Potrincourtius Regij Portus castellum à domino de Monts sibi dono

datum, eo ipso tempore, quo condebatur, ab Henrico Quarto petiuerat,

eo iure, quo optimo, sibi asseri, vindicarique? ac eius non modò

vindicias, sed nexum etiam impetrauerat. Secundum quod ius arcis,

& imperij prætereà certis finibus in Noua Francia Potrincourtio

attributi, Rex Patri Cotono significat, velle se vti Sociorum opera in

Barbaris illis ad Christum adiugendis; proinde scriberet ad Generalem

Societatis Præpositum suo nomine, vti designarentur Patres in eam rem,

quos primo quoque tempore illuc mittendos ipse Rex ad se accerseret,

annuis duûm millium Librarum vectigalibus illi Missioni attributis.

Annus huius sæculi octauus agebatur, cùm Rex ita de Canadicis rebus

decerneret, cuius tamen cogitationes grauioribus negotiis aliò

seuocantibus, [570] eius quoque interueniente obitu, sed eorum maximè

negligentia, qui Regio nomine Canadicam prouinciam, administrabant,

nostrorum profectio in tertium pòst annum est dilata. Siue autem casu

quopiam, siue hominum consilio, eam proferri trienni toto contigit,

cùm iam in procinctu nostri essent; obortæ tamen subitò sunt eæ

difficultates, quibus planum fieret, Cacodæmoni esse inuisa nostrorum

in ea profectione consilia. Regina quingentos aureos nummos, ex

defuncti Regis decreto numerauerat: Domina _de Vernueil_, _de Sourdis_,

_de Guercheuille_, alia sacrum aræ instrumentum, alia linteam vestem

copiosam, alia peramplum viaticum munificè contribuerant: Pater Petrus

Biardus, & Pater Enemundus Massæus eò destinati animis ingentibus se

comparauerant, vela & ventos auidè præstolantes. Status condictus dies

vela faciendi eis conuenerat cum Biencourtio Potrincourtij filio, &

Thoma Robinio, expeditionis ducibus, ad octauum calendas Nouembris

anni decimi supra sexcentesimum; sed cùm eo die adfuissent, nauigium

sarciebatur, & oscitanter quidem, in continenti; tantum aberat, vt

idoneo commeatu & nauigationis, & Canadicæ familiæ instructum esset.

