ATTACKS ON THE RAJAH’S POLICY—VISITS TO LABUAN, SINGAPORE AND
PENANG—MISSION TO SIAM—THE RAJAH’S RETURN TO ENGLAND—DINNER TO HIM
IN LONDON—HIS REMARKABLE SPEECH—LORD ABERDEEN’S GOVERNMENT APPOINTS
A HOSTILE COMMISSION—THE RAJAH’S RETURN TO SARAWAK—COMMISSION AT
SINGAPORE—ITS FINDINGS.
We were fairly contented with the results of the recent expedition,
and thought that all would be satisfied with our efforts to put down
piracy and protect trade. We were therefore greatly surprised on our
arrival in Sarawak to find that two English papers had commenced
violent attacks on our proceedings, founded at first on some reports
of excesses by our native allies during our expedition in the spring,
when we punished the pirates at the Kaluka river. At the time we
suspected, and it was clearly proved afterwards, that the originator
of this campaign against the Rajah was Mr Henry Wise, Sir James’s
discarded agent.
I have already mentioned that Mr Wise had been accidentally
entrusted with a mass of the Rajah’s private correspondence with his
mother and with Mr John Templer; in the former Mr Wise found the
expression, ‘A friend was worth a dozen agents’; and in the latter
such words as, ‘If Wise does not obey my instructions I will kick
him to the devil.’ Mr Wise was by nature vindictive, and it was not
surprising that he was somewhat roused by such freedom of expression,
though it occurred in confidential letters to the Rajah’s most
intimate friends. The reason why these energetic remarks had been
made was Sir James’s discovery that Wise was trading on his great
name, and (as already stated) endeavouring to form companies with
very large capital to develop the resources of Sarawak. The Rajah
tried in vain to stem this current by pointing out that there could
be no employment for a large capital in a new country, and that
everything must advance gradually. This would not have suited Wise’s
views, which were to gain for himself a large fortune, careless as to
who suffered in the process.
Mr Wise succeeded in floating the Eastern Archipelago Company, with a
nominal capital of £100,000, and managed so to mystify the directors
that they agreed to accept his own terms, by which he would have
monopolised nearly all the profits. But notwithstanding that there
were some respectable names among the directors the public did not
come forward, and all, or nearly all, of the shares remained in the
hands of the company. The City would not help, as it soon became
known that capitalists of undoubted strength had been ready to find
the money, but were suspicious of Mr Wise’s refusal to state his
terms before the company was formed.
Having secured, as he thought, three thousand a year for certain,
with other great advantages in prospect, Mr Wise threw off the mask,
and now declared to Government that he could no longer associate
himself in any way with Sir James’s sanguinary policy. He forgot
entirely that his company had been formed to take advantage of the
English Rajah’s unique position in Borneo, so as to develop its
resources and to work the coal in Labuan, of which colony Sir James
Brooke was Governor.
Mr Wise was soon in communication with the press, but the majority
saw through the discarded agent, and would have nothing to do with
his pretended disclosures. He succeeded, however, in gaining the ear
of Joseph Hume, who promised to bring the case before Parliament, and
managed to win over to his side Mr Cobden, and, to a lesser degree,
Mr Bright. I must here observe that because Mr Cobden advocated
Free Trade with great ability and success, his followers appear to
consider that words must not be applied to him which he was ready
enough to apply to others. Many pretended to be shocked that Sir
James Brooke answered these attacks with his characteristic energy;
and I remember meeting one of the foremost statesmen of the present
day at a dinner on my return from Borneo in 1860, who, in reply to
a question of mine, said that the language which Sir James Brooke
had employed when speaking of ministers had prevented them from
restoring him to his position in the public service or showing their
appreciation of the great good he had done. It took my breath away.
After they had heaped on him every humiliation which was possible, he
was to sit quiet and bear it. It was not, however, in his nature to
sit quiet when calumny after calumny was propagated by his enemies. I
will allow that his language was strong and occasionally injudicious,
but we must remember the provocation, and that his heart was set on
the safety of Sarawak. I must add that not one of those around him
ever attempted to increase his indignation; on the contrary, we urged
him to treat these attacks with contempt.
After having spent one hundred and sixty days in ships and boats
during the first eight months of 1849, we were, indeed, glad of a
little rest. The squadron now dispersed, Her Majesty’s ships sailed
for Singapore; Captain Brooke, suffering from fever, went to China
for a change; and Grant and I remained with the Rajah. Though quiet,
we were busy, as deputation after deputation arrived from the pirate
rivers to express their firm determination to give up piracy, and
messengers came from the distant inland tribes to interview the
Rajah, ‘for the Dyaks had heard, the whole world had heard, that the
Son of Europe was the friend of the Dyak.’
We also visited several of the interior tribes, and the manifold
proofs that the Rajah witnessed of the great advance made by those
poor and humble subjects of his raj must have been pleasing to him.
It was during these quiet months that we gave ourselves up to the
library. The Rajah was a good reader, and it was a treat to hear him
read Miss Austen’s novels, which were great favourites of his. He was
also very fond of religious discussions, and I think we listened to
the whole of the long controversy between Huxley and Priestley, and
heard all Channing’s Essays. Whatever the Rajah touched appeared to
gain an additional brightness. He was always gay and full of fun, and
dearly loved an argument.
Every evening the native chiefs came in to talk to the Rajah, who
supplied them with cigars, and it was from these conversations that
he gained that minute knowledge of the local politics of every
district, which served him so admirably when he had to deal with
the chiefs along the coast. The Rajah had the rare gift of never
forgetting a name or a face. One evening a poor Milanau came in, and
after touching the Rajah’s hand, squatted on the floor, and remained
silent, as many chiefs were present. ‘I have seen that man before,’
said Sir James; and presently he turned round and addressed the
native by name, and said, ‘Bujang, what is the news from Bintulu?’
