CHAPTER XVI

OF GLORY

There is the name and the thing: the name is a voice which denotes and

signifies the thing; the name is no part of the thing, nor of the

substance; 'tis a foreign piece joined to the thing, and outside it.

God, who is all fulness in Himself and the height of all perfection,

cannot augment or add anything to Himself within; but His name may be

augmented and increased by the blessing and praise we attribute to His

exterior works: which praise, seeing we cannot incorporate it in Him,

forasmuch as He can have no accession of good, we attribute to His name,

which is the part out of Him that is nearest to us. Thus is it that to

God alone glory and honour appertain; and there is nothing so remote from

reason as that we should go in quest of it for ourselves; for, being

indigent and necessitous within, our essence being imperfect, and having

continual need of amelioration, 'tis to that we ought to employ all our

endeavour. We are all hollow and empty; 'tis not with wind and voice

that we are to fill ourselves; we want a more solid substance to repair

us: a man starving with hunger would be very simple to seek rather to

provide himself with a gay garment than with a good meal: we are to look

after that whereof we have most need. As we have it in our ordinary

prayers:

"Gloria in excelsis Deo, et in terra pax hominibus."

We are in want of beauty, health, wisdom, virtue, and such like essential

qualities: exterior ornaments should, be looked after when we have made

provision for necessary things. Divinity treats amply and more

pertinently of this subject, but I am not much versed in it.

Chrysippus and Diogenes were the earliest and firmest advocates of the

contempt of glory; and maintained that, amongst all pleasures, there was

none more dangerous nor more to be avoided than that which proceeds from

the approbation of others. And, in truth, experience makes us sensible of

many very hurtful treasons in it. There is nothing that so poisons

princes as flattery, nor anything whereby wicked men more easily obtain

credit and favour with them; nor panderism so apt and so usually made use

of to corrupt the chastity of women as to wheedle and entertain them with

their own praises. The first charm the Syrens made use of to allure

Ulysses is of this nature:

"Deca vers nous, deca, o tres-louable Ulysse,

Et le plus grand honneur don't la Grece fleurisse."

["Come hither to us, O admirable Ulysses, come hither, thou greatest

ornament and pride of Greece."--Homer, Odysseus, xii. 184.]

These philosophers said, that all the glory of the world was not worth an

understanding man's holding out his finger to obtain it:

"Gloria quantalibet quid erit, si gloria tantum est?"

["What is glory, be it as glorious as it may be, if it be no more

than glory?"--Juvenal, Sat., vii. 81.]

I say for it alone; for it often brings several commodities along with

it, for which it may justly be desired: it acquires us good-will, and

renders us less subject and exposed to insult and offence from others,

and the like. It was also one of the principal doctrines of Epicurus;

for this precept of his sect, Conceal thy life, that forbids men to

encumber themselves with public negotiations and offices, also

necessarily presupposes a contempt of glory, which is the world's

approbation of those actions we produce in public.--[Plutarch, Whether

the saying, Conceal thy life, is well said.]--He that bids us conceal

ourselves, and to have no other concern but for ourselves, and who will

not have us known to others, would much less have us honoured and

glorified; and so advises Idomeneus not in any sort to regulate his

actions by the common reputation or opinion, except so as to avoid the

other accidental inconveniences that the contempt of men might bring upon

him.

These discourses are, in my opinion, very true and rational; but we are,

I know not how, double in ourselves, which is the cause that what we

believe we do not believe, and cannot disengage ourselves from what we

condemn. Let us see the last and dying words of Epicurus; they are

grand, and worthy of such a philosopher, and yet they carry some touches

of the recommendation of his name and of that humour he had decried by

his precepts. Here is a letter that he dictated a little before his last

gasp:

"EPICUYUS TO HEYMACHUS, health.

"Whilst I was passing over the happy and last day of my life, I

write this, but, at the same time, afflicted with such pain in my

bladder and bowels that nothing can be greater, but it was

recompensed with the pleasure the remembrance of my inventions and

doctrines brought to my soul. Now, as the affection thou hast ever

from thy infancy borne towards me and philosophy requires, take upon

thee the protection of Metrodorus' children."