Instaurandæ naui suas operas, materiamque locauerant Caluiniani

duo, & quia Biencourtio ac Robinio ad operarum mercedem deerant

facultates, Caluiniani mercatores certam nautici fructus partem pacti

sibi erant, eóque nomine, pro dominis in ea naue gerere posse sibi

videbantur Iesuitis igitur locum in nauigio [571] non futurum palam, &

asseueranter edicunt, aut si futurum sit, ab illius operis redemtura,

& cætera omni pactione se iamiam discedere: qua de sententia nec

ipsius Reginæ auctoritas, ab Domino _de Cicoigne_, Dieppensis vrbis

regio Præside, grauiter, seuereque denunciata, Caluini asseclas non

potuit dimouere. Desperata res planè videbatur, quòd hæc vna modò

nauis in Nouam Franciam anno illo adornaretur; & non paterentur duo

illi Caluiniani vlla se ratione demitigari: quæ nostra destitutio

Dominam Guercheuillæam, religiosissimam, & ingentis animi feminam,

acriter pupugit; sed ea qua est sollertia, confestim ad manum habuit

rationem, qua non iam vt vectores nos, sed vt partiarios, exclusis

inhumanis Hæreticis, in nauem induceret. Quattuor igitur millium

Librarum stipem de principibus viris ac feminis ex Aula, paucis diebus,

corrogat, quantum erat opus ad nauem instruendam; eaque collate summa,

Caluinianos illos duos nautica societate deiicit, simulque idoneam

fortem constituit, vnde Canadicæ negotiationis præfecti perpetuam

quotannis pensionem nostræ Missioni penderent. Sublatis itaque, illius

feminæ industria, quæ nos morabantur impedimentis, ternis serè mensibus

adornandæ naui consumtis, huius tandem sæculi anno vndecimo, ante diem

sextum calendas Februarias, è littore Dieppensi, Deo duce, soluimus,

totóque quadrimestri nauigantes Campsæum in portum, Australis littoris

Nouæ Franciæ appulsi sumus; inde centum viginti leucarum vel maritima,

vel terrestri via Portum [572] Regium lætantes iniuimus. Quæ sollemnia

sunt Societatis hominibus in eo nautico cursu pietatis, demissionis,

humanitatis erga omne hominum genus, hæc, tantò minùs ab nostris

omissa sunt, quòd ingentis momenti expeditio instituebatur, & præter

Caluinianos nonnullos, iis præfectis vel sociis rei nauticæ vtebamur,

quos, nostræ consuetudinis ratione, omnino oportebat de Societatis

Instituto rectiùs, quàm imbuti accesserant, imbui. Appellentibus nobis

ad illius orbis littora nauigium, factus est obuiam Champlænius, cum

cætera virtute, tum septenni iam illius maris nauigatione clarus,

quem summo nostro stupore spectauimus aduersum glaciatas aquæ moles,

ingentibus terræ collibus magnitudine pares, maximis animis, ac

singulari industria & arte decertantem, interque illa pericula fortiter

enauigantem. De Sancto-Laurentio, amne Canadiensium maximo, scribit

idem Camplænius in nauigationum commentariis, eius summas aquas tribus

totis in imum vlnis conglaciari Ianuario, & insequentibus mensibus

duobus ab ostio sursum versùs, centum leucarum itinere, nec vltrà

procedere rigorem aquæ, cum tamen nulla pars fluminis, directo alueo ab

occasu in ortum manantis, sit Aquilonibus altera propior, aut montibus

ad apricationem tectior. Addit etiam, ineunte Aprili, soluta glaciei

tanta vi, Sancti-Laurenti laxissimum ostium congelatis molibus pæne

obstrui, quas ait in altum mare longiùs prouectas, duodenis diebus,

quotannis ferè liquari.

Potrincourt had asked of Henry IV. the fort at Port Royal, because

it had been granted as a gift to him by sieur de Monts at the very

time of its establishment, which was perhaps the best reason he

could give for advancing and maintaining his pretensions, and had

obtained not merely a claim upon it, but its possession. Following

the grant of this fort, and also the government of a definite

territory in New France, to Potrincourt, the King informed Father

Coton[68] that he wished to employ the services of our Brethren in

bringing the Savages to Christ. He also desired him to write to

the General of the Society, in his own name, in order that Fathers

might be selected for this undertaking, whom the King himself would

take measures to send thither at the first available opportunity,

while an annuity of 2,000 livres was to be allowed the Mission. It

was during the eighth year of this century when the King made this

decision in regard to Canadian affairs; but, in spite of his plans,

by reason of more weighty business which called his attention

elsewhere, [570] and also the hindrance caused by his death, but

especially because of the negligence of those who were managing

the Canadian province for the Crown, the departure of our brethren

was delayed until the third year thereafter. Moreover, either by

some accident, or by the purpose of men, it came to be delayed the

entire space of three years, although our brethren were already

equipped. Such difficulties, also, suddenly arose as plainly showed

that our plans for this voyage were displeasing to the Evil Spirit.

The Queen had paid over 500 golden crowns, according to the decree

of the late King; Mesdames _de Vernueil_, _de Sourdis_, and _de

Guercheville_ had given generous contributions,--one, the sacred

furniture of the altar; another, an abundance of linen vestments;

the third, a very liberal allowance of money for the expenses

of the voyage. Father Pierre Biard and Father Enemund Massé had

been selected for the undertaking, and had prepared themselves

with great courage, eagerly awaiting their departure. The day

for sailing had been agreed upon by them with Biencourt, the son

of Potrincourt, and Thomas Robin, the leaders of the expedition,

for the 24th day of October, 1610; but, when they arrived upon

that day, the ship was undergoing repairs, and that, too, in a

negligent manner, upon the land; so far was it from being provided

with suitable equipment either for navigation or for the Canadian

colony. Two Calvinists had devoted their services and resources to

the repair of the ship, and, because Biencourt and Robin lacked

means to pay for the work, the Calvinist merchants had contracted

for a specified portion of the profits of the voyage. By this

right, as masters in the ship, they thought themselves able to

declare, in the presence of the Jesuits, that there would be no

place for them in the vessel; [571] and they emphatically asserted

that, if it should be otherwise, they would straightway forsake the

prosecution of the work, and all other business in their contract.