This man had piloted a steamer into that river ten years previously,
and the Rajah had never seen him since.
Finding he could not shake off the fever and ague contracted during
our expeditions, Sir James decided to proceed to the island of
Penang, one of the Straits Settlements, where he had been offered
the use of Governor Butterworth’s bungalow on a hill more than
two thousand feet above the sea level. Hearing, however, that his
officers in Labuan were at loggerheads, he decided first to proceed
to that colony and investigate the cause of these dissensions. We
left Sarawak on the 11th December, reaching our destination on the
14th; and it was time indeed that the Governor should arrive. Our
few days were prolonged to over ten weeks, as an inquiry had to be
instituted into the conduct of the Lieutenant-Governor. Though I
do not think that anything was proved against his personal honour,
it was clearly established that his violent temper and quarrelsome
disposition rendered him unsuited for the position, and Sir James
Brooke suspended him from his functions.
While this inquiry was going on, we proceeded to Brunei to see the
Sultan, and heard, whilst we were in the capital, that the Chinese
traders were most anxious to remove to our colony, but I do not
believe they ever really intended to do so. They had built houses
for themselves in the capital, and were doing a thriving trade on
a small scale; and unless they all agreed to move at the same time,
none would move. The Bornean Malay traders also talked of migrating
from the capital to a spot opposite the colony. The slave question
would prevent their establishing themselves within its boundaries;
but it is always a difficult thing for men to abandon their homes,
and in this case, as the power of the Brunei Government was broken,
they no longer feared oppression. So the colony remained stagnant.
We left Labuan at the end of February, and after calling in at
Sarawak, proceeded to Singapore, where a budget of news awaited us.
The English Government had appointed Sir James as Special Envoy to
proceed to Siam and Cochin China to form treaties with those states;
at the same time we heard of the renewal of virulent attacks on the
Rajah’s policy by certain journals and Members of Parliament. After
a pleasant stay of a fortnight, we proceeded to Penang in the hope
that we should all shake off the fever and ague contracted during our
exhausting expeditions.
No man loved nature more than did the Rajah, and he enjoyed his
stay on this lofty hill. He could ride, or wander among the lovely
flowers and plants of the Governor’s garden, or he could gaze on the
beautiful scenery which unfolded itself around us. Those six weeks
were indeed delightful, and we often looked back on our quiet sojourn
there and its refreshing rest. We busied ourselves also in preparing
for our missions to Siam and Annam, to which I had been appointed
secretary.
As the ship of war which was to have taken us to Siam was soon
expected, we would not wait for the mail steamer, but left Penang
in a sailing vessel, and took seventeen days to reach Singapore, a
distance of only four hundred miles; in our case it was the greater
haste the less speed.
On our arrival in Singapore we found that there was no vessel
ready for us, and we had to wait weary months there before one was
placed at our disposal. At first we were to have had the _Hastings_
battleship; then, from some personal reason, it was decided by
Admiral Austen, brother to Jane Austen, no doubt the ‘William’ of
_Mansfield Park_, that we were to have H.M.’s steamer _Sphynx_,
Captain Shadwell. It was quite useless to show ourselves in Siam
without a commanding force, if we wished to secure a favourable
treaty. It was known that the King of Siam had become hostile to
Europeans, and nothing but fear would work on his prejudiced mind.
Had we appeared off the Menam River with a strong squadron, our
mission would have been respected.
Early in August we left Singapore for Siam in the _Sphynx_, attended
by the Company’s steamer _Nemesis_, and were soon at our destination.
Captain Brooke and I were sent in to the forts at the mouth of
the river to make arrangements for the Envoy’s suitable reception.
We found the people on shore in great alarm, and we heard that a
heavy boom had been placed across the river to prevent the steamers
proceeding to the capital. When we had settled our business we
returned to Sir James, and it was arranged that he should enter the
river next morning in the larger ship. It appeared to a landsman that
no sufficient precautions were taken to mark the deepest passage,
but we trusted to a native pilot, who speedily ran us on a sandbank.
There was no help for it, as the _Sphynx_ could not be moved, but to
be transferred to the _Nemesis_, and we then steamed on to the forts.
The minister charged with foreign affairs had come down to receive
us, so the first meeting between him and the English Envoy took place
at the village close to the mouth of the river.
It was an amusing scene. The arrogance of this half-civilised
people was extreme, and the minister, to show his disdain, had the
seats intended for the English Envoy and his suite placed in a
position of marked inferiority. He himself was seated on a divan,
with soft cushions, and surrounded by his gold betel boxes and tea
service, whilst his followers crouched behind him, and no native
approached, except on his hands and knees, crawling like an insect
along the floor. The minister rose as we entered, and pointing
to some chairs, motioned us to be seated, but Sir James passed
them by. He approached the minister and shook hands, and sat down
opposite to him; we all followed suit, and did the same, placing our
chairs beside that of our chief. The minister was breathless with
astonishment, but he resumed his seat, and in a short time recovered
his composure, and the usual routine of questions and answers
followed. He said that the Government had built a house for the
reception of the mission, and that state barges were being prepared
to convey the Envoy and his suite to the capital. Had the _Sphynx_
been able to enter the river, we might have insisted on going to the
capital in the _Nemesis_, but it was settled that we should proceed
in the state barges. Captain Brooke and I went first to inspect
the temporary house allotted to us, but finding it unsuitable, we
accepted the offer of an English merchant to take his house for the
mission, and use the other for our escort and for visitors from the
ships.
