XXXVII. The Fabric of Economic Trust

Economics acquired its dismal reputation by pretending to

be an exact science rather than a branch of mass

psychology. In truth it is a narrative struggling to describe

the aggregate behavior of humans. It seeks to cloak its

uncertainties and shifting fashions with mathematical

formulae and elaborate econometric computerized

models.

So much is certain, though - that people operate within

markets, free or regulated, patchy or organized. They

attach numerical (and emotional) values to their inputs

(work, capital) and to their possessions (assets, natural

endowments). They communicate these values to each

other by sending out signals known as prices.

Yet, this entire edifice - the market and its price

mechanism - critically depends on trust. If people do not

trust each other, or the economic "envelope" within which

they interact - economic activity gradually grinds to a halt.

There is a strong correlation between the general level of

trust and the extent and intensity of economic activity.

Francis Fukuyama, the political scientist, distinguishes

between high-trust and prosperous societies and low-trust

and, therefore, impoverished collectives. Trust underlies

economic success, he argued in a 1995 tome.

Trust is not a monolithic quantity. There are a few

categories of economic trust. Some forms of trust are akin

to a public good and are closely related to governmental

action or inaction, the reputation of the state and its

institutions, and its pronounced agenda. Other types of

trust are the outcomes of kinship, ethnic origin, personal

standing and goodwill, corporate brands and other data

generated by individuals, households, and firms.

I. Trust in the playing field

To transact, people have to maintain faith in a relevant

economic horizon and in the immutability of the

economic playing field or "envelope". Put less obscurely,

a few hidden assumptions underlie the continued

economic activity of market players.

They assume, for instance, that the market will continue to

exist for the foreseeable future in its current form. That it

will remain inert - unhindered by externalities like

government intervention, geopolitical upheavals, crises,

abrupt changes in accounting policies and tax laws,

hyperinflation, institutional and structural reform and

other market-deflecting events and processes.

They further assume that their price signals will not be

distorted or thwarted on a consistent basis thus skewing

the efficient and rational allocation of risks and rewards.

Insider trading, stock manipulation, monopolies, hoarding

- all tend to consistently but unpredictably distort price

signals and, thus, deter market participation.

Market players take for granted the existence and

continuous operation of institutions - financial

intermediaries, law enforcement agencies, courts. It is

important to note that market players prefer continuity and

certainty to evolution, however gradual and ultimately

beneficial. A venal bureaucrat is a known quantity and

can be tackled effectively. A period of transition to good

and equitable governance can be more stifling than any

level of corruption and malfeasance. This is why

economic activity drops sharply whenever institutions are

reformed.

II. Trust in other players

Market players assume that other players are (generally)

rational, that they have intentions, that they intend to

maximize their benefits and that they are likely to act on

their intentions in a legal (or rule-based), rational manner.

III. Trust in market liquidity

Market players assume that other players possess or have

access to the liquid means they need in order to act on

their intentions and obligations. They know, from

personal experience, that idle capital tends to dwindle and

that the only way to, perhaps, maintain or increase it is to

transact with others, directly or through intermediaries,

such as banks.

IV. Trust in others' knowledge and ability

Market players assume that other players possess or have

access to the intellectual property, technology, and

knowledge they need in order to realize their intentions

and obligations. This implicitly presupposes that all other

market players are physically, mentally, legally and

financially able and willing to act their parts as stipulated,

for instance, in contracts they sign.

The emotional dimensions of contracting are often

neglected in economics. Players assume that their

counterparts maintain a realistic and stable sense of self-

worth based on intimate knowledge of their own strengths

and weaknesses. Market participants are presumed to

harbor realistic expectations, commensurate with their

skills and accomplishments. Allowance is made for

exaggeration, disinformation, even outright deception -

but these are supposed to be marginal phenomena.

When trust breaks down - often the result of an external or

internal systemic shock - people react expectedly. The

number of voluntary interactions and transactions

decreases sharply. With a collapsed investment horizon,

individuals and firms become corrupt in an effort to

shortcut their way into economic benefits, not knowing

how long will the system survive. Criminal activity

increases.

People compensate with fantasies and grandiose delusions

for their growing sense of uncertainty, helplessness, and

fears. This is a self-reinforcing mechanism, a vicious

cycle which results in under-confidence and a fluctuating

self esteem. They develop psychological defence

mechanisms.

Cognitive dissonance ("I really choose to be poor rather

than heartless"), pathological envy (seeks to deprive

others and thus gain emotional reward), rigidity ("I am

like that, my family or ethnic group has been like that for

generations, there is nothing I can do"), passive-

aggressive behavior (obstructing the work flow,

absenteeism, stealing from the employer, adhering strictly

to arcane regulations) - are all reactions to a breakdown in

one or more of the four aforementioned types of trust.

Furthermore, people in a trust crisis are unable to

postpone gratification. They often become frustrated,

aggressive, and deceitful if denied. They resort to reckless

behavior and stopgap economic activities.

In economic environments with compromised and

impaired trust, loyalty decreases and mobility increases.

People switch jobs, renege on obligations, fail to repay

debts, relocate often. Concepts like exclusivity, the

sanctity of contracts, workplace loyalty, or a career path -

all get eroded. As a result, little is invested in the future, in

the acquisition of skills, in long term savings. Short-

termism and bottom line mentality rule.

The outcomes of a crisis of trust are, usually, catastrophic:

Economic activity is much reduced, human capital is

corroded and wasted, brain drain increases, illegal and

extra-legal activities rise, society is polarized between

haves and haves-not, interethnic and inter-racial tensions

increase. To rebuild trust in such circumstances is a

daunting task. The loss of trust is contagious and, finally,

it infects every institution and profession in the land. It is

the stuff revolutions are made of.

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