CHAPTER I

Produced by Charles Bowen, from page scans provided by the Web Archive.

Transcriber's notes:

1. Page scan source:

http://www.archive.org/details/historyspanishc01canogoog

2. [=a] represents a with a macron above it.

3. The "open o" symbol ( like a reversed "c") is used here to

represent the sound of [ts] (following Gates); this is the

unicode &#390 and &#596.

4. [va], [vi] represents "a", "i" with an caron.

5. Errata have been corrected in the text as indicated.

PAPERS

OF THE

PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND

ETHNOLOGY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY

Vol. VII

* * * * *

HISTORY OF THE SPANISH CONQUEST

OF YUCATAN AND OF

THE ITZAS

BY

PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS

* * * * *

Cambridge, Mass.

Published by the Museum

1917

Copyright, 1917,

By the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and

Ethnology, Harvard University

The University Press, Cambridge, Mass.

ERRATA

Substitute the accompanying page for the preliminary Note on Page iii.

Page 25. For the last two lines read "Cozumel. They also visited las

Mugers which takes its name from the female idols found there by the

Spaniards. This."

Page 58, note. For "may be" read "was."

Page 104, line 2 and elsewhere. For "Arumendi" read "Arismendi."

Page 180, line 30. For "was destroyed" read "were devastated."

NOTE

This Paper is the result of work carried on by Mr. Means as a graduate

student in the Division of Anthropology during the years 1915-1917. It

consists mainly of translations of early Spanish books and manuscripts.

It is gratifying to note that this is the first publication by the

Museum based upon the large collection of photographic reproductions of

early manuscripts from Mexico and Central America brought together by

Professor W. E. Gates of Point Loma, California, and presented to the

Museum by Mr. Charles P. Bowditch. Among these manuscripts is

Avendano's account of his journey to Peten, the greater part of which

is included in the present paper. The original of this manuscript is in

the British Museum. Cano's account of a trip to Guatemala is also given

here. This manuscript is in the Brinton Collection at the University of

Pennsylvania. It is through the kindness of Dr. George B. Gordon,

Director of that Museum, and of Miss Adela C. Breton, who copied the

manuscript, that it is possible to publish it at this time. The

Avendano and the Cano manuscripts were translated by Mr. Bowditch and

Senor G. Rivera.

CHARLES C. WILLOUGHBY

_Director_

INTRODUCTION

In the library of the Peabody Museum of Harvard University there is an

invaluable collection of photographs of old manuscripts relating to

Middle America. These photographs, made by Professor William E. Gates

of Point Loma, California, were given to the Peabody Museum by Charles

P. Bowditch, Esq., of Boston. One of the volumes contains a

photographic reproduction of an original manuscript entitled _Relacion

de las dos Entradas que hize a Peten Ytza_. The author, Fray Andres de

Avendano y Loyola, of the Order of Saint Francis, will receive much of

our attention later. Fortunately Mr. Bowditch and Sr. Guillermo Rivera

have deciphered and translated the crabbed old text, so that we have at

hand an account of the subjection of the Itzas of Tayasal, or Peten

Itza, which is not only invaluable as being the work of an eyewitness

of that subjection, but which also is filled with a rare charm. It was

largely with a view to bringing this old manuscript to the attention of

students that Mr. Bowditch and Dr. Tozzer asked me to work it up into a

study of the Itzas of Tayasal. At the same time we must not neglect to

notice here the translation, made by Mr. Bowditch and Sr. Rivera, of

another inedited work on the same subject. I refer to the account by

Fray Alonso Cano, which will be of great use to us later.

Though Avendano and Cano are, so to speak, the prime reasons for the

writing of this study, they have been supplemented in no inconsiderable

degree by two other early Spanish writers on the history of Yucatan and

its people, Diego Cogolludo and Juan de Villagutierre y Sotomayor. A

few comments on the works of these two authors will later prove useful

to the reader.

Though Villagutierre's Spanish style is far superior to that of such

writers as Fernando Montesinos and Antonio de la Calancha, it is,

nevertheless, atrocious. Although he wrote about 1700, Villagutierre's

style is excessively archaic; his grammatical construction can hardly

be called construction at all, so formless and ambiguous is it.

Villagutierre never hesitates to write several long sentences without a

single main verb between them, nor does he often refrain from going on

and on for a page or so without using a period. In the use of capitals

he is most whimsical; usually he has them when they are called for, but

he has many that are out of place as well.

The style of Cogolludo, on the other hand, is very good, and that, be

it noted, despite the fact that Cogolludo wrote prior to 1688. One

remarks with considerable surprise that in several cases Villagutierre

and Cogolludo use almost the same words. For example, in speaking of

the visit which Cortes made to the island of Tayasal, Cogolludo says:

"... _y aun la ida de Cortes se tuvo por ossadia, y demasiada

confianza...._" Villagutierre, in the same connection says: "... _que

lo tenian a grandissima temeridad, y ossadia, y por demasiada

confianza...._" This is an interesting point, and perhaps it is

significant that Cogolludo's book was published in 1688, whereas that

of Villagutierre was not brought out until 1701. It is to be noted that

Cogolludo, the earlier writer, uses only two epithets, and that

Villagutierre, the later writer, uses the same two, plus a new one of

his own. I know of two other cases where equally close and significant

similarity exists between the two. It is possible, then, that

Villagutierre copied (not to say plagiarized) the work of Cogolludo

without giving credit for it. But the important point for us in this

matter does not concern the personal integrity of Villagutierre. Rather

does the importance of the matter lie in this: if Villagutierre was

acquainted with the history of Yucatan by Cogolludo to such a degree

that he frequently borrowed whole phrases from it, he must have had a

very good reason for diverging widely now and again from the version of

events given by Cogolludo. Such a reason could only be supplied by the

fact that Villagutierre possessed information which he regarded as

superior to and more official than that of Cogolludo. Therefore, since

in several instances (as in his account of the events leading up to the

visit of Cortes to Tayasal) Villagutierre occasionally departs from the

footsteps of Cogolludo, we may safely assume that he was at once more

critical and better informed than the latter, whom, however, he valued

enough to be willing to draw from his work much of his information and

even some of his phraseology.