Sir James Brooke was soon satisfied that, under the then reigning
king, success was hopeless, as he had imbibed a strong prejudice
against foreigners through the unjustifiable conduct of an English
merchant, who had nearly ruined the prospects of our trade by an
attempt to coerce the King into buying a steamer at four times its
value. But what proved of importance was the confidential intercourse
which took place with Chaufa Mungkut, the legal heir to the throne.
This prince had retired to a monastery to avoid the persecution of
the King, who was an illegitimate elder brother.
We readily gathered sufficient information as to the King’s
ill-treatment of various British subjects to warrant our Government
acting against him; but all our present advances were rejected. I may
again repeat that had we arrived with a strong squadron, with ships
which could have entered the river, and decided to proceed to Bangkok
in a war vessel, there would have been little opposition to signing
a treaty; but Sir James thought that not much would be gained by
forcing a convention on the Siamese.
Satisfied that nothing could be done, Sir James sent to the Foreign
Minister the value of all presents received, and we started for the
mouth of the river in the state barges, and soon found ourselves on
board the _Sphynx_ on our way to Singapore. Our only success had been
the discovery that Chaufa Mungkut was favourable to the English, that
he was an educated prince, who could converse and correspond in our
language, and that when he came to the throne he would be ready to
negotiate.
On our arrival in Singapore we received the particulars of the debate
of July 12, 1850, which had taken place in the House of Commons
concerning our proceedings against the Seribas pirates. Though Mr
Hume’s motion had been rejected by a great majority, Sir James justly
complained that no minister had stood up to express their approval of
his policy.
However, though these attacks might irritate, they could not do away
with the pleasure afforded by the good news from Sarawak. The civil
war which had broken out in Sambas between the Chinese gold-working
companies and the Sultan, backed by the Dutch, had caused about 4000
Chinese agriculturists to fly from that country and take refuge in
Sarawak. This was a welcome addition, for wherever Chinese settle
there are trade and cultivation, and revenue follows in their
footsteps.
As soon as we could send off the papers connected with the Siam
Mission we proceeded to Sarawak to find great activity there. The
Chinese were spreading about the town and in the interior, and
the Rajah was soon busy regulating the affairs of the country,
preventing the encroachments of the Chinese on the Dyaks, to which
they were very prone, and visiting various inland tribes to mark
their progress. At one of those villages we were struck by the
intelligent questions put by several of the Dyaks regarding Siam and
the neighbouring states, and on inquiry we found that before the
advent of the white Rajah the rulers of the country were accustomed
to send them to pull an oar in the pirate fleets which then cruised
throughout these seas. They had evidently used their eyes to some
purpose whilst thus employed.
A very severe attack of fever and ague interrupted the Rajah’s
activity, and he was at length persuaded to listen to the voice of
his medical man, and to return to England for the benefit of his
health. But he first visited Labuan, which he found still making but
slow progress; and, though it appeared at one time that there was
really about to be an influx of Chinese and Malays from the capital,
when it was found that the Governor was returning to England they
made up their minds not to move until he came back. Some of the
latter had had their prahus towed over by the _Nemesis_, but they
soon went away again, and the contemplated movement never took place.
The fact was that at that time they trusted only the English Rajah,
and if he were not in Labuan to protect them they would not risk
exciting the hostility of the Brunei Government.
We soon started again for Sarawak, and on the 17th of January the
Rajah left us for Singapore on his way to England. His three offices
were thus filled—Mr Scott, afterwards Sir John Scott, was in charge
of the Colony of Labuan; Captain Brooke of the Principality of
Sarawak; and I remained as acting Commissioner.
I should mention that whilst we were away attending to Siamese
affairs, Mr Balestier, Special Envoy from the United States, went
to Sarawak in a frigate, the bearer of a letter from the President
to Sir James Brooke, as ruler of the State of Sarawak, proposing a
convention between the two countries. As a British official, Sir
James thought it right to submit the subject to Lord Palmerston, who
found nothing objectionable in the proposed arrangement; however,
amid the heated controversy that was in progress, the question was
unfortunately neglected.
We had all hoped that this visit to Europe was for health’s sake;
but the requisite rest could not be obtained, as Sir James found
himself at once pursued by the malignity of his enemies—Mr Wise and
the Eastern Archipelago Company—who had found channels to diffuse
their false accusations, as I have before noticed, in Mr Hume and
Mr Cobden. In the debates in the House, Lord Palmerston spoke out
strongly and clearly, and the majority was absolutely crushing; but
Joseph Hume did not know when he was beaten, and brought the question
again and again before Parliament.
Sir James now turned on his enemies; dragged the Eastern Archipelago
Company into court, and the case ended by it being declared that ‘The
directors had signed a false certificate, knowing it to be false.’
This was in regard to their capital. Their charter was therefore
abrogated and the seal torn off that document. These directors must
have bitterly regretted having joined Wise in his campaign against
the Rajah.
Sir James was also busy in answering hostile attacks, and his
letters addressed to Mr Drummond, M.P., on Mr Hume’s assertions,
were considered masterly compositions, completely establishing his
case—the view entertained by all reasonable men. Mr Sidney Herbert
also determined to break a lance with the Rajah, but soon repented
of his temerity and retired discomfited from the field. Sir James
had this advantage over his adversaries, that his conduct in Borneo
had been marked by so much courage, and was so straightforward and
honourable, that they could find no weak point in his armour.