This is the letter. And that which makes me interpret that the pleasure

he says he had in his soul concerning his inventions, has some reference

to the reputation he hoped for thence after his death, is the manner of

his will, in which he gives order that Amynomachus and Timocrates, his

heirs, should, every January, defray the expense of the celebration of

his birthday as Hermachus should appoint; and also the expense that

should be made the twentieth of every moon in entertaining the

philosophers, his friends, who should assemble in honour of the memory of

him and of Metrodorus.--[Cicero, De Finibus, ii. 30.]

Carneades was head of the contrary opinion, and maintained that glory was

to be desired for itself, even as we embrace our posthumous issue for

themselves, having no knowledge nor enjoyment of them. This opinion has

not failed to be the more universally followed, as those commonly are

that are most suitable to our inclinations. Aristotle gives it the first

place amongst external goods; and avoids, as too extreme vices, the

immoderate either seeking or evading it. I believe that, if we had the

books Cicero wrote upon this subject, we should there find pretty

stories; for he was so possessed with this passion, that, if he had

dared, I think he could willingly have fallen into the excess that others

did, that virtue itself was not to be coveted, but upon the account of

the honour that always attends it:

"Paulum sepultae distat inertiae

Celata virtus:"

["Virtue concealed little differs from dead sloth."

--Horace, Od., iv. 9, 29.]

which is an opinion so false, that I am vexed it could ever enter into

the understanding of a man that was honoured with the name of

philosopher.

If this were true, men need not be virtuous but in public; and we should

be no further concerned to keep the operations of the soul, which is the

true seat of virtue, regular and in order, than as they are to arrive at

the knowledge of others. Is there no more in it, then, but only slily

and with circumspection to do ill? "If thou knowest," says Carneades,

"of a serpent lurking in a place where, without suspicion, a person is

going to sit down, by whose death thou expectest an advantage, thou dost

ill if thou dost not give him caution of his danger; and so much the more

because the action is to be known by none but thyself." If we do not

take up of ourselves the rule of well-doing, if impunity pass with us for

justice, to how many sorts of wickedness shall we every day abandon

ourselves? I do not find what Sextus Peduceus did, in faithfully

restoring the treasure that C. Plotius had committed to his sole secrecy

and trust, a thing that I have often done myself, so commendable, as I

should think it an execrable baseness, had we done otherwise; and I think

it of good use in our days to recall the example of P. Sextilius Rufus,

whom Cicero accuses to have entered upon an inheritance contrary to his

conscience, not only not against law, but even by the determination of

the laws themselves; and M. Crassus and Hortensius, who, by reason of

their authority and power, having been called in by a stranger to share

in the succession of a forged will, that so he might secure his own part,

satisfied themselves with having no hand in the forgery, and refused not

to make their advantage and to come in for a share: secure enough, if

they could shroud themselves from accusations, witnesses, and the

cognisance of the laws:

"Meminerint Deum se habere testem, id est (ut ego arbitror)

mentem suam."

["Let them consider they have God to witness, that is (as I

interpret it), their own consciences."--Cicero, De Offic., iii. 10.]

Virtue is a very vain and frivolous thing if it derive its recommendation

from glory; and 'tis to no purpose that we endeavour to give it a station

by itself, and separate it from fortune; for what is more accidental than

reputation?

"Profecto fortuna in omni re dominatur: ea res cunctas ex

libidine magis, quhm ex vero, celebrat, obscuratque."

["Fortune rules in all things; it advances and depresses things

more out of its own will than of right and justice."

--Sallust, Catilina, c. 8.]