The virtues and defects of Avendano and of Cano are less subtle; so

much so, indeed, that it would be absurd to attempt a criticism of them

here. The reader will have ample opportunity to see their qualities for

himself in the body of the book.

A word as to the method adopted in translating is in order. In the

various passages taken from Cogolludo and Villagutierre I have

preserved the spelling and capitalization of proper names that appear

in the text. All passages from Avendano and Cano are from the

translations made by Mr. Bowditch and Sr. Rivera.

All the other works used are so well known that comment on them is

superfluous.

Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to Mr. Bowditch and to Dr.

Tozzer, both of whom have spent much time and thought in going over the

manuscript of this work. Among the others who have shown me kindness

and courtesy during the preparation of this study are Mr. Putnam of the

Library of Congress; Dr. George Byron Gordon of the University Museum,

Philadelphia; Professor Holmes of the United States National Museum;

Dr. Edward Luther Stevenson of the Hispanic Society of America, New

York; and, lastly, my mother, Mrs. James Means. These and others have

generously given me much of their time and information.

PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS

February 23, 1917

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

THE PRE-COLUMBIAN HISTORY OF THE MAYAS

AND OF THE ITZAS, 1445

Migratory period

The Golden Age or Old Empire of the Maya

The Colonization period

Transitional period

Renaissance or League period

The period of the Toltec mercenaries

Disintegration

Note: Cogolludo's account of the early history of the Mayas and

of some of their customs

CHAPTER II

THE POLITICAL, SOCIAL, AND GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF

THE ITZA STATE DURING THE PERIOD OF 1445-1697

The significance of the Itzas

The location of Peten or Tayasal

Description of Peten and its surroundings

The lake neither rises nor falls

The temples of Tayasal described by Avendano

The palace of Canek, Chief of the Itzas

The districts of Peten Itza

Extent of the Itza dominion under the Chief Canek

Quincanek

Further information about the region

The Itzas described

CHAPTER III

THE FIRST SPANISH ENTRADAS INTO YUCATAN, 1517-1526

The first Spaniards in Yucatan

Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba, 1517

Juan de Grijalva and others, 1518

Cortes in Mexico, 1519

Villagutierre's account of the entrada of Cortes, 1524-1525

Cortes starts for Honduras

Cortes arrives at Izancanac

Description of a large town

The Spaniards suspect treachery

The Indians explain why their town was deserted

Cortes takes leave of them in a friendly spirit

The deer hunt

The army of Cortes proceeds on its way

The lake

They capture an Indian

The Indian is sent to Tayasal

Some Indians come to Cortes from Tayasal

Canek himself comes and is courteously received

Canek hears Mass and promises to put away his idols

Cortes goes to Tayasal with Canek

The Itzas give Cortes news of Olid

Cortes takes leave of Canek, leaving Morzillo

Idols not burnt

Cortes arrives in Honduras

Comparison of Villagutierre with other authorities

Canek's attitude toward Cortes

CHAPTER IV

THE ENTRADA OF FRANCISCO DE MONTEJO AND HIS SON,

AND THE ARRIVAL OF THE FRANCISCANS, 1526-1542

Francisco de Montejo and his son

Montejo's preparations and sacrifices

He sets out

Montejo and his men go along the shore of Yucatan

Description of the campaign

Davila and Vazquez search vainly for gold in the region of Chetemal

Foundation of Villa Real de Chetemal

Hardships of those who were at Chichen

Continual misfortunes

Chichen Itza and Villa Real both deserted

Davila goes to Honduras

The Elder Montejo goes to Tabasco in 1535

The Franciscans enter Yucatan, 1535

Renewal of the subjection of Yucatan by Montejo, 1537

Hostility of the Indians

The Elder Montejo's instructions to his son

The Younger Montejo founds Campeche, 1540-1541

Tutul Xiu of Mani offers his aid

Foundation of Merida and of Valladolid, 1542-1543

Bishop Bartolome de las Casas arrives in Yucatan

CHAPTER V

THE ENTRADA OF PADRES FUENSALIDA AND ORBITA, 1618

The name Canek

Increased power of the Itzas

The mock embassy from Tayasal

The mock embassy considered to be a rebellion

A new period in the history of the Itzas

Fuensalida and Orbita

Preliminaries to the departure of the Padres

Briceno's opposition

The Padres set out

Their route

The journey up the river from Tipu

Arrival at Tipu

Events at the village of Tipu

The friendliness of Carrillo and the Indians

Don Christoval Na, Cacique of the Indians of Tipu

Francisco Cumux goes with an embassy to Canek

Cumux returns from Canek with two chiefs of Tayasal

The two chiefs are cordially received

The Padres prepare to travel to Tayasal

Delays; the Padres' anger

The return to Tipu

All precautions taken, they set out once more

Lake Yaxha is crossed; arrival at Lake Zacpeten

The Padres camp beside Lake Peten

The Padres arrive at Tayasal and are well received

Mass is said

Fuensalida preaches; Orbita destroys an idol

The Padres urge the Itzas to be Christians

They refuse because the appointed time has not come

After a few days the Padres leave Tayasal

CHAPTER VI

THE ENTRADA OF PADRE FRAY DIEGO DELGADO AND THE

EVENTS THAT FOLLOWED, 1621-1624

Padre Fray Diego Delgado's offer to christianize the Itzas

Delgado travels to the convent of Xecchacan

He is well provided with guides and other Indians

Zaclun

The proposal of Mirones

Mirones and the Governor make an agreement

Mirones raises an army for his entrada

Mirones arrives at Zaclun

The wanton and foolish oppression caused by Mirones

Delgado opposes Mirones

Delgado determines to anticipate Mirones

Delgado's message to Canek

Delgado receives permission from Canek to come to Tayasal

The treachery of the Itzas

Delgado and others are put to death

Mirones sends Ek after Delgado

Revolt of the Indians

An epidemic of apostasy; the third phase of the conquest of the Itzas

begins

CHAPTER VII

THE EARLY HISTORY OF GUATEMALA AND THE ENTRADA

FROM THAT COUNTRY, 1694-1695

The Indian tribes of Guatemala

Account of the Cakchiquel and of the Quiche

The government and the cities of the Cakchiquel and of the Quiche

Spanish conquest

Gallegos and Delgado

The Indians are friendly to them

The route taken by the two Padres

Several villages founded

The Dominicans and the Franciscans

Struggles between the Dominicans and the Indians

The inception of the plan to subdue the Itzas, 1689

Soberanis ordered to cooperate

Ursua to succeed Soberanis in office

A letter from Ursua y Arizmendi to the King of the Spains

The King grants all that Ursua asks

President Barrios aids in the undertaking

Arrangements for the entrada; supplies, etc.

The voluntary contributions

Quarrels between Soberanis and the Bishop of Yucatan

President Barrios decides to join the entrada in person

The expedition sets out from Guatemala City

Events at Huehuetenango

Ursua's activities

An army sets out from Yucatan for the Montana

Padres Cano and Avendano y Loyola

Cano's account of the entrada from Guatemala

The route followed by Cano

The Chols and the Mopanes

From Mopan to the lake

Cano advises return

Explanations of their withdrawal sent to Guatemala

The decree of the General Assembly

Quarrels among the soldiers and the officials

The writers of the decree punished

CHAPTER VIII

THE FIRST AND UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT MADE BY FRAY ANDRES

DE AVENDANO Y LOYOLA TO REACH THE ITZAS

OF TAYASAL, 1695-1699

Preamble

Preparations for the journey

The start

Indian singers

Arrival at Cauich

Departure from Cauich

Aguada of Hobon Ox; Chunzalam, Vecanxan

Nohhalal, Th[=a] Ayn, Sucte

Ix Kata-Kal

Nohku

Nohvecan

Hardships suffered by the Padres

Oppol; a bridge built across a river

Tanche

Deserted village of Temchay

Nohpek

Nohthub

Bacechac

Buete

Lack of supplies

Paredes seizes some farms

Fifty-one Indians of Buete surrender

Avendano argues with Paredes about his plundering

The royal decrees are mentioned by Avendano

Paredes promises to return the plunder

Paredes fails to keep his word

Tzucthok, once before reduced, had rebelled

The Padres endeavor to instruct the Indians

The captains promise to give warning before fighting

A skirmish

The avarice of Paredes

Chunpich is reached

Zuviaur goes to the Itzas; the Padres return

Further troubles

The Padres determine to get to the Itzas some other way

Letter to the captains

Governor Ursua vexed by the captains' letter

Return to Merida

CHAPTER IX

THE SECOND ENTRADA OF PADRE AVENDANO

Orders of the Governor

Departure of Avendano

The same route followed as before; Batcab is reached

Chuntuci

The hardships of the journey

Approaching the Itzas

Tan Xuluc Mul; temples on a great height

Chakan Itza

The Chakan Itzas

Treatment of the natives

The Padres please other Indians by means of little gifts

The Padres renew their march

Nich

Indians arrive from Tayasal

Bravery of Avendano

The landing at Tayasal; the idol

At the temple

The Padres read the letters

The curiosity of the Itzas

A baptism performed

Other Caciques arrive

The Caciques in war paint

Avendano makes inquiries as to their manner of reckoning time

Avendano explains the prophecies

Objection of Covoh

Discussion with Canek and others

Friendliness of Canek

Demonstrations against Canek

Leniency promised by the Padres

Avendano takes steps to protect the Itzas from further molestation

The letter of counsel

Before leaving Tayasal, Avendano shames Covoh

The hatred of the Chakan Itzas for the Padres increases

Canek helps the Padres to escape

Paredes' stupidity; the plot of the Chakan Itzas

The Chakan Itzas are foiled by God

The departure of the Padres from Tayasal

Avendano goes eastward to Yalain

Trouble with soldiers

The Padres suffer hardships and lose their way

Hard travel in the wilderness for fifteen days

Miracle of the bent branch

An uncomfortable night

Great want of food

The situation grows still worse

They find some miraculous honey

Two Padres go ahead

A desperate situation

They find some edible thistles

Some hills are reached

Deserted buildings

False hopes; further hardships

They face starvation

A sign from our Lady of the Apparition

They climb some high hills

Avendano left alone

The miracle of the sapote

Rescued

What had happened to the Indians whom Avendano sent off

The messenger from Tayasal

Reasons for Avendano's distrust

CHAPTER X

THE CONSUMMATION OF THE CONQUEST OF TAYASAL

BY THE SPANIARDS, 1695-1696

The expedition from Guatemala reaches Cahabon

Preliminary movements and plans

The fate of Diaz de Velasco; Amezquita follows him

Conclusion of the subjection of the Itzas begun

Paredes is ordered to march to Los Dolores

Canek's ambassador, Can, arrives at Merida

Zuviaur goes to the lake

Ursua determines to take vigorous measures

Lawsuits between Soberanis and Ursua

Captain Paredes at Tzucthok

Captain Hariza at Tipu

The Cacique Cintanek's villages

Can's report

The commands of King Charles II

Soberanis and Ursua in agreement at last

The part to be taken by Indian villages

The road completed as far as the lake

Quincanek feigns friendliness

The hostilities begin

The captains urge Ursua to fight; the battle

Tayasal becomes a Spanish possession

Later history of Tayasal

APPENDICES

I The Question of Orthography

II The Dialect of Peten. (From an unpublished manuscript by Dr. Berendt

in the Brinton Collection in the University Museum, Philadelphia)

III The Maps of Yucatan, 1501-1800

IV Itinerary of Avendano, together with geographical information

BIBLIOGRAPHY

LIST OF PLATES

Ia Avendano's Map of Lake Peten, circa 1697.

