hath done wisely to acknowledg him a Rogue errant[824], for his chiefe
essence is, _A daily Counterfeit_[825]: He hath beene familiar so long
with out-sides, that he professes himselfe (being unknowne) to be an
apparant Gentleman. But his thinne Felt, and his silke Stockings,
or his foule Linnen, and faire Doublet, doe (in him) bodily reveal
the Broker: So beeing not sutable, hee proves a Motley: his mind
observing the same fashion of his body: both consist of parcells
and remnants: but his minde hath commonly the newer fashion, and
the newer stuffe: hee would not else hearken so passionately after
new Tunes, new Trickes, new Devises: These together apparrell his
braine and understanding, whilst he takes the materialls upon trust,
and is himself the Taylor to take measure of his soules liking. Hee
doth conjecture somewhat strongly, but dares not commend a playes
goodnes,[826] till he hath either spoken, or heard the _Epilogue_[827]:
neither dares he entitle good things _Good_, unlesse hee be heartned
on by the multitude: till then hee saith faintly what hee thinkes,
with a willing purpose to recant or persist: So howsoever hee pretends
to have a royall Master or Mistresse, his wages and dependance prove
him to be the servant of the people.[828] When he doth hold conference
upon the stage; and should looke directly in his fellows face; hee
turnes about his voice into the assembly for applause-sake, like a
Trumpeter in the fields, that shifts places to get an eccho.[829]
The cautions of his judging humor (if hee dares undertake it) be a
certaine number of sawsie rude[830] jests against the common lawyer;
hansome conceits against the fine Courtiers; delicate quirkes against
the rich Cuckold a cittizen; shadowed glaunce[831] for good innocent
Ladies and Gentlewomen; with a nipping scoffe for some honest Justice,
who hath[832] imprisoned him: or some thriftie Trades-man, who hath
allowed him no credit: alwayes remembred, his object is, _A new play_,
or _A play newly revived_. Other Poems he admits, as good-fellowes
take Tobacco, or ignorant Burgesses give a voyce, for company sake; as
thinges that neither maintaine nor be against him. To be a player, is
to have a _mithridate_ against the pestilence; for players cannot tarry
where the plague raignes; and therfore they be seldome infected.[833]
He can seeme no lesse then one in honour, or at least one mounted;
for unto miseries which persecute such, he is most incident. Hence
it proceeds, that in the prosperous fortune of a play frequented, he
proves immoderate, and falles into a Drunkards paradise, till it be
_last_ no longer. Otherwise when adversities come, they come together:
For Lent and Shrovetuesday be not farre asunder, then he is dejected
daily and weekely: his blessings be neither lame nor monstrous; they
goe upon foure legges, but moove slowly, and make as great a distance
between their steppes, as between the foure Tearmes. Reproofe is
ill bestowed uppon him; it cannot alter his conditions: he hath bin
so accustomed to the scorne and laughter of his audience, that hee
cannot bee ashamed of himselfe: for hee dares laugh in the middest
of a serious conference, without blushing.[834] If hee marries, hee
mistakes the Woman for the Boy in Womans attire, by not respecting a
difference in the mischiefe: But so long as he lives unmarried, hee
mistakes the Boy, or a Whore for the Woman; by courting the first on
the stage, or visiting the second at her devotions. When hee is most
commendable, you must confesse there is no truth in him: for his best
action is but an imitation of truth, and _nullum simile est idem_. It
may be imagined I abuse his carriage, and hee perhaps may suddenly bee
thought faire-conditioned; for he _playes above board_.[835] Take him
at the best, he is but a shifting companion; for hee lives effectually
by putting on, and putting off. If his profession were single, hee
would think himselfe a simple fellow, as hee doth all professions
besides his owne: His own therefore is compounded of all Natures, all
humours, all professions. Hee is politick also[836] to perceive the
commonwealth[837] doubts of his licence, and therefore in spight of
Parliaments or Statutes hee incorporates himselfe by the title of a
brotherhood. Painting and fine cloths may not by the same reason be
called abusive, that players may not be called rogues: _For they bee
chiefe ornaments of his Majesties Revells_.[838] I need not multiplie
his character; for boyes and every one, wil no sooner see men of this
Facultie walke along but they wil (unasked) informe you what hee is
by the vulgar title.[839] Yet in the generall number of them, many
may deserve a wise mans commendation: and therefore did I prefix an
Epithite of _common_, to distinguish the base and artlesse appendants
of our citty companies, which often times start away into rusticall
wanderers and then (like Proteus) start backe again into the Citty
number.[840]
lxi. 1615. JOHN WEBSTER (?).