From this resolution, not even the authority of the Queen herself,

pronounced with dignity and severity by Sieur _de Cicoigne_, the

royal Governor of the city of Dieppe, could move these servants of

Calvin. The matter was apparently in a desperate condition, because

only this one ship was that year being fitted out for New France,

and the two Calvinists would not permit themselves to be moved

in any respect. This difficulty of ours deeply pained Madame de

Guercheville, a woman of extreme piety and great spirit; but her

ingenuity speedily devised a method by which she might place us

on the ship, not as passengers, but as partners, to the exclusion

of the churlish Heretics. She therefore collected in a few days,

from the leading men and women of the Court, 4,000 livres, as

much as was necessary for fitting out the ship; and by raising

that sum deprived the two Calvinists of a share in the vessel,

establishing at the same time a sufficient capital from which there

might each year be paid to the director of the Canadian undertaking

an allowance for our Mission. When, therefore, by the diligence

of this woman, the obstacles which delayed us had been removed,

although nearly three months had been spent in equipping the ship,

still, in the eleventh year of this century, on the 24th day of

January, we set sail under the leadership of God, from the shore at

Dieppe; and, after a voyage lasting in all four months, arrived at

Campseau harbor, on the Southern coast of New France; at a distance

thence of 120 leagues, either by sea or land, we joyfully entered

Port [572] Royal. The exercises of the members of the Society

in piety, humility, and kindness toward all manner of men, were

especially observed by our brethren during that sea-voyage, because

an expedition of great importance was being undertaken, and also

for the reason that, besides a few Calvinists, we were associated

with officers and seamen to whom it was absolutely necessary that

we should, on account of our frequent intercourse, give more

correct ideas concerning the Institutum[69] of the Society than

they had formerly received. When we brought the ship to the coast

of this region, Champlain[70] met us,--a man renowned not only for

his valor in other respects, but also for his voyages in this sea

for seven years past; whom, to our utter amazement, we have seen

battling against masses of ice, equal in size to great hills upon

land, with the greatest courage, and with remarkable activity and

skill, sailing forth bravely amid all these dangers. Concerning the

St. Lawrence, the greatest river of Canada, this same Champlain

writes, in his commentaries upon his voyages, that its surface

is frozen to the depth of three entire yards, during January and

the two following months, to the distance of a hundred leagues

upward from its mouth; and that the freezing of the water does

not extend farther, although no part of the river, since it flows

directly from west to east, is more Northerly than another, or more

protected by mountains, so as to be warmer. He adds also that in

the beginning of April, by the melting of so great a mass of ice,

the broad mouth of the St. Lawrence is almost blocked with frozen

masses, which, he says, are carried forth a long distance into the

sea, and usually melt within twelve days, each year.

APPVLSVS nostrorum ad Francicum Sinum, [573] Portumque Regium, in

ante diem septimum calendas Quintiles, eumdemque Pentecostes sacrum

felicissimo planè omine incidit. Nihil Potrincourtio accidere poterat

allato commeatu opportunius, si tamen is amplus esset, vt quem rei

angustiæ coegerant, Barbaris partem familiæ alendam diuidere. Vt

ne autem instructiores à commeatu veniremus, fecerat tum nauigij,

sexaginta dumtaxat doliorum, breuitas; tum plus instrumenti piscatorij,

quàm cibariorum in nauem immissum; tum deniq; ab tricenis senis

capitibus, quot vehebamur, grauior in nauticam penum illata solido

quadrimestri labes. Quamobrem Potrincourtio sexaginta hominum

contubernio, tenuissima re domestica, iam eum pæne ipsis initiis

opprimente, maturè prouidendum fuit, ne Portus Regij penuaria cella

in sequentem hiemem exhausta relinqueretur. Cuius procurationis, vt

familiæ patrem decuit, sumto sibi onere, ipse in Galliam traiecturus,

de Porturegiensi multitudine pæne quadragesimus medio Iulio soluit,

exeuntéque Augusto Galliæ littori appulsus est, relicto Biencourtio

filio, cum reliqua cohorte, qui Porturegiensi arci præsideret.

THE arrival of our brethren at French Bay [573] and Port Royal

occurred on the 26th day of June, and also,--certainly a most

auspicious omen,--the sacred feast of Pentecost. Nothing more

opportune could have happened to Potrincourt than the arrival of

supplies, if only these had been abundant, since his privations

had compelled him to place a portion of the colony to be supported

among the Savages. Moreover, the fact that we had not come

well-furnished with provisions was due, not only to the smallness

of the ship, which was of only sixty tons burden, but also to the

placing of more fishing tackle than provisions in the cargo; then,

finally, by thirty-six persons, the number which was on board,

there was a great consumption of the ship's stores during four

entire months. Wherefore, Potrincourt, almost overwhelmed, at the

outset, by the necessity of maintaining sixty men in this scarcity

of provisions, was forced to take early precautions lest the

meagerly furnished storehouse at Port Royal should be left bare for

the coming winter. As behooved the father of the colony, he took

upon himself the burden of managing this business, and resolved

that he himself would cross over to France. With about forty of the

people at Port Royal, leaving his son Biencourt in command of the

fort there, and the rest of the company, he set sail in the middle

of July; and, in the latter part of August, he reached the French

coast.