Ib Avendano's Map with English translation.

II Peten Itza in the Middle of the Eighteenth Century.

III Lake Peten and Flores.

n

IV Sketch (with English translation) of a Map of Yucatan, circa

1566, found with the Landa MS.

V Sketch (with English translation) of another Map of Yucatan,

circa 1566, found with the Landa MS.

VI Map showing Entradas to Lake Peten.

HISTORY OF THE SPANISH CONQUEST OF

YUCATAN AND OF THE ITZAS

CHAPTER I

THE PRECOLUMBIAN HISTORY OF THE MAYAS

AND OF THE ITZAS, 1445

In general it may be said that the Maya culture occupied the peninsula

of Yucatan, portions of the states of Tabasco and Chiapas in Mexico,

Guatemala, and the northern part of Honduras. That branch of the Mayas

who called themselves the Itzas and who form the chief subject of this

work occupied the southern portion of Yucatan and the greater part of

what is now the Department of Peten in Guatemala.

A few decades ago it was the fashion to credit the aboriginal peoples

of America with a civilization of enormous antiquity. But the whole

trend of modern scientific investigation tends to prove that the

American continent was one of the last parts of the world to be settled

and that, at the time of the Spanish conquest, the aboriginal cultures

were certainly not more than three thousand or so years old. Even this

estimate should be understood to include centuries of migratory

shiftings and centuries of development along lines which eventually led

to the erection of the earlier types of high culture in Middle and

South America. Roughly speaking, the time of Christ coincides with the

period at which the earliest high cultures in this hemisphere began to

flourish.

For the sake of convenience we shall follow the chronology suggested by

Mr. Morley (1915) and divide the pre-Columbian history of the Maya race

into eight periods. The first seven of these periods we shall discuss

briefly in this opening chapter; the eighth will furnish the subject

matter for the remainder of the book. The dates given should be

regarded as merely approximate.

APPROXIMATE DATES PERIODS

PERIODS A.D.

I Migratory period ?-200

II Golden Age or Old Empire 200-600

III Colonization period 450-700

IV Transitional period 700-1000

V Renaissance or League period 1000-1200

VI The period of the Toltec mercenaries 1200-1450

VII Disintegration 1450-1541

VIII Period of wars with Spain 1519-1697

Before taking up our review of the first seven periods we must remind

ourselves that the prehistoric cultures of Middle America have a

certain unity, showing beyond doubt that they were all of a common

origin. It is impossible to tell at what epoch the Maya became separate

and distinct from the other highly cultured peoples scattered over

Mexico and Central America. Fortunately, however, owing to the

investigations in the Valley of Mexico, we have abundant material for

the reconstruction of the sequence of cultures. Three successive strata

of occupation have been found in the Valley of Mexico. The earliest of

these, the Archaic, is also found in many other places throughout

Mexico and Central America. There is some reason to suppose that this

culture was at one time fairly uniform throughout the greater part of

Middle America. The local developments seen in the Maya, the Zapotec,

and the early Mexican cultures may have been the result of

modifications of the Archaic culture. Above this Archaic stratum in the

Valley of Mexico is found the Toltec or Teotihuacan culture. This is

synchronous with late Maya of the sixth period on our table.

Manifestations of its art are found in the latest buildings at Chichen

Itza.

I. Migratory Period (?-200 A.D.). The two earliest dated Maya

inscriptions that we have are those on the Tuxtla statuette and on the

Leyden plate. (Morley, 1915, p. 194 ff.; Holmes, 1916.) The former is

dated, in the Maya system of chronology, 8.6.2.4.17. (about 100 B.C.);

the date on the latter is 8.14.3.1.12. (about 50 A.D.).[1] Although, as

Mr. Morley points out, these are the earliest dates we know of from the

Maya area, it is to be noted that they do not differ essentially from

the more recent inscriptions. They ought, therefore, to be regarded as

introductory to the historic period, and it may be assumed that they

were themselves preceded by many decades of development during which

the first attempts at writing were gradually elaborated until the

extremely complex Maya hieroglyphics were evolved in the form in which

we know them.

II. The Golden Age or Old Empire of the Maya (200-600 A.D.). This

period extended, roughly, from 9.2.10.0.0. (210) to 10.2.0.0.0. (600).

In this time many cities rose, flourished, and fell. Of these Palenque,

Yaxchilan, Piedras Negras, Tikal, Seibal, Quirigua, Copan, and Nakum

are some of the more important. Like Seibal on the east and Piedras

Negras and Yaxchilan on the west, Tikal and Nakum were not far from the

Peten region to which our attention will be chiefly directed.[2]

Indeed, Lake Peten lies in what is almost the geographical center of

the area formerly occupied by the Old Empire. It is significant,

therefore, that Mr. Morley has found at the modern town of Flores (in

Lake Peten) two stelae dated approximately 10.1.0.0.0. and 10.2.0.0.0.

(580 and 600).

The various elaborate architectural features of the Old Empire cities

have been fully examined by many writers, and it is, therefore,

needless for us to speak of them except in the most general terms. One

predominating feature of all the ruins is the excessive use of

ornamentation. Because the country was devoid of any great natural

elevations which would give an effective setting for their buildings,

the people often used substructures of varying heights and

superstructures of several sorts. If one may judge from the sculptures

left by the inhabitants of the early cities, their life was mainly

taken up with an extremely involved ritualistic religion which, in the

hands of a priestly body, was at once the means by which they were

ruled and the outlet for the artistic gifts which they undeniably had.

Very probably the over-elaborate religion was responsible for the

tremendous mass of detail to be seen in so many of the ruined cities.

So great was the eagerness for space upon which to crowd ornamentation

that an architectural feature which served no purpose other than that

of affording more ample space for decoration was evolved. The roof-comb

is found in a high degree of development at Yaxchilan and elsewhere.