[This Character _Of an Excellent Actor_ is one of the additions
made in the 6th edition (1615) to the Characters printed with
Sir Thomas Overbury’s _The Wife_, of which the 1st edition
appeared after Overbury’s death on 15 Sept. 1613. The Characters
do not profess to be all from Overbury’s hand, and the present
one was evidently written as a reply to that of _A Common
Player_ (No. lx). The allusion to painting suggests that the
model was Richard Burbadge. The passage _Therefore the imitating
Characterist ... flea them_ was omitted in the 7th edition
(1616) and in later editions, including the 9th (1616), from
which the reprints in E. F. Rimbault, _Works of Overbury_,
147, and H. Morley, _Character Writings_, 86, are taken. A. F.
Bourgeois, in 11 _N. Q._ x. 3, 23, gives some striking parallels
of phrase between the Characters of 1615 and the work of John
Webster, which may point to his authorship. Later Characters of
a Player are in J. Earle, _Microcosmography_ (1628, ed. A. S.
West, 81), and R. M., _Micrologia_ (1629, Morley, 285).]
_An Excellent Actor._
Whatsoeuer is commendable in the graue Orator, is most exquisitly
perfect in him; for by a full and significant action of body, he
charmes our attention: sit in a full Theater, and you will thinke
you see so many lines drawne from the circumference of so many
eares, whiles the _Actor_ is the _Center_. He doth not striue to
make nature monstrous, she is often seene in the same Scaene with
him, but neither on Stilts nor Crutches; and for his voice tis not
lower then the prompter, nor lowder then the Foile and Target. By his
action he fortifies morall precepts with example; for what we see him
personate, we thinke truely done before vs: a man of a deepe thought
might apprehend, the Ghosts of our ancient _Heroes_ walk’t againe, and
take him (at seuerall times) for many of them. Hee is much affected
to painting, and tis a question whether that make him an excellent
Plaier, or his playing an exquisite painter. Hee addes grace to the
Poets labours: for what in the Poet is but ditty, in him is both ditty
and musicke. He entertaines vs in the best leasure of our life, that
is betweene meales, the most vnfit time, either for study or bodily
exercise: the flight of Hawkes and chase of wilde beastes, either of
them are delights noble: but some think this sport of men the worthier,
despight all _calumny_. All men haue beene of his occupation: and
indeed, what hee doth fainedly that doe others essentially: this day
one plaies a Monarch, the next a priuate person. Heere one Acts a
Tyrant, on the morrow an Exile: A Parasite this man to night, to morow
a Precisian, and so of diuers others. I obserue, of all men liuing, a
worthy Actor in one kind is the strongest motiue of affection that can
be: for when he dies, wee cannot be perswaded any man can doe his parts
like him. Therefore the imitating Characterist was extreame idle in
calling them Rogues. His Muse it seemes, with all his loud inuocation,
could not be wak’d to light him a snuffe to read the Statute: for I
would let his malicious ignorance vnderstand, that Rogues are not to
be imploide as maine ornaments to his Maiesties Reuels; but the itch
of bestriding the Presse, or getting vp on this wodden Pacolet, hath
defil’d more innocent paper, then euer did Laxatiue Physicke: yet is
their inuention such tyred stuffe, that like Kentish Posthorse they
can not go beyond their ordinary stage, should you flea them. But to
conclude, I valew a worthy Actor by the corruption of some few of the
quality, as I would doe gold in the oare; I should not mind the drosse,
but the purity of the metall.
lxii. 1616. JOHN SELDEN.
[From a letter to Ben Jonson of ‘28th of Feb. 1615’ (_Works_,
ii. 1690).]