A great dinner was given to Sir James Brooke at the London Tavern, on
the 30th April 1852, attended by over two hundred men of distinction,
and among the many speeches that were made, one by Baron Alderson was
especially remarkable. He observed, ‘that the greatest benefactors
of the human race have been most abused in their own lifetime,’ but
notwithstanding this, ‘he promised him the approbation of his own
conscience, the approbation of all good and reasonable men, and of
Almighty God, who does justice and who will reward.’
The speech of the evening, however, was that of the guest. Those
who had never heard him before were surprised and delighted. His
noble presence, his refined manner, the charm of his voice, quite
captivated them, whilst his words carried conviction. He wound up by
saying, ‘Do not disgrace your public servants by inquiries generated
in the fogs of base suspicions; for, remember, a wrong done is like
a wound received—the scar is ineffaceable. It may be covered by
glittering decorations, but there it remains to the end.’ Prophetic
words!
Lord Derby’s Government was now in office, and Lord Malmesbury
settled with Sir James Brooke that he should be appointed Her
Majesty’s representative in the Further East, to enable him to
negotiate treaties with foreign powers. He was to begin with Siam and
Cochin China. A General Election, however, took place in the autumn
of 1852, which sealed the fate of the Conservative Ministry. Sir
James had already been named Envoy to Siam, and would have proceeded
at once to that country by the special wish of Chaufa Mungkut, the
new king, when the Mission was suddenly and unexpectedly put off,
owing to His Majesty’s desire to have further time to complete the
elaborate funeral ceremonies required by custom for his brother, the
late king. Ever since our mission to Siam in 1850, Chaufa Mungkut had
kept up a private correspondence with the Rajah of Sarawak, in whose
doings he showed great interest.
So closed the year 1852, and on the 1st January 1853 appeared the
list of the new ministers—the Coalition Ministry of Lord Aberdeen.
‘England loves not coalitions,’ said D’Israeli; and we certainly
did not love this one. Probably to strengthen their parliamentary
majority, and yielding to the influence of Mr Cobden, the new
Government decided to grant Mr Hume’s demand and issue a Commission
to inquire into the conduct of Sir James Brooke. Sir James himself
had always courted inquiry, and therefore the Ministry might have
communicated their intention to him before he left England, which
he had decided to do during the first week in April. But instead of
consulting with him, they tried to keep the whole affair dark, and
it was only accidentally that Sir James heard of it. I never could
understand how a frank, loyal man like Lord Clarendon could lend
himself to such proceedings, but I suppose he was overruled by Lord
Aberdeen and Mr Sidney Herbert.
Finding that their determination to issue a Commission of Inquiry
could no longer be concealed from Sir James Brooke, they wrote to
him officially on the subject, and stated that they would call
on the Governor-General of India to choose Commissioners. They
further assured Sir James that ‘the inquiry should be full, fair
and complete.’ But the whole transaction had been so underhand, so
humiliating to him personally, so derogatory to him as ruler of
Sarawak, that he felt it bitterly, and he closed his despatch to Lord
Clarendon, April 4, 1853, the day he left England, with these words:
‘It is with sorrow unmixed with anger that I leave the world to judge
the services I have rendered and the treatment I have received.’
On Sir James Brooke’s arrival in Singapore he found that while the
Government had been reticent with him, they had been confidential
with Mr Hume, who repaid that confidence by divulging all the
details of the proposed Commission to the editor of a hostile paper
in Singapore. This personage made the most of it, and indulged in
violent tirades, in which he gloated over the disgrace which had
fallen upon Sir James. But this abuse affected none of the Rajah’s
friends, who were the flower of Singapore society.
No ships of war were now at his disposal, and I doubt whether in his
then state of mind he would have accepted their services. He returned
to Sarawak in a small merchant brig, the _Weraff_, commanded by a
cheerful little Frenchman.
His reception in his adopted country might have consoled him for
the injustice of his own Government, for never had he received a
more sincere welcome. The whole population was astir, and the hill
on which Government House stood, as well as the house itself, was
crammed with his joyous subjects; but he soon complained of being
tired. We noticed that the Rajah’s face looked swollen, and I heard
a native say he had _purunasi_, but none of us understood the word,
which meant smallpox in the language of the north. Fever came on, and
I used to sit for hours with him. At last it was manifest to everyone
that it was smallpox. No sooner did he hear this than he insisted
that all those who had not suffered from that disease should leave
the room, and he chose his attendants among the Malays and submitted
to native treatment. His cousin, Arthur Crookshank, watched over him,
and all would have braved the danger of contagion, but he would have
none of us with him. A Mr Horsburgh, a missionary, who thought he
had passed through the ordeal, joined those who were nursing him.
By the Rajah’s express order our hill was tabooed, and all were
forbidden to approach for fear the disease might spread; but this
rule was afterwards relaxed in favour of those who had already
suffered from it, and as most of the Malays were in that case,
they came every day to inquire. There was no doubt of the intense
feeling of anxiety that oppressed the people. There were prayers in
the mosques, votive offerings by Klings and Chinese, and as for the
Dyaks, they were in despair. However, the crisis passed, and then
the Rajah was overwhelmed with presents. Scented water was brought
for his bath; delicate dishes, to tempt his appetite, came from the
native ladies; and the rejoicing was true and heartfelt. We all
remained near the Rajah, and as soon as we were permitted eagerly
joined in nursing him. The attack had been most severe, and it would
have been difficult for a casual acquaintance to have recognised the
same man in our chief, who had just escaped from the very jaws of
death.