(Spinden, 1913, p. 112, fig. 148.) Sometimes, as at Tikal, this

cumbersome construction was carried to such lengths that the area

covered by walls was out of all natural proportion to that covered by

rooms.

One can only conjecture what brought about the downfall of these

ancient cities in which a very advanced culture once flourished. It is

not impossible that the priesthood became so oppressive that an

emigration took place; or, owing to a lack of proper agricultural

knowledge, the fields probably became spent so that the people were

forced to seek new homes; possibly also there was some sort of an

invasion from the west or east. Any one or all of these causes may have

brought about the succeeding period, one which lies within and at the

end of the Golden Age.

III. The Colonization Period (450-700 A.D.). This period is chiefly

notable for us because it marks the beginning of documentary history

and because the Itzas are first specifically mentioned in connection

with it.[3]

About 450 Ziyan Caan or Bakhalal was built, to be occupied only some

sixty years. (Spinden, 1913, Table 2; Brinton, 1882, Chr. I.) According

to Chronicle V the use of the name Itza dates from the founding of

Chichen Itza, an event which took place about 510.[4] At this time

there also occurred important changes in the calendar system, an event

symbolized in the Chronicles by the phrase "Pop was set in order."

There is, then, in this period of colonization, a well-defined

migration northward. The ancient cities in the south did not die out at

once, and we may suppose that the sixth century of our era was a time

of great cultural activity. It is interesting to know that the old Maya

culture and the Tiahuanaco culture (the two greatest American

civilizations) were probably in part at least contemporaries. (Cf.

Means, 1917.)

The Chronicles are vague and divergent on the question of how long the

first occupation of Chichen Itza lasted. Chronicle I says 120 years;

Chronicle II says 200; Chronicle III says 240. As two of the three

important Chronicles place the length of occupation at 200 years or

more, we may assume that it lasted from about 500 to 700 of our era.

To this period we may confidently attribute some of the structures at

Chichen. It has been shown that the Casa de Monjas at Chichen underwent

several periods of construction. It is what Mr. Thompson has called

"Old Chichen," however, that is most surely associated with the period

we are now discussing. In that portion of the ruins Mr. Thompson found

a lintel dated 10.2.9.1.9. (about 610). As the building in which the

lintel was found is one of a group that is quite distinct from the rest

of the ruins, it may be believed that they all date from the first

occupation.

We have, of course, no satisfactory data from which to derive an

opinion as to the territorial expansion of the kingdom ruled from Old

Chichen (if, indeed, it was ruled from there). Spinden (1913, p. 201),

however, has found ample reason for believing that Xcalumkin, Xlabpak,

Sayil, Kabah, and Tabi were flourishing at this period. Briefly, the

presence of a modified form of the "manikin scepter" and of the stela

(both characteristic of the ancient cities) convinces him that all

these places were erected before the influence of the Old Empire cities

had died out.

IV. Transitional Period (700-1000 A.D.). The Maya-Itza stock now

reentered upon their migrations. They moved, about 700, to Chakanputum,

where they stayed until about 950. The Chronicles all agree as to the

length of time the Itzas were at Chakanputum. Of this site we know

little beyond the fact that Cortes, when he visited it in 1519, found a

large village there.

Just before the Itzas left Champoton, or perhaps just after, Uxmal was

founded by Ahcuitok Tutul Xiu, who, according to the tradition,

probably came from the west. The lords of this city were destined to

have an important part to play in the history of the Itzas. About the

year 1000 the cities of Uxmal, Chichen, and Mayapan formed a

confederation which has been called the League of Mayapan. After three

or four hundred years of unrest after the disintegration of the Old

Empire a New Empire was about to begin its career.

V. Renaissance or League Period (1000-1200 A.D.). In the Golden Age or

Old Empire the civilization of the Maya race had centered about Lake

Peten, in the extreme south of the peninsula of Yucatan. In the time of

the New Empire the old cities in the south were gradually forgotten and

new ones, quite as remarkable, sprang up in the northern portion of the

peninsula. Three cities probably shared the sovereign power, forming,

by their alliance, the celebrated League of Mayapan. These cities were

Uxmal, ruled by the Xiu family, Mayapan, possibly ruled by the Cocom[5]

family, and Chichen Itza. The latter is, of course, our chief concern;

but as it has been often described we will only say that it may have

had, at one time, as many as one hundred thousand inhabitants and that

the culture that throve there was of a high order.

The political features of the League of Mayapan are difficult to

describe with accuracy. Each of the three great cities had its ruling

family. Below these was an order of personages called _batab_, each of

whom held and ruled a portion of the country. The _batab_ stood in much

the same relation to the ruler of the large city as a medieval baron to

the king. Doubtless each _batab_, ruling from his own city, had a

hierarchy of officers under him. Probably Labna, Kabah, Chacmultun,

Sayil, Hochob, Ake, Tihoo, Acanceh, Tinum, Kewick, and all the other

cities in northern Yucatan were once seats of _batabs_ who were more or

less intimately connected with the ruler of one of the three great

cities. There was ample machinery for the administration of justice,

and crimes were fittingly punished. Such positions as the Halach Uinic

(Real Man, i.e., king) of Mayapan and the office of batab of some

lesser city usually were inherited according to the rules of

primogeniture, but this custom could, for sufficient cause, be set

aside.[6]

VI. The Period of the Toltec Mercenaries (1200-1450 A.D.). However much

in the dark we may be as to the details of the events which brought

about the downfall of the League of Mayapan, we are in no doubt as to

the main causes of its disruption. Speaking in very general terms, the

situation was as follows. The ruler of Mayapan seems to have been the

trouble maker. Becoming ambitious to extend his power over the other

Halach Uinicil, he called in a number of mercenaries from Mexico. With

the aid of these allies the Halach Uinic of Mayapan made himself master

of the whole northern part of Yucatan, but he had to pay a heavy price

in the shape of giving Chichen Itza to his allies.