‘I have most willingly collected what you wished, my notes touching the
literal sense and historical of the holy text usually brought against
the counterfeiting of sexes by apparell.’ Explains it as a prohibition
of an idolatrous Palestine ritual.
lxiii. 1616. NATHAN FIELD.
[From _Feild the Players Letter to M^r Sutton, Preacher att
S^t Mary Overs_, 1616, printed by Halliwell, _Illustrations_,
115, from _S. P. Dom. Jac. I_, lxxxix. 105. There are some
slight references to the stage in Thomas Sutton’s _England’s
First and Second Summons_ (1616), 27, 195, but these are Paul’s
Cross sermons delivered, and in the case of the first at least
printed, before he became preacher at Saint Mary Overies in
1616, and Field is probably answering something later and more
pointed.]
Protests that Sutton’s labour ‘to hinder the Sacrament and banish me
from myne owne parishe Churche’ is ‘uncharitable dealing with your
poore parishioners, whose purses participate in your contribucion and
whose labour yow are contented to eate’. Can find nothing in the Bible,
‘which I have studied as my best parte’, condemning players, nor does
‘our Caesar, our David’, King James, condemn them.
APPENDIX D
DOCUMENTS OF CONTROL
[_Bibliographical Note._--The material here collected relates
to the control of the stage both by the central and, so far as
London and its suburbs are concerned, by the local authorities.
It is largely drawn from official sources, especially the
Chancery Rolls and the Privy Council Register, and the City
archives, in particular the series of _Remembrancia_, which
begins in 1579 and contains copies of official correspondence
between the Corporation and the Privy Council, or individual
persons of honour. Something has also been contributed by the
_Repertories_ of the Court of Aldermen and the _Journals_ of
the Common Council, but these, as well as the _Liber Legum_
and the _Letter Books_, which extend to 1590, probably still
require further search. The nature of the Privy Council Register
is described in ch. ii, and it must be borne in mind that
orders relating to plays are probably missing from it, owing
to _lacunae_, of which the chief are May 1559–May 1562, Sept.
1562–Nov. 1564, Dec. 1565–Oct. 1566, May 1567–May 1570, July
1572–Feb. 1573, June 1582–Feb. 1586, Aug. 1593–Oct. 1595, April
1599–Jan. 1600, Jan. 1602–May 1613. For the last of these an
abstract covering 1602–10 in _Addl. MS_. 11402 is an inadequate
substitute. Probably some volumes of the Register were burnt in
the fire of 1619 (cf. ch. i). Many of the documents were printed
by Collier, Hazlitt, Wright, and others, but in most cases
more authoritative texts are available in such publications as
the _Statutes of the Realm_ (1810–22), J. R. Dasent, _Acts of
the Privy Council_ (1890–1907), J. C. Jeaffreson, _Middlesex
County Records_ (1888–92), W. W. Greg, _Henslowe Papers_ (1907),
C. C. Stopes, _Extracts from London Play Regulations_ (1908,
Harrison, _Description of England_, Part iv), and _Collections
of the Malone Society_, vol. i (_Dramatic Records_ from the
_Remembrancia_, _Lansdowne Manuscripts_, _Patent Rolls_, and
_Privy Council Register 1603–42_, by E. K. Chambers and W. W.
Greg), and in view of the diplomatic accuracy of these I have
allowed myself to make the present copies more readable by means
of additional punctuation, modifications in the use of capitals,
and the extension of contractions. I have also occasionally
omitted an irrelevant passage or an endorsement. And I have
replaced full texts by abstracts where, as in the case of the
company patents, the full texts seemed to go better in other
sections of this work.]
i.
[1531. Extract from _An Acte concernyng punysshement of Beggers
& Vacabundes_ (_22 Hen. VIII_, c. 12), printed in _Statutes_,
iii. 328. The Act was continued and amended in detail in 1536 by
_27 Hen. VIII_, c. 25 (_St._ iii. 558), replaced in 1547 by the
more severe _1 Edw. VI_, c. 3 (_St._ iv. 5), revived in 1550 by
_3 & 4 Edw. VI_, c. 16 (_St._ iv. 115), and continued in 1551–2
by _5 & 6 Edw. VI_, c. 2 (_St._ iv. 131), in 1552–3 by _7 Edw.