NOSTRIS interea, quod suarum partium esset, enixè satagentibus,

cordi erat in primis popularis linguæ cognitio, quam Galli leuiter

modò delibatam, si vnum exciperes, tradere præceptis, vsúve docere

non poterant; vt vna dumtaxat reliqua esset ratio eius ab stupidis

indigenis, non institutione, sed assidua consuetudine tandem

exprimendæ. His itaque, muneribus, comitate, atque [574] omni

officij genere conciliandis cùm nostri nihil non tentassent, parum

aut nihil permouerunt. Enimuerò, præterquam quod minimè idoneis ad

disciplinam magistris vtebantur, à quibus nihil expromeres, nisi

affluẽter antè saginato aqualiculo, & quos moræ, vel non diuturnæ,

impatientissimos idemtidem abs te abalienaret, auelleretque studiosa

cuiusque rei percontatio: ipsa quoque linguæ conditio, idoneorum,

ad res etiam vulgatissimas, vocabulorum indigentissimæ, nostrorum

incensa studia destituit, & animos grauiter afflixit. Rerum scilicet,

quæ sub aspectum, tactum, & reliquos sensus cadunt, ex Barbarorum

responsis nomenclatio vtcumque deprehendebatur: sed earum quæ sensuum

vim fugiunt, summa est apud eam gentem appellationum penuria, & alta

quoque rerum ignoratio. Posterioris autem generis desperata disciplina,

cum neque priorem Barbari aut possent, aut vellent tradere; vna

reliqua spes erat in adolescente Gallo, vernaculæ linguæ bene perito,

eximia humanitate, & comitate, quem etiam Pater Biardus non vulgari

beneficio sibi demeruerat. Is erat Pontgrauæus, Pongrauæi filius,

egregij viri superioribus annis cum Champlænio vices Domini de Monts

in Francia Noua gerentis; quem adolescentem, decem & octo leucis

Regio portu non longiùs, hiemare parantem, ad amnem Sancti Ioannis,

summa ipsius voluntate, nullius incommodo, nostri eius institutione

Canadicum idioma erudiẽdi adire cuperent. Verumtamen Biencourtius

eius profectionis consultus, ac rogatus etiam à nostris, vt, eius

bona venia, [575] proficere per Pontgrauæum in peregrino idiomate

sibi liceret, cuius ignoratione, suæ nauigationis in Nouam Franciam

fructu penitus exciderent: quòd ea communicatio cum Pontgrauæo

nouarum rerum supicionem moueret Biencourtio, nihil impetrarunt.

Tantisper ergo nostris has difficultates æquo animo tolerantibus, dum

qua se aperiret via suo instituto conuenientior, Deus materiam non

procul quæsitam subiecit, de grauiter ægroto. Henrico Membertouio,

Sagamo, bene merendi; & corporis, & animi eius diligenter curanda

salute. SAGAMO apud eam gentem cuiusque populi præses appellatur:

Sagamon verò agebat inter Souriquios, in Acadia, Membertouius, ad

Aquilonare latus Porturegiensis castelli, ad Sancti Ioannis flumen.

Cùm tamen dysenteria cœpit tentari, degebat in _Baïa Mariana_, vt

vocant, hoc est, in Mariano Sinu, Portum Regium inter, Meridianumque

littus, vnde asportari se iusserat in arcem, vt medicorum nostrorum

curatione vteretur. Angusta sua cellula eum nostri exceperunt,

diebusque non paucis, absente ipsius coniuge, ac filia, diu noctuque,

in grauissimo sordidi morbi fœtore, pro assiduissimis, & maximè

sollicitis ministris ei libentissimè operam suam nauauere. Is vbi

Confessione fuerat expiatus, Sacróque inunctus oleo, de sepultura sua

egit cum Biencourtio, seque humari velle ait in maiorum suo sepulcro.