As soon as the Rajah was sufficiently recovered, he decided to visit
the capital. The Sultan Omar Ali was dead, and Pangeran Mumein had
been chosen to fill that office, although he did not belong to the
royal family. We started in the same little merchant brig _Weeraff_,
and were soon at the capital. The Rajah knew that every kind of
intrigue had been going on during his long absence. The Eastern
Archipelago Company had sent their agent to try and induce the late
Sultan to complain of the conduct of Her Majesty’s Commissioner; and
the Ex-Lieutenant-Governor of Labuan had also written to the Brunei
Government to tell them of the Commission, and to insinuate that Sir
James was no longer the powerful personage that he had been. The
Queen had decided to inquire into his conduct; so now was the time to
act. However, these intrigues completely failed.
The Rajah had not been a week in the capital when his influence was
as completely re-established as when he had an admiral and a squadron
at his back. The grant of Sarawak was confirmed, and a new deed was
made out, giving him the government of the rivers, as far as the
Rejang, on the payment of £1000 a year. Not even Mr Hume could say
that he obtained these concessions by the use of force.
While we were in Brunei, we lodged in the Sultan’s palace, and were
fed from the royal kitchen; we found the cuisine excellent. The
Sultan and pangerans were constant visitors, and we enjoyed our
stay among them. Not only did the Brunei Government confirm public
grants, but they handed over to the Rajah the originals of the
letters addressed to them by Mr Napier and others, showing how active
his enemies had been as soon as it was known that a Commission of
Inquiry had been granted by our vacillating ministers.
Nothing could better illustrate the conduct and character of the
Rajah than the results of this visit. Here was this man, under the
ban of the British Government, exposed to every insult from a reptile
press—fortunately among English papers a very small minority—and
apparently in deep disgrace. Yet in his own adopted country he was
respected, loved and trusted beyond any other man by all races and
creeds.
Upon our return to Sarawak we heard of Lord Clarendon’s instructions
to the Commission which was to inquire into Sir James Brooke’s
conduct and position. As I propose to devote a few pages to it later
on, I need not dwell upon them now.
The Rajah had long meditated a scheme to bring the Land Dyaks
of Sarawak, Samarahan and Sadong under the direct rule of the
Government. Up to the year 1853 the Dyak tribes had been apportioned
among the three Datus or Malay chiefs, which was the immemorial
custom; but it was found in practice to work badly, particularly
in the hands of the Datu Patingi. He was an ambitious man, fond of
parade, and kept up two large establishments for his principal wives.
To support the expense, he not only exacted all that was legally
due to him, but carried on a system of forced trade, preventing the
Dyaks from buying, except of him and his agents—a truck trade on an
extended system and in its worst form. The complaints which reached
headquarters were numerous. After he had married his daughter to
one of the Arab adventurers on the coast, who pretended to be a
descendant of the Prophet, his extortions knew no bounds.
The Rajah determined to pay the Datus fixed salaries, fifty per cent.
beyond their legal dues, and to insist on the trade with the Dyaks
being as free in practice as it was in theory. The Malay chiefs were
pleased with the arrangement; but gradually the old abuses of forced
trade were reintroduced by the Patingi, and the Rajah was often
obliged to interfere to protect the Dyaks.
The Patingi became dissatisfied when he found his evil courses
checked, and began to conspire against his benefactor, who had saved
his life after the civil war was ended; and when he heard that a
Commission had been appointed by the English Government to try the
Rajah, he became very active in his intrigues, and proposed to the
other chiefs to expel the English from Sarawak. None joined him, and
though they kept a watch on his proceedings, they never breathed
a word of the nascent conspiracy either to the Rajah or to any of
his officers. When the whole executive Government, English as well
as Malay, were away on an expedition, a brave young chief, Abong
Patah, came to me (I was then Her Majesty’s acting Commissioner)
and revealed all the details of the plot. I instantly sent off the
news to the Rajah, who did not doubt its truth for a moment. He had
himself observed very suspicious movements of the Patingi’s armed
vessels, and had also noticed that whenever that chief anchored near
the English war prahu, where all the Rajah’s officers assembled every
evening, the other chiefs would, apparently by accident, allow their
prahus to drop alongside. The Rajah communicated the discovery to
some of his most trustworthy followers, both English and Malay, but
left the Patingi in ignorance, though judicious precautions were
taken to frustrate his machinations.
As soon, however, as the Rajah returned to the capital, he summoned
a meeting of all the chiefs and principal men of the country, and in
open court accused the Patingi of all his crimes and misdemeanours.
He told him that on account of the respect he had for his family
he would not try him for high treason; but that all his arms
and ammunition must be handed over to abide the decision of the
Government. The Patingi was too surprised to deny his guilt; in
fact, he knew that every chief present was aware of his criminal
intentions. It ended by his being permitted to make the pilgrimage
to Mecca. The Rajah’s leniency, though judging by subsequent events
misplaced, was so natural that it met with general approval, except
among the more far-seeing of the Malays, who predicted that this
ungrateful chief would yet do the English an ill turn.
The Rajah then tried an experiment, of which some doubted the wisdom,
of supplying the place of the deposed Datu by appointing the head
of the Mohammedan priesthood in Sarawak to become the third ruling
Malay chief. He was brother to the Datu Bandhar—a quiet, honest, good
Malay. How well the Rajah judged has been shown by the subsequent
history of Sarawak. The Datu Imaum has always proved the mainstay of
the English in all their troubles and difficulties; and, although
much over eighty, I heard of his being well and active until quite
recently.
The Rajah had intended to adopt no warlike measures against the
pirate Dyaks, headed by the notorious chief Rentab, until the
Commission was over, but after waiting fifteen months, and finding
no signs of its assembling, he determined to lead an expedition
against them. Previous attempts by his officers had failed, but this
expedition was so well organised that its success was assured.