VI_, c. 11 (_St._ iv. 175), in 1553 by _1 Mary_, c. 13 (_St._
iv. 215), and in 1563 by _5 Eliz._ c. 3 (_St._ iv. 411).]
[§ 3.] And be it farther enacted by the aucthoryte aforsayde that yf
any person or persones beyng hole & myghtie in body & able to laboure,
at any tyme after the sayde feast of Saynt John [24 June 1531] be taken
in beggyng in any parte of this Realme, or yf any Man or Woman beyng
hole & myghty in body & able to laboure havyng no lande [or] maister
nor usyng any lawful marchaundyse crafte or mystery, wherby he myght
gette his lyvyng after the same feast, be vagarant & can gyve none
rekenyng howe he doth lefully gett his lyvyng, that than yt shalbe
lefull to the Constables & all other the Kynges Officers Mynysters &
Subjectes of every Towne Paryshe & Hamlet to arest the sayd Vacaboundes
& ydell persons & them bryng to any of the Justices of Peace of the
same Shyre or Libertie, or els to the Highe Constable of the Hundrede
Rape or Wapentake wythin whyche suche persones shalbe taken; and yf he
be taken wythin any Cyte or Towen Corporate, than to be brought before
the Mayre, Shereffes or Baylyffes of every suche Towne Corporate; and
that every suche Justyce of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayres, Shereffes
and Baylyffes by their dyscretions shall cause every suche ydell
person so to hym brought to be had to the next market Towne or other
place, where the sayde Justices of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayres,
Baylyffes or other Officers shall thynke most convenyent by his or
there discretions & there to be tyed to the end of a Carte naked and be
beten wyth Whyppes thoroughe oute the same market Towne or other place
tyll his Body be blody by reason of suche whyppyng; and after suche
punysshement & whyppyng had, the person so punysshed by the dyscretion
of the Justice of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayre, Sheryffes, Baylyffes
& other Officers, afore whom suche person shalbe brought, shalbe
enyoyned upon his othe to retourne forthewyth wythout delaye in the
next & streyght waye to the place where he was borne, or where he last
dwelled before the same punysshement by the space of iij yeres & there
put hym selfe to laboure, lyke as a trewe man oweth to doo ... and yf
the person so whypped be an ydell person & no common begger than after
suche whippyng he shall be kepte in the Stockes till he hath founde
suertie to goo to servyce or elles to laboure after the dyscretion
of the sayde Justice of Peace, Mayres, Shireffes, Baylyffes, Highe
Constables or other suche Offycers afore whome any suche ydell person
beyng no commen begger shalbe brought, yf by the dyscretion of the same
Justice of Peace, Mayer, Shyreff, Bayly, Highe Constable, or other
suche hedde offycer, yt be so thought convenyent & that the partie so
punysshed be able to fynde suretye or elles to be ordered & sworne to
repayer to the place where he was borne or where he last dwelled by the
space of three yeres.
ii.
[1549, May 27. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison,
iv. 313, from London _Repertory_, xii, f. 92.]
[Sidenote: Amcotes, Mayor. Wylkynson.]
Item, John Wylkynson, coriour, who comenly suffreth & meynteyneth
interludes & playes to be made and kept within his dwellyng house, was
streyghtly commandid no more to suffer eny suche pleyes there to be
kept, vpon peyne of imprysonement, &c.
iii.
[1549, July 4. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison,
iv. 313, from London _Repertory_, xii. 1, f. 100.]
[Sidenote: Interludes & bukler playinge.]
At this courte. yt was agreyd that my Lorde Mayer, at his next
repayrynge to the Lorde Chaunceler, shulde desyre his Lordeshyps ayde
and advise for the steyinge of all comen interludes & pleyes within the
Citie & the suburbes therof. And further, that euery of my maisters
thaldermen shulde take suche ordre in their wardes with the constables,
& otherwyse by their discrecion, that there be no more buckler playing
suffred nor vsed within eny of their wardes duryng this besye tyme.
iv.
