also make _Cedulas_ of _encomienda_ and _repartimiento_ wherever you
think best, in fulfillment of His Majesty's command.
10. And having done all this, you will labor to see to it that all
build their houses and other buildings well, and you the first of all,
so that others may take your example. And you will endeavor to see that
the Indians are well treated and taught our Holy Catholic Faith and are
made to lose their bad habits.
11. At the same time you are to open roads to the sea and between all
the principal cities. In all this you will place all the diligence and
care possible, because I trust you. Signed in this Royal City of
Chiapa, 1540.
12. Furthermore you will grant me again the provinces of Tutul Xiu,
Techaque, Campeche and the village of Champoton.
The Younger Montejo Founds Campeche, 1540-1541. Before setting out with
the main body of his forces Don Francisco de Montejo, the son, sent
four picked men in advance to Campeche to ascertain the attitude of the
Indians. At a place called Cihoo in the province of Telchac (Cogolludo,
pp. 126, 127) these scouts found some Indians fortified. They warned
the army of the danger. A fight took place in which the Spaniards were
the victors. They took the Indians' deserted town and recuperated there
for a number of days. From Cihoo, Montejo went to Campeche, where he
established the town of San Francisco de Campeche in 1540 or 1541.
All that was necessary for the establishment of government at Campeche
having been done, it was time for Don Francisco to attend to the
founding of Merida at Tihoo. He sent his cousin with fifty-seven or so
men to conquer it; he himself remained behind. There was some trouble
with the Indians, and it transpired that the friendship of a chief
named Na Chancan, Lord of Acanul, was feigned. The Spaniards passed
through the village of Pokbac.
Tutul Xiu of Mani Offers his Aid. Having reached Tihoo, the Spaniards
established their camp on a hill near the present cathedral.
(Cogolludo, lib. iii, cap. 6.) They had not been there long when some
Indians brought the news that a large war-party was about to attack
them. The Spaniards resolved to be the aggressors; they went in search
of their enemies and beat them in a sharp fight. On his return to
Tihoo, Montejo set his followers to work building the town. They were
soon interrupted once more, this time by the arrival of the Lord of
Mani, who came in peace. Voluntarily he submitted to Spanish authority
and asked to be made a Christian. As it was the day of San Ildefonso,
Archbishop of Toledo, the new town was placed under his patronage
because of this good fortune. The date was February 23, 1541. Tutul Xiu
said that he had been won over by the valor of the Spaniards.
Accompanying the Lord of Mani (Tutul Xiu) were numerous vassals whose
names are interesting for us. I give the spelling of Cogolludo (pp.
130-131). They were: Ah Na Poot Xiu, son of Tutul Xiu; Ah Ziyah, a
governor; and Ah Kin Chi, a priest. These three are said to have been
lieutenants of Tutul Xiu at Mani itself. Others of the vassals were: Yi
Ban Can, Governor of the pueblo of TeKit; Pacab, Governor of Oxcutzcab;
Kan Caba of Panabchen, which is now deserted; Kupul of Zacalum; Nauat
of Teab; Uluac Chan Cauich, whose home is unknown; Zon Ceh of Pencuyut;
Ahau Tuyu of Muna; Xul Cumche of TipiKal; Tucuch of Mama; Zit Couat of
Chumayel. Just before he left, Tutul Xiu promised to send ambassadors
of his to other great lords in the country urging them to accept
Christianity and Spanish sovereignty. He did as he said he would.
Ambassadors were sent to the Cocomes of Zotuta and to other chiefs. The
chief of Zotuta at this time was Nachi Cocom; he killed all the
ambassadors save Ah Kin Chi, who was sent back to Mani with the news.
While the Indians of Mani and those of Zotuta were at odds, a number of
Indians from the country around Tihoo came to yield obedience to the
Spaniards. Warned by their ally, the Spaniards learned that Nachi Cocom
had made a league against the Spaniards, comprising all the people from
the country east of Tihoo as far as Ytzamal. In the end, according to
Cogolludo (p. 137), no less than seventy thousand hostile Indians came
against the Spaniards. As a result of the great battle that took place
the main part of the Indians' resistance was destroyed.
Foundation of Merida and of Valladolid, 1542-1543. On the Feast of the
Kings, January 6, 1542, Senor Don Francisco de Montejo and Rodrigo
Alvarez, scrivener, established the city of Merida with the entire
province of Quepech subject to it. Aside from its Indian population,
however, Merida had only one hundred citizens. Cogolludo (p. 137) gives
a complete list of the first Alcaldes and Regidores.
On March 13, 1542, Montejo made arrangements for the founding of the
city of Valladolid, a task which he intrusted to one of his relatives.
In May of the same year he himself set forth from Merida to subdue the
Cocomes of Zotuta or Sotuta, while at the same time another relative
went to conquer the province of Choaca, the inhabitants of which were
very warlike. After more or less resistance the Cocomes were beaten and
the city of Zotuta fell into Spanish hands.
On January 1, 1543, the Cabildo elected the second set of municipal
officers for Merida. From that time the city increased in permanency;
_solares_ or lots were given out; the Spanish rule was firm.
On May 28, 1543, the city of Valladolid in the province of Choaca was
founded and a church was established, the town being placed under the
protection of Nuestra Senora de los Remedios. Cogolludo (lib. iii, cap.
14) gives a full list of all the officers and citizens.
It is uncertain where the site of the first settlement of Valladolid
is. It is quite certain, however, that the city was soon moved from its
first position "six leagues from the sea." The reason why the site was
changed was the unhealthful locality in which the first settlement was
placed. The new site was the _pueblo_ of Zaqui, where the present city
of Valladolid now stands. In 1544 the city of Salamanca de Bacalar was
founded on or near the site of Bakhalal.
Bishop Bartolome de las Casas Arrives in Yucatan. At this time,
1544-1545, Bishop Bartolome de las Casas and his friars of the Order of
Santo Domingo arrived in Yucatan, going first to Campeche and later
spreading their influence through the country, the natives of which
greatly needed improvement. From this time onwards we may consider that
the Spanish rule was firmly established throughout the northern
portions of the peninsula, although, as we shall see, a long time was
still to pass before the southern regions were subjected. Montejo and
those associated with him came no nearer to the Itzas than Bakhalal.
All this is not meant to imply that there were no further revolts and
resistance against Spanish authority, for there still were sporadic
efforts on the part of the Indians to maintain their freedom. In
Valladolid, for example, in the year 1546, there was a very serious
rebellion, which was crushed only with great difficulty. (Landa, p.
93.) In general, nevertheless, Spanish power daily grew more firm, and
the power of the Religious grew constantly greater, despite hostility
from both Spaniards and Indians.