So to order it that actions may be known and seen is purely the work of

fortune; 'tis chance that helps us to glory, according to its own

temerity. I have often seen her go before merit, and often very much

outstrip it. He who first likened glory to a shadow did better than he

was aware of; they are both of them things pre-eminently vain glory also,

like a shadow, goes sometimes before the body, and sometimes in length

infinitely exceeds it. They who instruct gentlemen only to employ their

valour for the obtaining of honour:

"Quasi non sit honestum, quod nobilitatum non sit;"

["As though it were not a virtue, unless celebrated"

--Cicero De Offic. iii. 10.]

what do they intend by that but to instruct them never to hazard

themselves if they are not seen, and to observe well if there be

witnesses present who may carry news of their valour, whereas a thousand

occasions of well-doing present themselves which cannot be taken notice

of? How many brave individual actions are buried in the crowd of a

battle? Whoever shall take upon him to watch another's behaviour in such

a confusion is not very busy himself, and the testimony he shall give of

his companions' deportment will be evidence against himself:

"Vera et sapiens animi magnitudo, honestum illud,

quod maxime naturam sequitur, in factis positum,

non in gloria, judicat."

["The true and wise magnanimity judges that the bravery which most

follows nature more consists in act than glory."

--Cicero, De Offic. i. 19.]

All the glory that I pretend to derive from my life is that I have lived

it in quiet; in quiet, not according to Metrodorus, or Arcesilaus, or

Aristippus, but according to myself. For seeing philosophy has not been

able to find out any way to tranquillity that is good in common, let

every one seek it in particular.

To what do Caesar and Alexander owe the infinite grandeur of their renown

but to fortune? How many men has she extinguished in the beginning of

their progress, of whom we have no knowledge, who brought as much courage

to the work as they, if their adverse hap had not cut them off in the

first sally of their arms? Amongst so many and so great dangers I do not

remember I have anywhere read that Caesar was ever wounded; a thousand

have fallen in less dangers than the least of those he went through. An

infinite number of brave actions must be performed without witness and

lost, before one turns to account. A man is not always on the top of a

breach, or at the head of an army, in the sight of his general, as upon a

scaffold; a man is often surprised betwixt the hedge and the ditch; he

must run the hazard of his life against a henroost; he must dislodge four

rascally musketeers out of a barn; he must prick out single from his

party, and alone make some attempts, according as necessity will have it.

And whoever will observe will, I believe, find it experimentally true,

that occasions of the least lustre are ever the most dangerous; and that

in the wars of our own times there have more brave men been lost in

occasions of little moment, and in the dispute about some little paltry

fort, than in places of greatest importance, and where their valour might

have been more honourably employed.

Who thinks his death achieved to ill purpose if he do not fall on some

signal occasion, instead of illustrating his death, wilfully obscures his

life, suffering in the meantime many very just occasions of hazarding

himself to slip out of his hands; and every just one is illustrious

enough, every man's conscience being a sufficient trumpet to him.

"Gloria nostra est testimonium conscientiae nostrae."

["For our rejoicing is this, the testimony of our conscience."

--Corinthians, i. I.]

He who is only a good man that men may know it, and that he may be the

better esteemed when 'tis known; who will not do well but upon condition

that his virtue may be known to men: is one from whom much service is not

to be expected:

"Credo ch 'el reste di quel verno, cose

Facesse degne di tener ne conto;

Ma fur fin' a quel tempo si nascose,

Che non a colpa mia s' hor 'non le conto

Perche Orlando a far l'opre virtuose

Piu ch'a narrar le poi sempre era pronto;

Ne mai fu alcun' de'suoi fatti espresso,

Se non quando ebbe i testimonii appresso."

["The rest of the winter, I believe, was spent in actions worthy of

narration, but they were done so secretly that if I do not tell them

I am not to blame, for Orlando was more bent to do great acts than

to boast of them, so that no deeds of his were ever known but those

that had witnesses."--Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, xi. 81.]

A man must go to the war upon the account of duty, and expect the

recompense that never fails brave and worthy actions, how private soever,

or even virtuous thoughts-the satisfaction that a well-disposed

conscience receives in itself in doing well. A man must be valiant for

himself, and upon account of the advantage it is to him to have his

courage seated in a firm and secure place against the assaults of

fortune:

"Virtus, repulsaa nescia sordidx

Intaminatis fulget honoribus

Nec sumit, aut ponit secures

Arbitrio popularis aura."