Eight thousand Malays and Dyaks answered to the summons of their
chief, whilst an expedition of fifteen hundred men threatened the
enemy in the interior of the Rejang, and well-armed war prahus
anchored in the Seribas. We pushed up the great Batang Lupar river,
then ascended the Sakarang as far as our big war boats would go,
built a fort for their protection, left a garrison—and there the
Rajah was persuaded to remain, as his state of health did not permit
him to expose himself to the further hardships of the advance.
We proceeded in our light boats, or pushed through the jungle.
I never saw such a go-as-you-please expedition. An enterprising
enemy might have cut us off as we scattered through the woods, but
fortunately they were over-awed by the reports of our numbers and
of our arms. Captain Brooke, who was in command, saw the danger of
this method of advance, and decided to continue the expedition in
boats. Our people had found a large number of these in the jungle,
hidden there by the enemy, so we soon had enough for the Malays. At
first most of the Dyaks preferred to walk, but gradually they secured
sufficient canoes to enable all to advance by the river.
The object of the expedition was to attack Sungei Lang—a large
fortified village held by Rentab and his followers, and, if possible,
a stronghold he had constructed on the summit of the Sadok Mountain.
After much skirmishing and firing, the fort was gallantly stormed,
and before sunset was completely in our hands. And glad we were
that there had been no delay, as scarcely were we housed, when a
violent tempest burst, that would have effectually drenched us had we
remained in the open. We stayed in this village whilst our men were
employed punishing the followers of Rentab; but no attempt was made
to attack his fortified post on the summit of the Sadok mountain.
Natives seldom care to continue a campaign after its announced
object has been accomplished, and our object was to take Sungei
Lang. Sadok defied successive expeditions for eight years more. The
Sakarang river was now in flood, so that on our return we passed over
all natural obstructions in safety. We were heartily received by the
Rajah and congratulated on our success, as the storming of Rentab’s
stronghold was no mean achievement with only native followers.
On our arrival at Sarawak we had news of the Commissioners being
expected at Singapore, and H.M.’s. brig _Lily_ arrived to convey
Sir James Brooke and his followers to our Straits Settlements, but
the Rajah had to go alone, as Grant, Brereton and myself were down
with fever, the result of over-exposure to sun and rain and the cold
watches of the night. Brereton did not recover, and in him the Rajah
lost a most efficient and devoted officer.
No one now cares for the Commission sent to inquire into the position
and conduct of Sir James Brooke, Rajah of Sarawak, and Commissioner
and Consul-General in Borneo; but as its results were so disastrous I
must devote a few pages to it.
As I have before mentioned—and here I am obliged to repeat some
observations I have previously made—when Sir James Brooke found that
his agent in England, Mr Wise, was trying to involve him in schemes
which he considered doubtful, he endeavoured to check him, and used
strong language about his projects, looking upon them as designs to
defraud the public by false representations. Mr Wise accidentally
came to know the energetic expressions used by his employer, and
decided to have his revenge, but he held his hand until the right
moment had arrived. He still continued to press Sir James to join his
gigantic companies, but failed in his attempts. Other events occurred
which excited him still more, such as the Rajah’s handing over to the
British Government, instead of directly to himself, the grant of the
coal seams in certain portions of the Sultan’s dominions which Sir
James had received whilst Her Majesty’s Agent. At length, when his
employer called upon him to produce his accounts, as a very large
balance was due to him, Mr Wise began to denounce him publicly. The
Farquhar expedition furnished him with the opportunity, and he now
posed as a humanitarian, and furnished certain members of the press
with garbled information. We may imagine how unscrupulous he was when
Lord Clarendon stated, ‘It had been detected in the Foreign Office
that Mr Wise’s “_Papers printed for use in the Government Offices_”
could not be relied on, and that some were “simple forgeries.”’
Mr Wise, however, managed, as I have said, to persuade Mr Joseph Hume
to enter into his projects, who found an ally in Mr Cobden, and they
both commenced a campaign in the House of Commons against the Rajah.
This continued until the Coalition Ministry, under Lord Aberdeen,
came into power in 1853. To secure the Parliamentary support of
the Free Trade party, Lord Aberdeen weakly consented to issue a
Commission on the lines suggested by Mr Hume, Sir James’s vindictive
adversary.
The Commission might have been issued with the concurrence of both
parties, as Sir James was anxious for a full inquiry; but the
Government, whilst informing Mr Hume of their intention to accede to
his demand, thought it becoming to keep Sir James ignorant of it, and
he found it out by accident.
Forty-five years have passed since this event occurred, and yet I
cannot write of it without a flush of indignation. Mr Gladstone made
this observation: ‘His (Sir James’s) language respecting Mr Hume
and Mr Cobden, two men of the very highest integrity ... is for the
most part quite unjustifiable.’ Mr Hume’s integrity, by his own
confession, was not above suspicion, and Mr Cobden may be judged by
the following extract: ‘Sir James Brooke seized on a territory as
large as Yorkshire, and then drove out the natives, and subsequently
sent for our fleet and men to massacre them.’ The insolence and
ignorance displayed in the latter statement, as I have elsewhere
observed, are about equal.
Grant and I soon followed the Rajah to Singapore, and found the
Commission sitting. It was composed of Mr Prinsep and Mr Devereux,
the former suffering from a malady which was beginning to show itself
at intervals, and quite incapable of conducting the inquiry with
dignity; the latter everything which could be desired—a man of marked
ability, impartial and painstaking.