During all these troubles the Xius at Uxmal seem to have preserved a

certain amount of independence; certainly as time went on and as the

power of Mayapan became more and more tyrannically oppressive, the Xius

gradually became the champions of the oppressed. It was but natural

that those of the Itza _batabs_ who still remained at Chichen should

resent the alien dominion placed over them. If we may believe Chronicle

I, they made at least one attempt to get back their old power. The

discontent of the Itza element of the population, a discontent always

shared in by the Xius at Uxmal, continued to increase during two

hundred and fifty years. In that period Chichen Itza, under the

influence of its Toltec rulers, witnessed its final period of

architectural development. The Ball Court, the Castillo, the Group of

the Columns, and other buildings were erected under Toltec influence.

It is easy to recognize and identify the structures of this period

because they are usually distinguished by such features as serpent

columns, _tlaxtli_ or ball courts, Atlantean supports, feathered

monsters, and speech scrolls.

About 1450 the inevitable revolution against the tyranny of the Toltecs

took place, and with it civilization of the highest type came to an

end.

VII. Disintegration (1450-1541 A.D.). Centralized feudalistic

government destroyed, Yucatan fell into a sad plight. Where one or two

strong states had been before there were now a score of weak ones. In

the wars of this period the once great cities of the League were

destroyed and abandoned; new and far less advanced cities were founded

to take their place. The remnant of the Xiu family retired to Mani; the

Cocom became lords of Zotuta. Itzamal seems to have become a sacerdotal

state under the dominion of the Chel family. The Itzas, in whom our

chief interest lies, probably withdrew far to the south and founded

their power in the region about Lake Peten. Brinton (1882, p. 25.)

gives this list of the small independent states found by the Spaniards:

1 ACALAN (Bahia de Terminos)

2 TIXCHEL (Telchac)

3 KIN PECH (Campeche)

4 CHAKANPUTUN (Champoton)

5 CANUL

6 HOCABAIHUMUN

7 CEHPECH (Merida region)

8 ZIPATAN (northwest coast)

9 CHOACA (northeast coast)

10 EKAB (opposite Cozumel)

11 CONIL (north coast, west of Choaca)

12 -- -- -- -- -- --

13 CHETEMAL (southern end of east coast)

14 TAITZA (Itza, Peten district)

15 AH KIN CHEL (Itzamal region)

16 ZOTUTA (Cocom state, between Merida and Valladolid)

17 MANI (Xiu state, southwest of Zotuta)

In number 14 we recognize the Itzas of Peten. The close of this period

of Disintegration (period VII) ushers in the eighth period, which will

take up the remainder of our attention.

NOTE

COGOLLUDO'S ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE

MAYAS AND OF SOME OF THEIR CUSTOMS

It is well to present the account of the pre-Columbian history of the

Mayas as given by Cogolludo. It will be seen to differ greatly from the

more scientific view just given, but it presents points of interest. It

will be found in lib. iv, cap. 3.

"Neither from the peoples who populated this Kingdom of Yucatan nor

from their ancient Histories have I been able to find more than I shall

say here. In some writings which those who first learned how to write

left behind them, and which are in the native idiom (which is still

used among the Indians), it says that some of the people came from the

East and some from the West. With those who were from the Occident was

one who, as it were, was a Priest of theirs, called _Zamna_; and they

say that he it was who gave the names by which they are called in that

tongue to all the Ports of the Sea, points of land, estuaries, coasts,

and all the regions, sites, mountains (forests), and all the places of

this entire land; and certain it is that it is a thing worthy of

admiration if it was so, for such a division did he make of everything

in order that each spot might be known by its own name that there is

scarcely a palm of land which has not a name in their tongue. The

opinion that the settlers came to this land from the Occident (although

they do not know who they were nor how they came) is in accord with

what Padre Torquemada says in his Monarquia Indiana. (Lib. iii, cap.

13.) This is, That the Teochichimecas, after that terrible battle with

the Huexotzincas, remained lords of the territory of Tlaxcalan, and

made peace with the other nations on account of the fame of that

victory of theirs. These Teochichimecas must needs found their towns

and distribute their lands in such a manner that they were constantly

increasing their power and gradually occupying the country in such a

way that in a little more than 300 years they had spread through the

greater part of New Spain from one coast on the North to the other on

the South, a territory which includes all the inland regions which are

to the East, and especially those of this province of Yucathan as far

as the province of Hibueras or Honduras. From this it seems that the

Yucatecs are descended from Chichimec and Aculhua families which,

coming from the West by way of the stopping-places told of by Father

Torquemada in his first books, settled New Spain.

"If from the Orient came other peoples who settled in this land, there

is among the people now there neither tradition nor writing telling

with certainty from whence they came nor what people they were,

although, however, it is said (by some) that they came from the Island

of Cuba. Difficulty arises now, for some came from some regions and

others from very different ones, yet all speak a very ancient tongue,

nor has there been any information saying that any other has existed in

the land. But this might have been occasioned by some tribes being more

numerous than others, or by reason of war, or by trade and

communication which, by strengthening the relations of the one race

with the other, may have caused the idiom, usages, and customs of those

who were of the greatest number to prevail over and obliterate those of

the less numerous people. From the very differences which exist between

the Yucatec tongue and the Mexican, it seems that the Settlers of this

land must have been they who came from the East; and they may even have

been the most ancient people since the Indian Zamna who came with them

was he who first gave names to the places and lands, as has been told

already, for if the others had been the first, they would have done so.

Padre Lizana says the opposite because, first calling attention to the

fact that these Indians call the East _Cenial_, and the West,

_Nohnial_, the first of which signifies Small Descent and the second

Large Descent, he says: 'And it is a fact that they relate that from

the East descended upon this land a small race and from the West a

large one; and by that phrase do they understand little and much, East

and West, few from the one, many from the other.' The Reader will judge

which seems to him the better.