["Virtue, repudiating all base repulse, shines in taintless

honours, nor takes nor leaves dignity at the mere will of the

vulgar."--Horace, Od., iii. 2, 17.]

It is not for outward show that the soul is to play its part, but for

ourselves within, where no eyes can pierce but our own; there she defends

us from the fear of death, of pain, of shame itself: there she arms us

against the loss of our children, friends, and fortunes: and when

opportunity presents itself, she leads us on to the hazards of war:

"Non emolumento aliquo, sed ipsius honestatis decore."

["Not for any profit, but for the honour of honesty itself."

--Cicero, De Finib., i. 10.]

This profit is of much greater advantage, and more worthy to be coveted

and hoped for, than, honour and glory, which are no other than a

favourable judgment given of us.

A dozen men must be called out of a whole nation to judge about an acre

of land; and the judgment of our inclinations and actions, the most

difficult and most important matter that is, we refer to the voice and

determination of the rabble, the mother of ignorance, injustice, and

inconstancy. Is it reasonable that the life of a wise man should

depend upon the judgment of fools?

"An quidquam stultius, quam, quos singulos contemnas,

eos aliquid putare esse universes?"

["Can anything be more foolish than to think that those you despise

singly, can be anything else in general."

--Cicero, Tusc. Quaes., v. 36.]

He that makes it his business to please them, will have enough to do and

never have done; 'tis a mark that can never be aimed at or hit:

"Nil tam inaestimabile est, quam animi multitudinis."

["Nothing is to be so little understood as the minds of the

multitude."--Livy, xxxi. 34.]

Demetrius pleasantly said of the voice of the people, that he made no

more account of that which came from above than of that which came from

below. He [Cicero] says more:

"Ego hoc judico, si quando turpe non sit, tamen non

esse non turpe, quum id a multitudine laudatur."

["I am of opinion, that though a thing be not foul in itself,

yet it cannot but become so when commended by the multitude."

--Cicero, De Finib., ii. 15.]

No art, no activity of wit, could conduct our steps so as to follow so

wandering and so irregular a guide; in this windy confusion of the noise

of vulgar reports and opinions that drive us on, no way worth anything

can be chosen. Let us not propose to ourselves so floating and wavering

an end; let us follow constantly after reason; let the public approbation

follow us there, if it will; and as it wholly depends upon fortune, we

have no reason sooner to expect it by any other way than that. Even

though I would not follow the right way because it is right, I should,

however, follow it as having experimentally found that, at the end of

the reckoning, 'tis commonly the most happy and of greatest utility.

"Dedit hoc providentia hominibus munus,

ut honesta magis juvarent."

["This gift Providence has given to men, that honest things should

be the most agreeable."--Quintilian, Inst. Orat., i. 12.]

The mariner of old said thus to Neptune, in a great tempest: "O God, thou

wilt save me if thou wilt, and if thou choosest, thou wilt destroy me;

but, however, I will hold my rudder straight."--[Seneca, Ep., 85.]--

I have seen in my time a thousand men supple, halfbred, ambiguous, whom

no one doubted to be more worldly-wise than I, lose themselves, where I

have saved myself:

"Risi successus posse carere dolos."

["I have laughed to see cunning fail of success."

--Ovid, Heroid, i. 18.]

Paulus AEmilius, going on the glorious expedition of Macedonia, above all

things charged the people of Rome not to speak of his actions during his

absence. Oh, the license of judgments is a great disturbance to great

affairs! forasmuch as every one has not the firmness of Fabius against

common, adverse, and injurious tongues, who rather suffered his authority

to be dissected by the vain fancies of men, than to do less well in his

charge with a favourable reputation and the popular applause.

There is I know not what natural sweetness in hearing one's self

commended; but we are a great deal too fond of it:

"Laudari metuam, neque enim mihi cornea fibra est

Sed recti finemque extremumque esse recuso

Euge tuum, et belle."