When the Commission opened its sittings, only two complainants came
forward—the ex-Lieutenant-Governor of Labuan, and an editor of a
newspaper. Both of these were informed that their cases were beyond
the scope of the Commission. As, however, above fifty inhabitants of
Singapore had signed an address to Mr Hume, supporting his demand for
an inquiry into the character of the tribes of Seribas and Sakarang,
the Commissioners naturally thought that they would be prepared
with some evidence of their assertion that these tribes were not
piratical, and that they had been massacred under false pretences;
but all the memorialists who were called by the Commissioners denied
having any knowledge on the subject, and many had signed under the
impression that they were aiding the cause of Sir James Brooke. The
Commissioners waited day after day for hostile witnesses, but none
came.
While we were all waiting for that testimony which was not
forthcoming, a gentleman who was sitting next me said, ‘I should like
to give evidence.’ I mentioned his wish to the Commissioners. He was
then called forward, and stated that his name was Boudriot; that he
was in the Civil Service of the Dutch Government; that he had resided
four and a half years in Borneo. He knew of the Seribas and Sakarang
Dyaks; he had always known them as pirates, killing and murdering all
along the coast. They came down in large, armed boats, holding each a
crew of from eighty to ninety, killing the men they met and carrying
off the women and children as slaves. In one excursion they killed
about four hundred men. This happened in the Dutch possessions. They
had ravaged the Dutch settlements; probably the recorded instances
would number one hundred. ‘As every one in Borneo knows them (as
pirates), I am surprised that anyone should question their existence.’
When it is remembered that this evidence was given unsolicited by
a high and experienced Dutch official, who, on his way home on
furlough, happened to be passing through Singapore, and that the
Netherlands Government had shown itself exceedingly jealous of Sir
James Brooke’s position in Borneo, no further evidence would seem to
have been required. Mr Boudriot’s coming forward to bear testimony
in favour of a political opponent was as honourable to the Dutch
official as to his Government, which he knew would not object to his
testifying in favour of the truth.
The witnesses called by the hostile memorialists came to curse,
but remained to bless. Reluctant as they were to tell all they
knew, enough was dragged out of them to show the true character
of the Seribas and Sakarang Dyaks. One was the dismissed
Lieutenant-Governor of Labuan, the second a man of German
extraction, who had lived on Sir James Brooke’s bounty for many
years, and the third the banished Patingi of Sarawak; but he showed
no animus against Sir James Brooke. In point of fact, they did not
prove hostile witnesses, as the testimony of the first two, apart
from the feeling displayed, was quite satisfactory. Mr Devereux and
Mr Prinsep observe in their reports that the memorialists or their
agent did what they could to prevent the native witnesses from
appearing, but enough came forward to prove to both Commissioners the
piratical character of these Dyaks, and Mr Devereux pointedly remarks
that no undue severity was exercised.
In spite of the instructions to the Commissioners, which were
remarkable for their hostile spirit, these gentlemen reported
favourably on all those points on which the public felt any interest;
the Seribas and Sakarang Dyaks were declared pirates, and it was
found and placed on record that Sir James had not been a trader
whilst in the service of the Crown. On matters of opinion they
differed, and did not accept Sir James’s claim of the complete
independence of Sarawak _de jure_, though it was so _de facto_. The
other questions were of no practical importance.
Although we did not receive the report of the Commissioners until the
end of the following year, I may now notice the findings, and then
close this unfortunate story of ministerial weakness and bad faith.
There were four heads of inquiry.
First—Whether the position of Sir James Brooke at Sarawak was
compatible with his duties as Commissioner and Consul-General?
It was decided to be incompatible; but Mr Devereux added, ‘It may be
stated as regards the past that the junction of the two positions has
had beneficial results.’ As the British Government had appointed Sir
James to the post without any solicitation on his part, with a full
knowledge of his position at Sarawak, any blame would be theirs and
not his. As, however, he had resigned his posts, this point had only
an academic interest.
Second—Whether the interests of Sir James Brooke as a holder of
territory, and as a trader in the produce of that territory, were
compatible?
It was found that Sir James was not a trader in the true sense of the
term any more than the Governor-General of India.
Third—Personal complaints against Sir James Brooke.
Two were made, but not entertained by the Commissioners.
Fourth—What were the relations of Sir James Brooke with and towards
the native tribes on the north-west coast of Borneo, with a view to
ascertain whether it was necessary that he should be entrusted with
a discretion to determine which of these tribes were piratical, or,
taking into account the recent operations on the coast, to call for
the aid of Her Majesty’s forces for the punishment of such tribes.
Mr Devereux remarked, ‘It appears most desirable that there should
be an authority empowered to call for the aid of Her Majesty’s naval
forces for the suppression of piracy.’
‘I have already declared my opinion that the Seribas and Sakarang
Dyaks are piratical tribes; it was therefore most just and expedient,
and in conformity with the obligations of treaty, that punishment
should be inflicted on them with the view to the suppression of their
atrocious outrages. The exact measure of punishment which should have
been inflicted is a question which does not belong to me to decide,
but I may say that it was essential that the thing should be done,
and done effectually. So far as regards the loss of life inflicted on
them, there does not appear any reasonable ground for sympathy for a
race of indiscriminate murderers.’
I have thus shortly summed up the proceedings and findings of the
Commission. I have not thought it necessary to enter into any
details, as the questions are dead, and no one feels any interest in
the mendacious statements of a W. N. or a Chameroozow.[9] The Seribas
and Sakarang Dyaks are now some of the best subjects of Sarawak,
so faithful that they are enlisted as soldiers and garrison the
principal forts.
The Commission closed, and we returned to Sarawak towards the end of
November with a feeling of great relief. As a ship of war had fetched
the Rajah from Sarawak, so a ship of war took him back, and Captain
Blaine of H.M.S. _Rapid_ showed him every courtesy, and treated him
officially as a prince in his own country.