[1549, 7 Nov. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison,
iv. 314, from London _Repertory_, xii. 1, f. 162^v.]
[Sidenote: Hyll, Mayor. Enterludes.]
Item, it is orderyd that the ij Secondaries of the Compters, Mr. Atkyns
& Mr. Burnell, shall, accordyng to the tenour of the recognysaunce
lately taken before the Lorde grete Master, & remaynyng with my Lorde
Mayer, pervse all suche enterludes as hereafter shalbe pleyed by eny
comen pleyr of the same within the Citie or the liberties therof, And
make reporte of the same to the Lorde Mayer for the tyme beynge, And
accordyng thervnto, my Lorde Mayer to suffer them to go forwarde, or to
stey.
v.
[1550, 23 Dec. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison,
iv. 314, from London _Repertory_, xii. 2, f. 294^v.]
[Sidenote: Players of interludes.]
At this Courte, certein comen plaiers of interludes within this Citie
were bounden by Recognisaunce as herafter insuythe:
Item, Johannes Nethe, Robertus Southyn, Robertus Drake, Robertus
Peacocke, Johannes Nethersall, Robertus Sutton, Ricardus Jugler,
Johannes Ronner, Willelmus Readyng, Edmundus Stokedale, Johannes
Rawlyns, Johannes Crane, Ricardus Gyrke, Johannes Radstone, Oliuerus
Page, Ricardus Pokeley, Ricardus Parseley, & Willelmus Clement,
recognoverunt se & eorum quemlibet, per se debere domino Regi xx li,
bonis etc soluendis etc: The condicion, etc, that yf the above bounden
John Nethe, Robert Southyn etc & eny and euery of them, do not at
herafter play eny interlude or comen play within eny of our Soueraygn
Lorde the kynges domynyons, without the especiall licence of our seid
Soueraygn Lorde, or of his most honourable Councell for the tyme beyng,
had & obteyned for the same, And also yf they the seid Recognytours,
& euery of them, do att all & euery tyme & tymes herafter, when they
or any of them shalbe, by the seid Counsell or eny of them, sent for,
personally appere before the seid Counsell or some of them, that then,
etc, or els etc.
vi.
[1553. City order cited from _Letter Book_, R, f. 246, in _V. H.
London_, i. 295.]
Plays and interludes were forbidden before 3 p.m. on Sundays and
holidays.
vii.
[1558. A reference to plays is cited from _Letter Book_, V, f.
216, in _V. H. London_, i. 322.]
viii.
[1559, April 7. Proclamation. Despatches in V. P. vii. 65, 71,
also record this, which, however, is not preserved. It forms no
part of _Procl._ 504 for peace with France, which both Machyn
and Holinshed describe as proclaimed immediately before it, and
which bears date 7 April. _Procl._ 503, of 22 March, prescribing
Easter Sacrament in both kinds, has a clause enjoining mayors
and other officers to commit to prison ‘all disordred persons,
that shall seke willingly to breake, either by misordred dede,
or by railing, or contemptuous speach, the common peace and band
of charytie’; but, apart from the discrepancy of dates, this
seems too general in its terms to answer the descriptions.]
(_a_)
[Entry in _Machyn’s Diary_, 193, misdated April 8.]
Bluw-mantyll dyd proclaymyd that no players shuld play no more tyll
a serten tyme of no mans players; but the mare or shreyff, balle,
constabull, or odur offesers take them, lay them in presun, and the
quen commondement layd on them.
(_b_)
[Extract from Holinshed, _Chronicle_, iii. 1184.]
The same time also [April 7] was another proclamation made under the
queenes hand in writing, inhibiting that from thenceforth no plaies nor
interludes should be exercised, till Alhallowes tide next insuing.
ix.
[1559, May 8. Extract from _An Act for the Uniformity of Common
Prayer and Service in the Church and Administration of the
Sacraments_ (_1 Eliz._ c. 2), printed in _Statutes_, iv. 1, 355.