["I should fear to be praised, for my heart is not made of horn;

but I deny that 'excellent--admirably done,' are the terms and

final aim of virtue."--Persius, i. 47.]

I care not so much what I am in the opinions of others, as what I am in

my own; I would be rich of myself, and not by borrowing. Strangers see

nothing but events and outward appearances; everybody can set a good face

on the matter, when they have trembling and terror within: they do not

see my heart, they see but my countenance. One is right in decrying the

hypocrisy that is in war; for what is more easy to an old soldier than to

shift in a time of danger, and to counterfeit the brave when he has no

more heart than a chicken? There are so many ways to avoid hazarding a

man's own person, that we have deceived the world a thousand times before

we come to be engaged in a real danger: and even then, finding ourselves

in an inevitable necessity of doing something, we can make shift for that

time to conceal our apprehensions by setting a good face on the business,

though the heart beats within; and whoever had the use of the Platonic

ring, which renders those invisible that wear it, if turned inward

towards the palm of the hand, a great many would very often hide

themselves when they ought most to appear, and would repent being placed

in so honourable a post, where necessity must make them bold.

"Falsus honor juvat, et mendax infamia terret

Quem nisi mendosum et mendacem?"

["False honour pleases, and calumny affrights, the guilty

and the sick."--Horace, Ep., i. 16, 89.]

Thus we see how all the judgments that are founded upon external

appearances, are marvellously uncertain and doubtful; and that there is

no so certain testimony as every one is to himself. In these, how many

soldiers' boys are companions of our glory? he who stands firm in an

open trench, what does he in that more than fifty poor pioneers who open

to him the way and cover it with their own bodies for fivepence a day

pay, do before him?

"Non quicquid turbida Roma

Elevet, accedas; examenque improbum in illa

Castiges trutina: nec to quaesiveris extra."

["Do not, if turbulent Rome disparage anything, accede; nor correct

a false balance by that scale; nor seek anything beyond thyself."

--Persius, Sat., i. 5.]

The dispersing and scattering our names into many mouths, we call making

them more great; we will have them there well received, and that this

increase turn to their advantage, which is all that can be excusable in

this design. But the excess of this disease proceeds so far that many

covet to have a name, be it what it will. Trogus Pompeius says of

Herostratus, and Titus Livius of Manlius Capitolinus, that they were more

ambitious of a great reputation than of a good one. This is very common;

we are more solicitous that men speak of us, than how they speak; and it

is enough for us that our names are often mentioned, be it after what

manner it will. It should seem that to be known, is in some sort to have

a man's life and its duration in others' keeping. I, for my part, hold

that I am not, but in myself; and of that other life of mine which lies

in the knowledge of my friends, to consider it naked and simply in

itself, I know very well that I am sensible of no fruit nor enjoyment

from it but by the vanity of a fantastic opinion; and when I shall be

dead, I shall be still and much less sensible of it; and shall, withal,

absolutely lose the use of those real advantages that sometimes

accidentally follow it.

I shall have no more handle whereby to take hold of reputation, neither

shall it have any whereby to take hold of or to cleave to me; for to

expect that my name should be advanced by it, in the first place, I have

no name that is enough my own; of two that I have, one is common to all

my race, and indeed to others also; there are two families at Paris and

Montpellier, whose surname is Montaigne, another in Brittany, and one in

Xaintonge, De La Montaigne. The transposition of one syllable only would

suffice so to ravel our affairs, that I shall share in their glory, and

they peradventure will partake of my discredit; and, moreover, my

ancestors have formerly been surnamed, Eyquem,--[Eyquem was the

patronymic.]--a name wherein a family well known in England is at this

day concerned. As to my other name, every one may take it that will, and

so, perhaps, I may honour a porter in my own stead. And besides, though

I had a particular distinction by myself, what can it distinguish, when I

am no more? Can it point out and favour inanity?

"Non levior cippus nunc imprimit ossa?

Laudat posteritas! Nunc non e manibus illis,

Nunc non a tumulo fortunataque favilla,

Nascentur violae?"