Our next six months were passed quietly. The Rajah was anxious about
the report of the Commission, but he felt that in all essential
points it must be in his favour. During this peaceful time he busied
himself with the interior affairs of the country, or retired for
recreation to his charming cottage among the hills.
No one who had not lived in close intimacy with the Rajah could
form any idea of the charm of his society. His conversation was
always attractive, whether he was treating of political or religious
questions, and when he was in good spirits, his ordinary talk was
enlivened by playful humour. His affectionate disposition endeared
him to all, and although subsequently differences arose with some of
his followers and relatives, no one among them but preserved a kindly
feeling towards their old chief. Our visits to the hill cottage left
so pleasant an impression on my mind that they can never be forgotten.
At this time, on the advice of Earl Grey, the Rajah created a
‘Council of Sarawak,’ the first members of which were himself and
his two nephews, to represent the English element, and four Malay
chiefs to represent the native inhabitants of Sarawak. It proved a
most useful measure, and the native members showed themselves highly
efficient.
In October 1855 Captain Brooke and Charles Grant left us for a visit
home, and Arthur Crookshank was still absent in England, so that
much work fell on the Rajah. We had scarcely settled down to a quiet
life when we were disturbed by the arrival of despatches from Lord
Clarendon, enclosing the Blue Book containing all the documents
relating to the Commission, and expressing a cold approval of Sir
James Brooke’s conduct. I also received despatches, one appointing
me Consul-General in Borneo, and the other containing an Order in
Council directing me to send to the nearest English colony all
British subjects accused of crimes and misdemeanours within the
Sultan’s dominions, including Sarawak. The absurdity of such an
Order in Council appears never to have struck the Foreign Office. In
the first place, it was in direct opposition to our Treaty with the
Brunei Government; secondly, the sending for trial to Singapore of a
prisoner and all the witnesses would have entailed an expenditure of
hundreds of pounds, possibly on account of a thief who had stolen the
value of a shilling. It was no difficult matter to point out to our
Government that it was wiser to let well alone; that the courts of
Sarawak had always exercised jurisdiction over British subjects, and
that no complaints of injustice had ever been made. I consequently
suggested that the system then at work should be continued.
Any other solution would have been felt to be intolerable, both
by the Rajah and by the native chiefs. Fortunately wise counsels
prevailed in England, and the proposed arrangement, which was
founded on ignorance, was reversed. I was authorised to inform
the Sarawak Council that Her Majesty’s Government had no desire
whatever to interfere with them, or to prevent them choosing what
form of government they pleased; and I added that the British
Government accepted the plan suggested for settling the question of
jurisdiction. In fact, the Sarawak courts were authorised to continue
to try British subjects as before.
The Rajah was deeply mortified by Lord Clarendon’s despatches. After
all the promises the latter had made to the late Lord Ellesmere,
that if the Commission reported in Sir James Brooke’s favour the
Government would be prepared to do all that he desired, to receive
a bare statement of approval of his conduct was very disheartening.
After all the mischief which arose from the mere appointment of
the Commission, the loss of prestige which produced the Patingi’s
abortive plot, and later on the Chinese insurrection, such treatment
was inexplicable to him. He was sore and indignant. He only asked for
a steamer to be placed on the coast to check piracy. Even this was
refused.
However, when Lord Clarendon agreed to recognise the jurisdiction
of the Sarawak courts, the Rajah was greatly mollified. He wrote,
‘The Government has done far more than I expected, and our
misunderstanding is at an end.’ The strong expressions of good-will
contained in the same despatch had a very tranquillising effect upon
him, and he almost thought he had forgiven the Government their great
injustice.
As the British Government would not allow me to ask for an
_exequatur_ from the Sarawak authorities, I left Kuching for Brunei
in August 1856. It was severing very precious ties. Before I sailed,
Arthur Crookshank had returned to his post and brought with him, as
his bride, a ‘vision of beauty,’ to use the Rajah’s own phrase.
During this year some capitalists in London formed the Borneo
Company, to develop the resources of the territories under Sarawak
rule. Coal had been discovered in various places, and there were
valuable products to be collected, principally sago, gutta-percha and
india-rubber; there was also the produce of the antimony mines, and
subsequently cinnabar, or the metal containing quicksilver.
A short time before Mr Macdougall, the head of the Borneo Mission,
had been raised in rank, and was named Bishop of Labuan and Sarawak.
As slight returns of fever and ague had weakened the Rajah, he
accepted Sir William Hoste’s offer of a passage to Singapore in
H.M.S. _Spartan_, where he passed a few months recruiting his health.
Towards the end of January 1857 he returned to Sarawak in the _Sir
James Brooke_, a steamer sent out by the Borneo Company to aid in
their commercial work. The Rajah found the country greatly excited
by persistent rumours of a Chinese conspiracy. His valuable officer,
Mr Arthur Crookshank, fully believed in the hostile intentions of
the Chinese Kungsi or Gold Working Company, and had therefore manned
the forts with sufficient garrisons. But Sir James Brooke, having
summoned the Chinese chiefs before him, and punished them for their
illegal acts, was satisfied with their submission, and believed they
would not be so insensate as to endeavour to carry out their previous
threats. He therefore dismissed the extra men from the forts, and
wrote to me on February 14th, ‘Congratulate me on being free from all
my troubles.’
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 9: _Remarks on a Recent Naval Execution._ By W. N. _Borneo
Facts_ versus _Borneo Fallacies_. By Louis A. Chameroozow.]