Biencourtius, qui tanti rem esse non putaret, facilè assentiebatur;

auditisque Patris Biardi contra suam sententiam rationibus, occurri

posse incommodis censebat, si [576] sepulcrum illud ritu Christiano

lustraretur; quæ Biencourtij opinio Membertouium tantò constantiorem

in suo decreto cùm faceret, Pater Biardus neque id se illis assensurum

confirmauit, & cur non assentiretur ostendit. Non dubium erat, quin

si Sagamus in consilio perstaret, eiusque adstipulator fieri pergeret

Biencourtius, offensionis atque turbarum inde quidpiam oriretur: sed

huic malo Diuina occurrit prouidentia; postridie siquidem Membertouius

sua sponte postulauit commune Christianorum cœmeterium, qua & in

sententia mortem obiit; vti scilicet hoc suo facto fidem suam omnibus

Christianis ac Barbaris testatam relinqueret, suffragiorumque Ecclesiæ

fieret particeps. Magnus omnino vir fuit hic Sagamus, non suorum magis,

quàm nostrorum iudicio, cuius eximiam indolem supra vulgare Canadiorum

ingenium longè ideo extulisse visus est Deus optimus, vt hunc sibi

iustas eius gentis primitias legeret. Ex octogenis ferè Nouo-Francis,

quos ab ineunte Iunio anni sexcentesimi decimi, nulla planè imbutos

catechesi, temere Baptismo impertierat Iossæus nescio quis, sui muneris

parum intelligens sacerdos, vnus dumtaxat Membertouius, pro eo quantum

suos omnes populares sagacitate & prudentia longo interuallo anteibat,

sollerter dispexerat, quanti esset, Christianum non censeri quidem, sed

reipsa idoneis eo nomine præditum moribus viuere. Et certè reliquis

omnibus de illo octogenario belluinum à Baptismo viuendi morem perpetuò

retinentibus, hic solus vt Christiano dignum erat, in [577] multa

etiam ignorantia, priusquam eò nostri aduenissent, vitam cum laude

traduxit. Primus omnium de Nouo-Francis salutaribus aspersus aquis,

earum vim potentissimam ita scilicet visus est combibisse, vt ei nihil

longius esset quã vt eos nãcisceretur magistros, quorum disciplina

Christianis institutis eò vsque instrueretur, dum idoneus fieret,

qui suos inter populares Apostolicum ageret doctorem. Ardentis huius

desiderij locupletes testes nostri, has voces eius ex ore sæpenumerò

exceperunt: Per Deum immortalem, date operam Patres, nostrum vt idioma

breui perdiscatis, vti vobis doctoribus vsus, sicuti vos estis, ego

quoque concionator, & docendi magister euadã, nostráque coniuncta

opera Nouo-Francorũ gens vniuersa ad Christum traducatur. Hunc virum,

vix quindecim mensibus, ex quo in Christianorum numerum venerat,

superstitem, paucis diebus nostra institutione informatum, multæ tamen

verè Christiani ac pij animi virtutes illustrem fecerant; quam scilicet

tam vberem frugem singulares probæ indolis dotes in eo nuper, patriis

etiam moribus viuente, præsagierant. Omnium prouincialium testimonio,

quotquot multis antè sæculis floruerant, Sagamos hic vnus animi robore,

muneris militaris scientia, clientelarum multitudine, frequentiáque,

potentia, & gloriosi nominis claritudine inter suos, atque ipsos hostes

facilè superauit. Quem celebritatis splendorem perpetuum non potuit,

etiam inter Barbaros, nulla vllius rei doctrina imbutos, consequi,

nisi ex certa fama, adeóque etiam notitia eximiæ in eo vigentis [578]

æquitatis, atque temperantiæ. De temperantia quidem eius, vt prætereà

nihil afferri possit, luculentum sanè fuit, sibi magnoperè moderantis

hominis, documentum, perpetua in Membertouio monogamia, quo in genere

solitarium verè phœnicem Nouo-Francia eum adhuc agnouit. Quod enim

reliqui omnes indigenæ, sed Sagami præsertim, ex vxorum multitudine

stirpis numerosam seriem expetunt summoperè, atque sperant, suæ

vtique potentiæ singulare columen ac firmamentum; id vti more gentis

vsurparet, adduci numquam potuit Membertouius, quòd altiore quadam,

supra vulgus Sagamorum, sapientia perspiceret, grauiora inter discordes

vxores, & earum liberos simultatum, sub eodem tecto, detrimenta

existere, quàm emolumenta opum, & neutiquam consentientis potentiæ.

Sollemne est illi genti, ex superstitioso ritu, quod genus omnes

habent præcipuum, demortuorum neminem suo vnquam nomine appellare,

sed aduentitium cuiuis, ex re nata, indere, quo cum perpetuo inter

commemorandum denotent: quo ex more Henricum Membertouium ab virtutibus

bellicis nuper clarissimum, congruenti eius laudibus nomenclatione,

Magnum Imperatorem, suo idiomate, nuncuparunt.

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