["Does the tomb press with less weight upon my bones? Do comrades

praise? Not from my manes, not from the tomb, not from the ashes

will violets grow."--Persius, Sat., i. 37.]

but of this I have spoken elsewhere. As to what remains, in a great

battle where ten thousand men are maimed or killed, there are not fifteen

who are taken notice of; it must be some very eminent greatness, or some

consequence of great importance that fortune has added to it, that

signalises a private action, not of a harquebuser only, but of a great

captain; for to kill a man, or two, or ten: to expose a man's self

bravely to the utmost peril of death, is indeed something in every one of

us, because we there hazard all; but for the world's concern, they are

things so ordinary, and so many of them are every day seen, and there

must of necessity be so many of the same kind to produce any notable

effect, that we cannot expect any particular renown from it:

"Casus multis hic cognitus, ac jam

Tritus, et a medio fortunae ductus acervo."

["The accident is known to many, and now trite; and drawn from the

midst of Fortune's heap."--Juvenal, Sat., xiii. 9.]

Of so many thousands of valiant men who have died within these fifteen

hundred years in France with their swords in their hands, not a hundred

have come to our knowledge. The memory, not of the commanders only, but

of battles and victories, is buried and gone; the fortunes of above half

of the world, for want of a record, stir not from their place, and vanish

without duration. If I had unknown events in my possession, I should

think with great ease to out-do those that are recorded, in all sorts of

examples. Is it not strange that even of the Greeks and Romans, with so

many writers and witnesses, and so many rare and noble exploits, so few

are arrived at our knowledge:

"Ad nos vix tenuis famx perlabitur aura."

["An obscure rumour scarce is hither come."--AEneid, vii. 646.]

It will be much if, a hundred years hence, it be remembered in general

that in our times there were civil wars in France. The Lacedaemonians,

entering into battle, sacrificed to the Muses, to the end that their

actions might be well and worthily written, looking upon it as a divine

and no common favour, that brave acts should find witnesses that could

give them life and memory. Do we expect that at every musket-shot we

receive, and at every hazard we run, there must be a register ready to

record it? and, besides, a hundred registers may enrol them whose

commentaries will not last above three days, and will never come to the

sight of any one. We have not the thousandth part of ancient writings;

'tis fortune that gives them a shorter or longer life, according to her

favour; and 'tis permissible to doubt whether those we have be not the

worst, not having seen the rest. Men do not write histories of things of

so little moment: a man must have been general in the conquest of an

empire or a kingdom; he must have won two-and-fifty set battles, and

always the weaker in number, as Caesar did: ten thousand brave fellows

and many great captains lost their lives valiantly in his service, whose

names lasted no longer than their wives and children lived:

"Quos fama obscura recondit."

["Whom an obscure reputation conceals."--AEneid, v. 302.]

Even those whom we see behave themselves well, three months or three

years after they have departed hence, are no more mentioned than if they

had never been. Whoever will justly consider, and with due proportion,

of what kind of men and of what sort of actions the glory sustains itself

in the records of history, will find that there are very few actions and

very few persons of our times who can there pretend any right. How many

worthy men have we known to survive their own reputation, who have seen

and suffered the honour and glory most justly acquired in their youth,

extinguished in their own presence? And for three years of this

fantastic and imaginary life we must go and throw away our true and

essential life, and engage ourselves in a perpetual death! The sages

propose to themselves a nobler and more just end in so important an

enterprise:

"Recte facti, fecisse merces est: officii fructus,

ipsum officium est."

["The reward of a thing well done is to have done it; the fruit

of a good service is the service itself."--Seneca, Ep., 8.]

It were, peradventure, excusable in a painter or other artisan, or in a

rhetorician or a grammarian, to endeavour to raise himself a name by his

works; but the actions of virtue are too noble in themselves to seek any

other reward than from their own value, and especially to seek it in the

vanity of human judgments.