Later clauses give concurrent power to deal with offences under
the Act to justices of assize or mayors and other head officers
of cities and boroughs, and to archbishops and bishops and other
ordinaries by ecclesiastical process.]
It is ordained and enacted by the authority abovesaid, that if any
person or persons whatsoever, after the said feast of the Nativity of
St. John Baptist next coming [24 June 1559], shall in any interludes,
plays, songs, rhymes, or by other open words, declare or speak anything
in the derogation, depraving, or despising of the same book [of Common
Prayer], or of anything therein contained, or any part thereof, ...
then every such person, being thereof lawfully convicted in form
aforesaid, shall forfeit to the queen our sovereign lady, her heirs and
successors, for the first offence a hundred marks.
x.
[1559, May 16. Proclamation 509, printed in Collier, i. 166, and
Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 19.]
¶ By the Quene.
Forasmuche as the tyme wherein common Interludes in the Englishe tongue
are wont vsually to be played, is now past vntyll All Hallou-tyde,
and that also some that haue ben of late vsed, are not conuenient
in any good ordred Christian Common weale to be suffred. The Quenes
Maiestie doth straightly forbyd all maner Interludes to be playde
eyther openly or priuately, except the same be notified before hande,
and licenced within any Citie or towne corporate, by the Maior or other
chiefe officers of the same, and within any shyre, by suche as shalbe
Lieuetenauntes for the Quenes Maiestie in the same shyre, or by two of
the Justices of peax inhabyting within that part of the shire where any
shalbe played.
And for instruction to euery of the sayde officers, her maiestie
doth likewise charge euery of them, as they will aunswere: that they
permyt none to be played wherin either matters of religion or of
the gouernaunce of the estate of the common weale shalbe handled or
treated, beyng no meete matters to be wrytten or treated vpon, but
by menne of aucthoritie, learning and wisedome, nor to be handled
before any audience, but of graue and discreete persons: All which
partes of this proclamation, her maiestie chargeth to be inuiolably
kepte. And if any shal attempt to the contrary: her maiestie giueth
all maner of officers that haue authoritie to see common peax kepte in
commaundement, to arrest and enprison the parties so offendinge, for
the space of fourtene dayes or more, as cause shal nede: And furder
also vntill good assuraunce may be founde and gyuen, that they shalbe
of good behauiour, and no more to offende in the likes.
And further her maiestie gyueth speciall charge to her nobilitie and
gentilmen, as they professe to obey and regarde her maiestie, to take
good order in thys behalfe wyth their seruauntes being players, that
this her maiesties commaundement may be dulye kepte and obeyed.
Yeuen at our Palayce of Westminster the xvi. daye of Maye, the first
yeare of oure Raygne.
xi.
[1559, June. Lord Robert Dudley to the Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord
President of the North, printed from _Heralds College Talbot
MS._ E. f. 29, in Collier, i. 168; also in Lodge, i. 376.]
My good Lorde,
Where my servauntes, bringers hereof unto you, be suche as ar plaiers
of interludes; and for the same have the Licence of diverse of my Lords
here, under ther seales and handis, to plaie in diverse shieres within
the realme under there aucthorities, as maie amplie appere unto your
L. by the same licence. I have thought emong the rest by my Lettres
to beseche your good L. conformitie to them like wise, that they maie
have your hand and seale to ther licence for the like libertye in Yorke
shiere; being honest men, and suche as shall plaie none other matters
(I trust); but tollerable and convenient; whereof some of them have
bene herde here alredie before diverse of my Lordis: for whome I shall
have good cause to thank your L. and to remaine your L. to the best
that shall lie in my litle power. And thus I take my leave of your good
L. From Westm., the of June, 1559.
Your good L. assured,
R. Duddley.
To the right Honourable & my verie good Lorde, the Erle of Shrewsburie.
xii.
[1559, _c._ 13 June. Extract from _Injunctions given by the
Queen’s Majesty concerning both the Clergy and Laity of this
Realm_, printed by Pollard, _S. F._ 13; in full in Gee, 46, and
E. Cardwell, _Documentary Annals of the Church of England_ (ed.
1844), i. 210.]