"This land of Yucathan, which the natives of it call _Maya_, was

governed for a long time by a Supreme Lord, and the last descendant of

these Lords was Tutul Xiu, he who was Lord of Mani and its neighborhood

when, voluntarily, he came to do homage, making himself a friend of the

Spaniards on the day of San Ildefonso, 1541, as has been told. Thus it

appears that there has ever been in the land a Monarchical government

which, according to the most weighty opinion among Writers, is the best

for the conservation of Realms. This King had for the capital of his

Monarchy a very populous City called Mayapan (from which must have been

derived the name of this land, Maya); this capital, through wars and

discords between the King and his vassals, and because justice lay only

in the greatest power among them (unhappy the times in which the

Supreme Lord has not a power equal to his justice), this government

came to an end; many of the Lords and Caciques rebelled, each

dominating the greatest amount of land he could, and being always

engaged in continuous wars; thus the Spaniards found them (divided into

estates, like Dukes and Counts, albeit without recognizing any

Superior). When Yucathan was left entirely without a Supreme Lord, then

the ambition of private persons who united their forces and banded

together to effect their will, resulted in their ordering the

destruction of the City of Mayapan, Capital of the Kingdom; they

demolished it about the year of Our Lord fourteen hundred and twenty

(according to the computation of the ages [_Ahaus?_] of the Indians)

and about the 260th year of their establishment. By this rebellion he

who was King and Supreme Lord of all Yucathan was left only with the

Lordship of Mani whither he retired upon the destruction of the City of

Mayapan which was where now are to be seen the ruins of buildings, near

the Village of Telchaquillo. They left him with this small power partly

because of the fidelity of those vassals who did not deny him obedience

due, and partly because of the permission given by the rebels who knew

that he had not now more strength than any of themselves....

"When the Lords of the City of Mayapan were ruling all the land was

tributary to them. The tribute was in small cotton mantles, native

fowl, some cacao in those places where it was got, and a resin which

served as incense in the Temples, and all told it was very small in

quantity. All the citizens and dwellers who lived within the City of

Mayapan were free from tribute; and in the city all the nobles of the

land had houses; and by the year 1582 (in which was written the

relation from which all this is drawn) it is said that all those who

were held to be Lords and nobles of Yucathan still remembered, in that

place, their old lots. Now with the change of government and because of

the slight estimation in which they are held ... the descendants of

Tutul Xiu, who was King and by right natural Lord, if they do not work

with their hands at labor, have nothing to eat, and toil does not now

seem to them unworthy of consideration. In ancient times, the nobles of

Mayapan were wont to serve in the Temples of the Idols in the

ceremonies and feasts which were by right assigned to them, assisting

by day and by night; and though many themselves had vassals, they

recognized the Supreme Lord, and served him in his wars.

"They who dwelt without the City and in the rest of the Province were

vassals and tributaries, not being of those who had houses there in the

capacity of land-holders; but they were greatly favored by their Lords

because they themselves served them as Advocates looking out for their

welfare with great solicitude whenever anyone asked that it be so. They

(the vassals and tributaries) were not obliged to live in assigned

Villages since they had license to live and to marry with whomsoever

they wished; the object of this was to ensure multiplication, for they

said that if the people were hampered, there could not fail to result a

diminution. Lands were held in common, and so between the Villages

there were no boundaries or landmarks to divide them; although it is

true that between one Province and another because of wars, save some

fields for sowing fruit-bearing trees and land which had been bought

for some purpose of improvement [incomplete sentence in the Spanish].

Also the salt-works which are on the Shores of the Sea were held in

common, and those who dwelt nearest to them were wont to pay tribute to

the Lords of Mayapan with salt which they had got....

"The Lords were absolute in power and caused their orders to be

executed with severity. There were Caciques placed in the Villages, or

some other leading person to hear suits and public demands. This

officer received the litigants or disputants, heard the cause of their

coming, and, if the matter were a grave one, talked it over with the

Lord. In order to try the case, other Ministers were appointed who were

like Advocates and Constables and who always attended in the presence

of the judges.... They were not in the habit of writing down the

lawsuits, although they had characters (of which many are to be seen in

the ruins of their buildings). All was set forth in words by means of

the Ministers before referred to, and what was then and there

determined remained valid and permanent without either of the parties

venturing to work against it. But if the affair which was to be tried

concerned many, they had a great meeting of all the interested

together; then the gist was communicated, upon which followed the

decision of the matter.

"In sales and contracts they had neither writings to oblige them to

keep their word nor promissory notes with which to give satisfaction,

but still the contract remained valid provided only that the parties

drank together publicly before witnesses. This was particularly the

usage in sales of slaves or of cacao-lands, and even today (it is said)

they use it still among themselves in the sale of horses and cattle.

The debtor never denied the debt even though he could not pay at once;

but all was made certain by the debtor's confessing his debt, for the

wife, children and relatives of the debtor would pay the debt after his

death....

"In the wars which because of their ambition they made upon one

another, some were taken prisoners, those of the conquered who were

taken remaining slaves. In this situation they were very rigorous,

treating the enslaved with asperity, and making use of them in all

sorts of bodily labor.

"In food-supplies there were no bargains, because they were always

fixed at one price, save Maize, which was wont to go up when crops were

poor, but it never passed what it is now worth, a _real_ or so, the

load (which is half a Castillian fanega).

"The money that they used was little bells and jingles of copper, which

had value according to their size, and some red shells, which were

brought from far away from this land, which they strung, after the

manner of rosaries. Also they used as money grains of cacao, and of

these they made the most use in commerce, and certain precious stones

and discs of copper brought from New Spain which they exchanged for

other things, as happens elsewhere...."

Cogolludo (lib. iv, cap. 5) continues with the following account of the

customs:

"For display and on gala occasions, they used to scarify themselves

with certain small points of stone on the breasts, arms and thighs;

they even went so far as to draw blood, and in the wounds they rubbed a

black earth or powdered carbon. When they scarified with these knives

the scars remained, shaped like Eagles, serpents, birds and animals,

and they perforated the nose as well.... The Cupules, who are the

people of the territory of the Town of Valladolid, used this practice a

great deal.