If this false opinion, nevertheless, be of such use to the public as to

keep men in their duty; if the people are thereby stirred up to virtue;

if princes are touched to see the world bless the memory of Trajan, and

abominate that of Nero; if it moves them to see the name of that great

beast, once so terrible and feared, so freely cursed and reviled by every

schoolboy, let it by all means increase, and be as much as possible

nursed up and cherished amongst us; and Plato, bending his whole

endeavour to make his citizens virtuous, also advises them not to despise

the good repute and esteem of the people; and says it falls out, by a

certain Divine inspiration, that even the wicked themselves oft-times, as

well by word as opinion, can rightly distinguish the virtuous from the

wicked. This person and his tutor are both marvellous and bold

artificers everywhere to add divine operations and revelations where

human force is wanting:

"Ut tragici poetae confugiunt ad deum,

cum explicare argumenti exitum non possunt:"

["As tragic poets fly to some god when they cannot explain

the issue of their argument."--Cicero, De Nat. Deor., i. 20.]

and peradventure, for this reason it was that Timon, railing at him,

called him the great forger of miracles. Seeing that men, by their

insufficiency, cannot pay themselves well enough with current money, let

the counterfeit be superadded. 'Tis a way that has been practised by all

the legislators: and there is no government that has not some mixture

either of ceremonial vanity or of false opinion, that serves for a curb

to keep the people in their duty. 'Tis for this that most of them have

their originals and beginnings fabulous, and enriched with supernatural

mysteries; 'tis this that has given credit to bastard religions, and

caused them to be countenanced by men of understanding; and for this,

that Numa and Sertorius, to possess their men with a better opinion of

them, fed them with this foppery; one, that the nymph Egeria, the other

that his white hind, brought them all their counsels from the gods.

And the authority that Numa gave to his laws, under the title of the

patronage of this goddess, Zoroaster, legislator of the Bactrians and

Persians, gave to his under the name of the God Oromazis: Trismegistus,

legislator of the Egyptians, under that of Mercury; Xamolxis, legislator

of the Scythians, under that of Vesta; Charondas, legislator of the

Chalcidians, under that of Saturn; Minos, legislator of the Candiots,

under that of Jupiter; Lycurgus, legislator of the Lacedaemonians, under

that of Apollo; and Draco and Solon, legislators of the Athenians, under

that of Minerva. And every government has a god at the head of it;

the others falsely, that truly, which Moses set over the Jews at their

departure out of Egypt. The religion of the Bedouins, as the Sire de

Joinville reports, amongst other things, enjoined a belief that the soul

of him amongst them who died for his prince, went into another body more

happy, more beautiful, and more robust than the former; by which means

they much more willingly ventured their lives:

"In ferrum mens prona viris, animaeque capaces

Mortis, et ignavum est rediturae parcere vitae."

["Men's minds are prone to the sword, and their souls able to bear

death; and it is base to spare a life that will be renewed."

--Lucan, i. 461.]

This is a very comfortable belief, however erroneous. Every nation has

many such examples of its own; but this subject would require a treatise

by itself.

To add one word more to my former discourse, I would advise the ladies no

longer to call that honour which is but their duty:

"Ut enim consuetudo loquitur, id solum dicitur

honestum, quod est populari fama gloriosum;"

["As custom puts it, that only is called honest which is

glorious by the public voice."--Cicero, De Finibus, ii. 15.]

their duty is the mark, their honour but the outward rind. Neither would

I advise them to give this excuse for payment of their denial: for I

presuppose that their intentions, their desire, and will, which are

things wherein their honour is not at all concerned, forasmuch as nothing

thereof appears without, are much better regulated than the effects:

"Qux quia non liceat, non facit, illa facit:"

["She who only refuses, because 'tis forbidden, consents."

--Ovid, Amor., ii. 4, 4.]

The offence, both towards God and in the conscience, would be as great to

desire as to do it; and, besides, they are actions so private and secret

of themselves, as would be easily enough kept from the knowledge of

others, wherein the honour consists, if they had not another respect to

their duty, and the affection they bear to chastity, for itself. Every

woman of honour will much rather choose to lose her honour than to hurt

her conscience.

Essays of Michel de Montaigne — Volume 11 · 第 4 / 5 章