"In the times of their heathenry, as now, they danced and sang after

the manner of the Mexicans, and they used to have, as indeed they still

do have, a chief Singer (or Chanter) who intones, and who appoints what

they shall sing; and him they venerate and reverence, giving him an

honorable seat in Church, and at their assemblies and weddings. They

call him _Holpop_, and in his charge are the kettle-drums or _Tuncules_

and other musical instruments, such as the flutes, little trumpets,

tortoise-shells, and others that they used. The _Tuncul_ is of thick

wood, and there are some so large that they can be heard at a distance

of two leagues to leeward. To the accompaniment of these instruments

they sing their fables and old legends; all this will be reformed, or

rather, the Religious have already done so in many places, giving the

Indians Histories of Saints and some of the Mysteries of the Faith to

sing, at least at public dances, Easter celebrations, and festivities,

so that the ancient times will be forgotten.

"They have Babblers [Farfante = babbler, boaster; may mean jester,

buffoon] who repeat fables and ancient Histories, which I am certain

would be well done away with, or at least the costumes in which they

are represented, because it appears that they are like those of their

Heathen Priests; and when there is no worse harm than the preservation

among them of that memory, it appears a very pernicious thing, for it

inclines them all the more to the idolatrous practices which they

indulge in when wearing the costume; but every one will have his own

opinion in this matter, conformable, more or less, to what his

observation has taught him. The babblers are apt to be graceful at

mottoes and in the witty sayings which they tell to their elders and

Judges if they are over-rigourous, ambitious, avaricious, laying before

them the events that have taken place and even that which concerns the

officer's own duties. They thus speak to the officers' very faces, and

sometimes they rebuke them with a single word. But he who would

understand them must be a great linguist and must listen well. They are

very dangerous, these representations, when they are held at night and

in the Indians' own houses, for God knows what goes on there, and at

the very least many of them end up in drunkenness. They call these

Farfantes _Balzam_, and they apply the word metaphorically to him who

is talkative and scurrilous; and in their representations they mimic

birds.

"They held, and still do hold, banquets on the occasion of weddings and

betrothals, using up in one day many turkeys that they have been

breeding for a whole year. Those who are leaving the office of Alcalde

entertain those who are entering it, on the pain of disgrace, and on

election nights there is much drunkenness.

"The Indians of this land were and are very dextrous with the bow and

arrows, and so they are mighty huntsmen, and they grow dogs so that

they may fetch deer, wild boar, badgers. Tigers, some little Lions,

rabbits, armadillos, iguanas, and other animals. They shoot with their

arrows peacocks [sic], some birds they call _faysanes_ [pheasants], and

many others.

"At present they are great imitators of all the different sorts of

handiwork that are made, and so they learn all the trades with ease.

There are many Indians in their villages, beside those who live in the

City and in the Towns, who are great workers as smiths, locksmiths,

bridlemakers, shoemakers, carpenters, wood-carvers, sculptors,

saddlers, tradesmen who make many curious things out of shell,

bricklayers, stonecutters, tailors, painters, and so on. What causes

wonder is that there are many Indians who work at four or six trades

where a Spaniard would have but one ... but with that almost innate

coolness for work they supply their wants and turn out good work, which

they sell more cheaply than the Spaniards do, so that those tradesmen

who go to Yucathan fare badly at their trades; so there are but few of

them, and they seek other means of earning a livelihood.

"They wear clothes of very white cotton, of which they make shirts,

breeches, and certain mantles a vara and a half square which they call

_tilmas_ or _hayantes_. These can be made to serve as capes by drawing

the two corners up on the shoulder and making a knot; indeed, very many

people use ones made out of somewhat coarse woven wool, and even many

of stuffs brought from Spain, such as damasks and other silks. Some use

jackets, and many wear shoes and hempe sandals. The usual custom,

however, is to go barefoot, especially in their own houses and fields,

but the opposite is true of some Caciques and leading men, and of

women. Most of the men wear hats of straw or palm-leaves, and nowadays

many buy felt hats. The women use _Uaipiles_, which is a garment that

falls from the throat to the middle of the leg, with an opening at the

top, where the head goes, and two others at the top of the sides for

the arms, which are covered half-way down. Because this garment is not

tied in at the waist, it also serves as a shirt. From the waist to the

feet is another garment called _Pic_, and it is like petticoats and

goes under the outer garment. Most of these are worked with blue and

red thread, which makes them sightly. If a Spanish woman is seen in

this dress it looks, on her, most improper. Little Indian girls who are

growing up with Spanish women become great embroiderers, seamstresses,

and patchers, and they make things that are sold at large prices and

much esteemed.

"For Sundays and Feast-days when they go to Mass, and when they are to

be confessed, both men and women have cleaner and neater clothes, which

they keep for this. Other customs and things of theirs will be learned

through the laws that have been given to remedy them, which will be

related in the Fifth Book.

"There were Indians in the past days of their ancestors who had larger

bodies than those now common, bodies which were found in the sepulchres

of this land and which had gigantic stature. In 1647 in the village of

Vecal, on the royal road of Campeche, Padre Fray Juan de Carrion (now

Provincial Commissioner for the next General Chapter) ordered his

Indians to make an arbor for a reception he was to hold. They had just

set up the sticks with which it was to be made when the tools hit upon

a very large sepulchre made of flag-stones placed one over another

without any peculiarities of carving whatever. The Indians ran away

from it and went to call the Padre, who, on arriving, ordered them to

take out whatever was in the sepulchre. The Indians did not want to do

this, saying that it was prohibited for them to touch anything of that

sort. So the Padre, with the aid of a small boy, got out the bones of a

man of formidable size. There were in the sepulchre three bowls of very

fine pottery having three hollow balls in place of feet, and there was

a small black box of what appeared to be jasper. The Padre burned the

bones, threw them away, and filled up the hole, rebuking the Indians

for not wishing to touch it, on the plea that it was forbidden to them

to do so...."

History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Hard University. Vol. VII. · 第 1 / 10 章